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The author shows modern conservative concepts of politics as a variant of normative political theory. Conservatism shows up as a reaction to enlightened rationalism. In contrast to rationalistic revolutionary constructivism, conservatism pleads for a return to a religious basis for man's spiritual & political life. Conservatism creates policies based on tradition & the family, which sustains feelings of obligation toward the community. The state is not just an instrument for special interests, but an expression of substantial cooperation in the nation & its society. Thus, conservatism leads to a demand for reforms of existing liberal institutions. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is the domination of two undemocratic ideological orientations: liberalism & republicanism. The author sees republicanism & liberalism as the ideas proximate to the political or the democratic. These ideas operate semantically but cannot be identified with the political or the democratic. This is not possible as they are not commensurable structures. By providing a theoretical account of various historical traditions the author shows that European republicanism ignored democracy & considered it to be the worst form of government. This is partly true of the liberal political doctrine that evolved later. The author argues it is possible to convert republicanism to democratic pluralism i.e. that this is the biggest common good today. In this way republicanism may be spared its controversies. References. Adapted from the source document.

Using the example of Vojvodina, the author looks into the connection between the "socialist ideology" & the anti-Western orientation. The survey, conducted in Subotica, focuses on the influence of ethnic origin, education, migratory history, & the participation of a respondent's family in the Partisan resistance movement on the latent configuration of certain political orientations (subdimension of "socialist ideology") & the anti-Western orientation. The author claims there are four relatively independent latent dimensions of "socialist ideology": (1) Yugo-nostalgia, (2) Collectivist/statist orientation, (3) Militarist/statist orientation, & (4) Egalitarianism. The study has shown that, basically, the anti-Western orientation is one of the components of the socialist ideological pattern. The "militarist anti-Western orientation" is demonstrated by the Serbs who moved to Subotica between WWI & the recent war on the territory of the former SFR Yugoslavia. Apart from these Serbs -- & unlike the other ethnic groups -- this "militarist anti-Western orientation" is also noticeable in a fraction of Croats from Backa (Bunjevci) who have stated as their nationality "only" -- Bunjevci (Backa Croats). Besides, the study has shown that lower social classes harbor a kind of "socialist anti-Western orientation." The anti-Western orientation, which the author labels as the "Yugo-nostalgic anti-Western orientation," is held by those respondents whose relatives were involved in the Partisan movement. 15 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author points out that in postcommunist countries, there is a genuine danger of postfascism, which is identical neither to classical fascism nor to neofascism, but shares certain fundamental common traits. Like in classical fascism, expansionism is particularly dangerous in postfascism. The author shows that the project of Greater Serbia is the very roots of the war in the entire territory of former Yugoslavia. Based on the tradition of Croatian antifascism, the author claims that the response to postfascism can only be democratic politics. Globally, it means that democratic countries cannot be morally neutral or passive toward manifestations of postfascism. The historical experience with fascism shows that diplomatic means are insufficient to thwart postfascist projects. Adapted from the source document.

The article begins with a review of difficulties concerning the scientific usage of the term ideology. It also provides an analysis of the results of the existing interpretations of this concept & lists the elements that might represent the foundations for the concept of political ideology appropriate for political science research & analyses. The first section of the article reconstructs the history of this notion, from its original meaning by Destutt de Tracy up to the contemporary Marxist & functionalist concepts. The second section is devoted to the relationship between ideology & power; ideology is a special form of power, whose nature & functions are derived from the fundamental structure & the needs of people & societies. The third part looks into the concept from the point of view of the social/interest roots of ideology & its conceptual structuredness. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Polazeći od nekih ranijih rekonstrukcija nastanka sociologije u kojima se isticala izmiješanostmodernističkih i konzervativnih elemenata, pa čak i dominantnija prisutnost potonjih, u člankuse argumentira u prilog tezi da je sociologija bitno modernistički utemeljena. Pri tome je osobitoistaknuto kako je navodna bliskost rane sociologije s tezom konzervativaca o prvenstvu društvanad pojedincem dovedena u kontekst nastojanja da se novouspostavljena znanost o društvu isvojim predmetom proučavanja omeđi u odnosu na ostale društvene znanosti, a ne kako bi sesuprotstavilo modernističkoj vrijednosti individualizma. Prisutnost nekih elemenata ideologijamoderne – liberalizma, konzervativizma i socijalizma – u većoj ili manjoj mjeri prepoznaje se i udjelima istaknutih protagonista klasičnog razdoblja sociologije, ali je njihova osnovna intencijada izbjegnu spekulaciju i moraliziranje, te da primjenom vlastitih znanstvenih metoda pristupesvom predmetu izučavanja, društvu i društvenim promjenama. Osim znanstvenosti sociologijaje moderna znanost i zbog toga što razvoj društva vidi u okviru temeljnih dimenzija promjenainiciranih političkom i industrijskom revolucijom, dakle, daljnjim napretkom znanosti, industrijei političke demokracije. ; Starting from some earlier reconstructions of the emergence of sociology which emphasized themixture of modernist and conservative elements, and even the domination of the latter, in thisarticle we argue in favour of the idea that sociology is essentially modernist. Particular emphasisis given to how the supposed closeness of early sociology with the thesis of conservatives on theprecedence of society over the individual when brought into the context of the newly establishedscience of society and its subject of research is restricted in relation to other social sciences, andnot to oppose the modernist values of individualism. The presence of some elements of modernideologies – liberalism, conservatism and socialism – can be recognized more or less in the worksof the prominent leading names from the classical age of sociology, but their primary intentionwas to avoid speculation and moralization, and that by applying their own scientific methodsthey approach their subject of study, society and social changes. Sociology is a modernist sciencealso because it sees the development of society within the framework of the basic dimensions ofchanges initiated by the political and industrial revolution, and as such, the further progress ofscience, industry and political democracy.

In defining the main preconditions for successful coexistence in the emerging & constantly changing supranational European Union, the common fundamental values shared by the European population constitute one of the main factors of this integration. The present article strives to assess whether a consensus exists in the European Union with regard to the substance of these values & to examine whether these values are implemented also in the decisions taken every day at EU level. The author attempts to determine the causes of the assumed disparity between the political ideals proclaiming the desired social order & the European reality, & to envisage the consequences to which this situation may lead. The suggested conclusion is that the proclaimed fundamental values of the Union (still) do not find expression in the European reality & that they are (as yet) substituted by other, primarily economic, interests. References. Adapted from the source document.

With increasing use of the Internet, different social and economic groups are appropriating its resources in various ways. As such, politicians have adopted this new media for varying reasons. From an ideological classification of political parties represented in Brazilian Congress, this paper evaluates whether it is a variable that can distinguish federal congressmen's adoption and use of Twitter. A total of 512 profiles of congressmen who use Twitter to post content and connect with citizens and colleagues from Congress were analysed in December 2013. Twitter's programming platform was used to collect data on the use of profiles and connections between them and with other social network profiles. This data was related to the ideological classification of different parties. The results show that it is possible to distinguish Twitter groups of different ideologies represented in Congress because they adopted its use at various times, have different levels of popularity, follow congressional colleagues with varying patterns of interest and have diverging activity indicators in the digital environment. ; Con el creciente uso de internet, las diferentes asignaciones se realizan por diferentes grupos sociales y económicos. Aún así, los políticos han adoptado estos nuevos medios por diferentes razones y en diferentes formas. El objetivo de este trabajo es, a partir de una clasificación ideológica de los partidos políticos representados en el Congreso de Brasil, evaluar si se trata de una variable que distingue a la adopción y el uso de Twitter por el Parlamento federal. 512 perfiles de los miembros del Congreso en diciembre de 2013 utilizaron Twitter para publicar contenido, y para conectar con los ciudadanos y se analizaron sus colegas del Congreso. Se utilizó la plataforma de programación de Twitter para la recogida de datos sobre el uso de perfiles y en las conexiones entre ellos y con otros perfiles de redes sociales. Estos datos fueron relacionados con la clasificación ideológica de los partidos parlamentarios. Los resultados demuestran que es posible distinguir grupos de Twitter de diferentes ideologías representadas en el Congreso, ya que aprobó su uso en diferentes momentos, tener diferentes cuotas de popularidad siguientes pares parlamentarios con diferentes patrones de interés y tienen diferentes indicadores de actividad en el entorno digital. ; Com o crescente uso da internet, diferentes apropriações estão sendo feitas por diferentes grupos sociais e econômicos. Assim, também políticos têm adotado essas novas mídias por diferentes motivações e em diversas formas. O objetivo deste trabalho é, a partir de uma classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos representados no Congresso brasileiro, avaliar se essa é uma variável que distingue a adoção e o uso do Twitter por parte dos parlamentares federais. Foram analisados os 512 perfis dos congressistas que em dezembro de 2013 utilizavam o Twitter para a postagem de con­teúdo e para conexão com cidadãos e colegas de Congresso. Foi utilizada a plataforma de programação do Twitter para a coleta dos dados sobre o uso dos perfis e sobre as conexões entre eles e também com outros perfis da rede social. Esses dados foram relacionados com a classificação ideológica dos partidos dos parlamentares. Os resultados demonstram que é possível distinguir no Twitter os grupos das diferentes ideologias representadas no Congresso, porque adotaram seu uso em períodos distintos, têm diferentes taxas de popularidade, seguem colegas parlamentares com variados padrões de interesse e têm diferentes indicadores de atividade nesse meio digital.

This is the first chapter of Mirjana Gross's book, Izvorno pravastvo -- ideologija, agitacija, pokret (Genuine Party-of-Rights Spirit -- Ideology, Canvassing, Movement), which is to be published this year. Starcevic & Kvaternik's ideology, revolving around the central rallying cry for an independent Croatian state, is a sort of a combination of liberalism (in Starcevic's liberal democracy) & nationalism, ie, linking the influence of certain European thinkers & ideologues, from the antiquity to the mid-19th century, with the Croatian tradition & sociopolitical circumstances. This chapter briefly outlines those European political doctrines that inspired the Party-of-Right ideologues & that, partly adopted & interpreted in line with the Croatian national-integrational ideology, became part of their teaching. Adapted from the source document.

The notions of Left & Right form a fundamental semantic pattern within which voters construct their political perceptions & attitudes. Their universal meaning lies in a simple spatial approach to politics as conflict; functionally, Left & Right are "shortcuts" for political communication. In the empirically oriented political science, the Left-Right scale has become a standard variable in public opinion polls. After the initial pessimistic interpretations, in the last 20 years or so, this scale has increasingly demonstrated its validity & reliability. The sources of the Left-Right identification may be manifold, & not solely ideological. Also, the Left-Right scheme has demonstrated a remarkable potential to -- in time -- encompass new political contents & thus create a need for new cross-national & longitudinal studies. Voters -- not scientists -- are those who define what is Left & what is Right. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.