Suchergebnisse

Polazeći od nekih ranijih rekonstrukcija nastanka sociologije u kojima se isticala izmiješanostmodernističkih i konzervativnih elemenata, pa čak i dominantnija prisutnost potonjih, u člankuse argumentira u prilog tezi da je sociologija bitno modernistički utemeljena. Pri tome je osobitoistaknuto kako je navodna bliskost rane sociologije s tezom konzervativaca o prvenstvu društvanad pojedincem dovedena u kontekst nastojanja da se novouspostavljena znanost o društvu isvojim predmetom proučavanja omeđi u odnosu na ostale društvene znanosti, a ne kako bi sesuprotstavilo modernističkoj vrijednosti individualizma. Prisutnost nekih elemenata ideologijamoderne – liberalizma, konzervativizma i socijalizma – u većoj ili manjoj mjeri prepoznaje se i udjelima istaknutih protagonista klasičnog razdoblja sociologije, ali je njihova osnovna intencijada izbjegnu spekulaciju i moraliziranje, te da primjenom vlastitih znanstvenih metoda pristupesvom predmetu izučavanja, društvu i društvenim promjenama. Osim znanstvenosti sociologijaje moderna znanost i zbog toga što razvoj društva vidi u okviru temeljnih dimenzija promjenainiciranih političkom i industrijskom revolucijom, dakle, daljnjim napretkom znanosti, industrijei političke demokracije. ; Starting from some earlier reconstructions of the emergence of sociology which emphasized themixture of modernist and conservative elements, and even the domination of the latter, in thisarticle we argue in favour of the idea that sociology is essentially modernist. Particular emphasisis given to how the supposed closeness of early sociology with the thesis of conservatives on theprecedence of society over the individual when brought into the context of the newly establishedscience of society and its subject of research is restricted in relation to other social sciences, andnot to oppose the modernist values of individualism. The presence of some elements of modernideologies – liberalism, conservatism and socialism – can be recognized more or less in the worksof the prominent leading names from the classical age of sociology, but their primary intentionwas to avoid speculation and moralization, and that by applying their own scientific methodsthey approach their subject of study, society and social changes. Sociology is a modernist sciencealso because it sees the development of society within the framework of the basic dimensions ofchanges initiated by the political and industrial revolution, and as such, the further progress ofscience, industry and political democracy.

With increasing use of the Internet, different social and economic groups are appropriating its resources in various ways. As such, politicians have adopted this new media for varying reasons. From an ideological classification of political parties represented in Brazilian Congress, this paper evaluates whether it is a variable that can distinguish federal congressmen's adoption and use of Twitter. A total of 512 profiles of congressmen who use Twitter to post content and connect with citizens and colleagues from Congress were analysed in December 2013. Twitter's programming platform was used to collect data on the use of profiles and connections between them and with other social network profiles. This data was related to the ideological classification of different parties. The results show that it is possible to distinguish Twitter groups of different ideologies represented in Congress because they adopted its use at various times, have different levels of popularity, follow congressional colleagues with varying patterns of interest and have diverging activity indicators in the digital environment. ; Con el creciente uso de internet, las diferentes asignaciones se realizan por diferentes grupos sociales y económicos. Aún así, los políticos han adoptado estos nuevos medios por diferentes razones y en diferentes formas. El objetivo de este trabajo es, a partir de una clasificación ideológica de los partidos políticos representados en el Congreso de Brasil, evaluar si se trata de una variable que distingue a la adopción y el uso de Twitter por el Parlamento federal. 512 perfiles de los miembros del Congreso en diciembre de 2013 utilizaron Twitter para publicar contenido, y para conectar con los ciudadanos y se analizaron sus colegas del Congreso. Se utilizó la plataforma de programación de Twitter para la recogida de datos sobre el uso de perfiles y en las conexiones entre ellos y con otros perfiles de redes sociales. Estos datos fueron relacionados con la clasificación ideológica de los partidos parlamentarios. Los resultados demuestran que es posible distinguir grupos de Twitter de diferentes ideologías representadas en el Congreso, ya que aprobó su uso en diferentes momentos, tener diferentes cuotas de popularidad siguientes pares parlamentarios con diferentes patrones de interés y tienen diferentes indicadores de actividad en el entorno digital. ; Com o crescente uso da internet, diferentes apropriações estão sendo feitas por diferentes grupos sociais e econômicos. Assim, também políticos têm adotado essas novas mídias por diferentes motivações e em diversas formas. O objetivo deste trabalho é, a partir de uma classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos representados no Congresso brasileiro, avaliar se essa é uma variável que distingue a adoção e o uso do Twitter por parte dos parlamentares federais. Foram analisados os 512 perfis dos congressistas que em dezembro de 2013 utilizavam o Twitter para a postagem de con­teúdo e para conexão com cidadãos e colegas de Congresso. Foi utilizada a plataforma de programação do Twitter para a coleta dos dados sobre o uso dos perfis e sobre as conexões entre eles e também com outros perfis da rede social. Esses dados foram relacionados com a classificação ideológica dos partidos dos parlamentares. Os resultados demonstram que é possível distinguir no Twitter os grupos das diferentes ideologias representadas no Congresso, porque adotaram seu uso em períodos distintos, têm diferentes taxas de popularidade, seguem colegas parlamentares com variados padrões de interesse e têm diferentes indicadores de atividade nesse meio digital.

Brazil is a Republic of political dynasties, as these families are present in all spheres of public power in the periods of Colony, Empire, Republic and in contemporary times. The research sought to investigate the direct relationship between the rise of Brazilian conservatism and the increase of political dynasties in the Chamber of Deputies. For this, it was necessary to trace the biographical trajectory of all 513 congressman and congresswoman and understand the specific logic of the action of those belonging to political dynasties. The purpose was to verify which political spectrum these parliamentarians are in. ; Brasil es una República de dinastías políticas, ya que estas familias están presentes en todas las esferas del poder público en los períodos de Colonia, Imperio, República y en la época contemporánea. La investigación buscó investigar la relación directa entre el auge del conservadurismo brasileño y el surgimiento de dinastías políticas en la Cámara de Diputados. Para ello, fue necesario trazar la trayectoria biográfica de los 513 diputados y comprender la lógica específica de la acción de los diputados pertenecientes a dinastías políticas. El propósito era verificar en qué espectro político se encuentran estos parlamentarios. ; O Brasil é uma República de dinastias políticas, visto que se constata a presença dessas famílias em todas as esferas do poder público dos períodos da Colônia, Império, República e na contemporaneidade. A pesquisa procurou investigar a relação direta entre a ascensão do conservadorismo brasileiro e o aumento das dinastias políticas na Câmara dos Deputados. Para isto, foi necessário traçar a trajetória biográfica de todos os 513 deputados e compreender a lógica específica da ação dos deputados pertencentes a dinastias políticas. O propósito foi verificar em qual espectro político se encontram estes referidos parlamentares.

Glavni je cilj ovoga rada ideološka analiza političkih govora G. W. Busha vezanih za rat u Iraku. Govori su analizirani kao oblik političkoga diskursa da bi se izdvojile leksičke, semantičke, retoričke i gramatičke strukture uporabljene u strategiji polarizacije pri predstavljanju postupaka dviju sukobljenih strana, iračkoga režima i američke vojske. Strategija polarizacije jedno je od osnovnih načela kritičke analize diskursa T. van Dijka, koja se u diskursu očituje u obliku ideološkoga četverokuta. To znači da u obliku diskursa kao što su ovi politički govori, u kojima su zastupljeni interesi dviju sukobljenih država, ideologija, nacija itd. možemo očekivati da će dobri postupci strane kojoj pripada govornik (naše strane) – biti naglašeni, a loši ublaženi, dok će dobri postupci druge strane (njihove) biti ublaženi, a loši naglašeni. Kritička analiza diskursa omogućuje osnovne načine prepoznavanja ovakvih struktura u različitim diskursima, a ovdje konkretno istražuje funkciju i utjecaj što ga te strukture imaju na Bushev politički plan, ali i na društvo u cjelini. ; The paper deals with the ideological analysis of G.W. Bush's political speeches delivered during the war in Iraq. The speeches were analyzed as a sort of political discourse with the purpose of recognizing lexical, semantic, rhetorical and grammatical structures used in the strategy of polarization when representing the actions of two confronted parties – Iraqi regime and American military. Polarization strategy is one of the basic principles of the T.van Dijk's Critical discourse analysis, which is expressed through ideological square. This means that in a kind of political discourse, as these speeches are, in which the interests of two confronted states, ideologies, nations etc. are presented, we can expect good actions of in-group to be emphasized and bad ones to be mitigated, whereas the good actions of out-group will be mitigated and bad ones will be emphasized. Critical discourse analysis offers the basic tools for recognizing such structures in different discourses, but in these political speeches it questions the function and influence which these structures have on Bush's political plan and on society as a whole.

O artigo argumenta que há, em Marx, uma diferenciação da função socialdo proletariado e dos outros assalariados fundada na distinta inserçãonaestrutura produtiva de cada classe social. Argumenta, ainda, que estadistinção está claramente posta em O Capital e que, com freqüência, orecurso aos manuscritos como os Grundrisse ou o Capítulo VI – Inéditotêm servido para desautorizar o texto publicado por Marx e que, política eteoricamente, têm servido para revogar a centralidade do proletariadopara superação do sistema do capital. ; The article argues thatthere is, in Marx, a differentiation of the social function of theproletariat from otherwage-labourers based on the distinctive insertion of each socialclass in the productivestructure. It argues also that this distinction is evident inCapital and, that often,references to manuscripts such as Grundrisse or Capital VI —unpublished, have beenused to discredit Marx's text and to, politically andtheoretically, refute thecentrality of the proletariat in the transcendence of thecapitalist system.

U ovom radu prikazuje se razvoj političkih stranaka i opis političke atmosfere u Grubišnom Polju između dva svjetska rata. Raspadom Austro-Ugarske i stvaranjem jugoslavenske države 1918. godine neke stare političke stranke nastavile su svoje djelovanje u novim prilikama, ali su nastajale i nove političke stranke. U Grubišnom Polju kao izrazito multietničkom gradiću u kojem su većinu stanovništva činili Hrvati i Srbi te u manjem broju Mađari i Česi, artikuliranje njihovih političkih interesa i opredjeljenja bilo je vrlo slojevito. Kod hrvatskog stanovništva vrlo brzo uzima primat Hrvatska (pučka) seljačka stranka braće Radića, sa svojom seljačkom i republikanskom političkom sastavnicom i ideologijom, koju je zadržala do sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije, dok je srpsko stanovništvo bilo podijeljeno u svom političkom odabiru. U početku je njihovo opredjeljenje bilo na strani Pribićevićeve Demokratske stranke (kasnije Samostalne demokratske stranke) da bi se usložnjavanjem političke situacije u državi (posebno zbog nerješavanja hrvatskog pitanja, ali i nagomilanih socijalnih i društvenih problema) njihove političke preferencije okrenule prema režimskim strankama s unitarističkim programom – Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) te Stojadinovićeva Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ). Svaka od ovih političkih organizacija stvarala je svoje društvene, socijalne i sportske organizacije u kojima je njihova ideologija bila važnija od rada tih organizacija. Dvije nacionalne zajednice – hrvatska i srpska – bile su dobro integrirane u tamošnju društvenu zajednicu i bez većih antagonizama i sukoba se odvijalo politički život. Ipak na marginama političkog života možemo pratiti začetke ekstremnih ideologija poput ustaškog pokreta, ustrojavanje četničkog udruženja i polako uzdizanje komunističkog pokreta i njegove ideologije. Ove do tada marginalne skupine u političkom smislu preuzet će političku pozornicu izbijanjem Drugog svjetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. U istraživanju se koristila izvorna arhivska građa iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru, sekundarna literatura te nacionalni i regionalni tisak. ; This paper presents the development of political parties and describes the political atmosphere in Grubišno Polje between the two world wars. By the downfall of Austro-Hungary and the formation of the new Yugoslav state in 1918, some of the existing political parties continued to operate in the newly established circumstances. However, new political parties were formed too. In Grubišno Polje, a pronouncedly multi-ethnic town, in which the majority were the Croats and the Serbs, and the minority the Hungarians and the Czechs, articulating one's political interests and orientations was extremely complex. Among Croatian population, Croatian People's Peasant Party established by the Radić brothers very soon became the principal party thanks to its peasant-oriented and republican political component and ideology, which it held on until the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Serbian population was however not as united in its political choice. At first, the Serbs were on the side of Pribićević's Democratic Party (later Independent Democratic Party). However, as the political situation in the country grew more complex (in particular due to not solving Croatian issue, but also due to growing material and social problems), their political preferences were directed towards regime parties with unitarianist programme – Yugoslav National Party and Stojadinović's Yugoslav Radical Union. Each of these political organizations formed its social and sports organizations, in which the ideology played an important role, being an immanent part thereof. The two national communities – Croatian and Serbian – were well integrated in the social community, and political life proceeded with no major antagonism or conflicts. Nevertheless, the beginnings of extremist ideologies may be followed on the margins of political life – for instance the Ustasha movement, the establishment of the Chetnik association, as well as gradual rising of the communist movement and its ideology. These groups, until that time marginal, had taken over the political scene when World War Two burst out in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this research, original archival materials from Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and State Archives in Bjelovar, secondary literature, as well as national and regional press were used.

A transparência dos governos para com seus cidadãos é vista como um fator necessário à accountability democrática e, consequentemente, à consolidação da democracia. Mesmo que sua importância seja frequentemente destacada, suas causas ainda permanecem desconhecidas, sobretudo no contexto brasileiro. Seguindo a tendência das pesquisas empíricas internacionais, este estudo exploratório investiga as relações entre três conjuntos de variáveis (variáveis fiscais presente e passadas, variáveis socioeconômicas e variáveis políticas) e transparência fiscal no contexto subnacional brasileiro. Para identificar as relações entre as variáveis fiscais, socioeconômicas e políticas com a transparência fiscal, utilizou-se a técnica de regressão linear múltipla. Antes de se realizar a regressão pelo método dos mínimos quadrados ordinários, utilizou-se a análise fatorial, visando agrupar as variáveis socioeconômicas e fiscais em fatores objetivando reduzir a quantidade destas, bem como eliminar os problemas de multicolinearidade entre elas. As variáveis políticas, por serem de natureza qualitativa, foram mantidas em sua forma original. A análise fatorial agrupou as variáveis em dois grupos: fatores fiscais e fatores socioeconômicos. Como a regressão múltipla permite apenas avaliar a relação entre os partidos constantes da amostra e o partido de referência, utilizou-se um teste F para avaliar as diferenças no nível de transparência entre os partidos políticos. Os resultados indicam que as variáveis fiscais e socioeconômicas explicam o nível de transparência dos Estados brasileiros. No entanto, as variáveis políticas não se mostraram significativas, indicando que a divulgação de informações fiscais no Brasil parece não ser influenciada por ideologias políticas. Além disso, fica evidente que a falta de um modelo normativo de transparência no processo orçamentário leva os Estados a divulgarem, em grande parte, informações sobre a execução orçamentária. Por fim, os achados indicam que a transparência fiscal, enquanto instrumento para a consolidação democrática, ainda é incipiente no Brasil. ; The transparency of governments to their citizens is seen as a necessary factor in democratic accountability and, consequently, in the consolidation of democracy. Although the importance of transparency in government is often highlighted, its causes are still unknown, especially in the Brazilian context. Following the trend of international empirical research, this exploratory study investigates the relationships between three sets of variables (current and past fiscal variables, socioeconomic variables and political variables) and fiscal transparency in the Brazilian subnational context. To identify the relationship between fiscal, socioeconomic and political variables and fiscal transparency, the multiple linear regression technique was used. Prior to conducting the regression using the method of ordinary least squares, factor analysis was used, aiming to group the fiscal and socioeconomic variables into factors not only to reduce their quantity but also to eliminate their multicollinearity problems. Political variables, due to their qualitative nature, remained in their original form. The factor analysis sorted the variables into two groups: fiscal and socioeconomic factors. Because multiple regression allows only for the evaluation of the relationship between the parties included in the sample and the reference party, an F test was used to assess differences in the level of transparency among political parties. The results indicated that fiscal and socioeconomic variables explain the transparency levels of the Brazilian States. However, the political variables were not significant, indicating that the disclosure of fiscal information in Brazil seems not to be influenced by political ideologies. Furthermore, it is evident that the lack of a regulatory model of transparency in the budget process leads States to disclose a great deal of information about budget execution. Finally, the findings indicate that as an instrument for democratic consolidation, fiscal transparency remains incipient in Brazil.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

Predmet teksta estetički su aspekti desnih totalitarnih ideologija, preciznije funkcija koju u njihovu nastanku i održavanju ima kič kao pseudoumjetnost. Budući da je sklonost k njemu, kako su teoretičari odavno utvrdili, obilježje jedne kompleksne strukture ljudskog doživljavanja i stajališta prema svijetu, autorica istražuje i načine na koji se ona eksploatirala, odnosno kako se njome manipuliralo i u drugim, strogo uzevši neestetskim sferama života u Njemačkoj i Italiji tridesetih godina proteklog vijeka. Politička simbolika, jezik politike, ponuđeni obrasci političke identifikacije i mobilizacije k projektiranom političkom cilju u centralnom dijelu rada predmet su njezine analize koju provodi iz tog istraživačkog rakursa. Savezništvo između kiča i totalitarnih političkih režima nije slučajno, nego, naprotiv, zasnovano na zajedničkim i čvrstim antropološkim osnovama. ; This text deals with aesthetic aspects of right totalitarian ideologies, or more precisely, the function that kitsch as pseudoart has in their origin and maintenance. As affinity towards kitsch, which was established by art theoreticians a long time ago, is a characteristic of a complex structure of human experience and view of the world, the author also explores the ways in which it was exploited or manipulated in other, strictly speaking non-aesthetic spheres of life in Germany and Italy of the 1930s. Political symbolism, language of politics, offered forms of political identification and mobilization towards the projected political goal are the subject of her analysis in the central part of the text, which analysis is derived from that angle of research. The author concludes that the alliance between kitsch and totalitarian political regimes is not accidental, but that it is, on the contrary, founded on common and firm anthropological bases.

This article aims to analyze the speeches of parliamentarians who proposed the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" in the municipalities of Santa Rita, Patos and Campina Grande in the state of Paraíba. These laws were proposed and approved based on the Christian ideological foundation, with the purpose of prohibiting the debate of gender in public and private schools of the referred municipalities. Methodologically, we used the proposal of discourse analysis from Michel Foucault (2014) which aims to perceive discursive production as an exercise in reading, interpreting and producing another / new discourse. For this, we look at the interviews made with the three parliamentarians in order to understand their interests and "ideologies" defended. Ideology, gender and education are fundamental categories for the theoretical dialogue in this text. Therefore, it is concluded that the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" functioned as a prohibitive and punitive device, but that it also generated resistance. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los discursos de los parlamentarios que propusieron la denominada "Ley de Ideología de Género" en los municipios de Santa Rita, Patos y Campina Grande del estado de Paraíba. Estas leyes fueron propuestas y aprobadas con base en el fundamento ideológico cristiano, con el propósito de prohibir el debate de género en las escuelas públicas y privadas de los municipios referidos. Metodológicamente, utilizamos la propuesta de análisis del discurso de Michel Foucault (2014) que tiene como objetivo percibir la producción discursiva como un ejercicio de lectura, interpretación y producción de otro / nuevo discurso. Para ello, nos fijamos en las entrevistas realizadas a los tres parlamentarios con el fin de entender sus intereses e "ideologías" defendidas. Ideología, género y educación son categorías fundamentales para el diálogo teórico en este texto. Por tanto, se concluye que la llamada "Ley de la Ideología de Género" funcionó como un dispositivo prohibitivo y punitivo, pero que también generó resistencias. ; This article aims to analyze the speeches of parliamentarians who proposed the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" in the municipalities of Santa Rita, Patos and Campina Grande in the state of Paraíba. These laws were proposed and approved based on the Christian ideological foundation, with the purpose of prohibiting the debate of gender in public and private schools of the referred municipalities. Methodologically, we used the proposal of discourse analysis from Michel Foucault (2014) which aims to perceive discursive production as an exercise in reading, interpreting and producing another / new discourse. For this, we look at the interviews made with the three parliamentarians in order to understand their interests and "ideologies" defended. Ideology, gender and education are fundamental categories for the theoretical dialogue in this text. Therefore, it is concluded that the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" functioned as a prohibitive and punitive device, but that it also generated resistance. ; Esse artigo tem por objetivo analisar os discursos dos parlamentares que propuseram a chamada "Lei da Ideologia de Gênero" nos municípios de Santa Rita, Patos e Campina Grande no estado da Paraíba. Essas leis foram propostas e aprovadas a partir do embasamento ideológico cristão, com a finalidade de proibir o debate de gênero nas escolas públicas e privadas dos referidos municípios. Metodologicamente, utilizamos a proposta da análise do discurso a partir de Michel Foucault (2014) que visa perceber a produção discursiva como um exercício de leitura, interpretação e produção de um outro/novo discurso. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre as entrevistas feitas com os três parlamentares no sentido de perceber seus interesses e "ideologias" defendidas. Ideologia, gênero e educação são categorias fundamentais para o diálogo teórico nesse texto. Portanto, conclui-se que a chamada "Lei da Ideologia de Gênero" funcionou como um dispositivo proibitivo e punitivo, mas que também gerou resistências.

Sukob niskog intenziteta je koncept čiji začetci datiraju u osamdesete godine prošlog stoljeća, a definira se kao političko-vojna konfrontacija između suprotstavljenih država ili skupina koja je slabijeg intenziteta od konvencionalnog rata i jačeg od mirne i rutinske konkurencije država. Često uključuje dugotrajne borbe konkurentskih načela i ideologija, a kreće se od subverzije do uporabe oružane sile. Vođen je kombinacijom sredstava, primjenom političkih, ekonomskih, informacijskih i vojnih instrumenata. Sukobi niskog intenziteta često su lokalnog karaktera, uglavnom u zemljama u razvoju, ali sadrže regionalne i globalne sigurnosne implikacije. Najznačajniji sadržaj ; Low-intensity conflict is a concept whose beginnings date back to the 1980s and it is defined as a political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below the intensity of conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low-intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of the armed forces. It is waged by a combination of means, employing political, economic, informational and military instruments. Low-intensity conflicts are often localized, generally in developing countries, but contain regional and global security implications. The most significant content of the low-intensity con flict in the country being acted upon is insurgency, whether it is being helped or crushed. Insurgency is an organized, armed political struggle aimed at seizing power through revolutionary takeover and replacement of the existing government. This paper provides an overview of previous research on the topic of low-intensity conflict and presents its key components.

O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento por meio do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século XVIII para combater o Estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao Estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as metaideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo "científico" e matemático. ; State and market are complementary institutions. The state is the major institution coordinating modern societies; it is the constitutional system and the organizations guaranteeing it; it is the main instrument through which democratic societies have been changing capitalism so as to achieve their own agreed political objectives. Markets are institutions based on competition which the state regulates so that they contribute to the coordination of the economy. While liberalism emerged in the 18th century to fight an autocratic state, since the 1980s neoliberalism (a major distortion of economic liberalism) became dominant and mounted a political assault to the state in the name of the market, but eventually also attacked the market. Neoclassical macroeconomics and public choice theory were the meta-ideologies that gave to this assault a "scientific" and mathematical allure.

Carl Schmitt je jedan od najposvećenijih protivnika liberalnog univerzalizma sa svojim pojmom pluralističke, racionalne i uključive konsenzualne politike kao progresivnog demokratskog projekta i svojeg razumijevanja političke arene kao pročišćene, od sukoba slobodne, i na taj način progresivne kretnje demokratske logike. U ovom radu nastojat ću pokazati Schmittove pesimističke i negativne stavove, zasnovane na ontološkim i teološkim temeljima, o deliberativnom modelu politike koja tvrdi da partikularna volja može doći do koncepta zajedničkog javnog interesa ili zajedničkog dobra kroz raspravu i dijalog. Nadalje, pokušat ću pokazati da unutar Schmittovog projekta koncept diktature suverena postoji kao nužni kontrapunkt pojmu politič- kog. Schmitt odbija razumijevati politički život kao medij dijalog koji vodi razumskom konsenzusu. U ovom kontekstu, suveren iz Schmittove teorije mora se razumijevati upravo kao sila napravljena da proizvodi homogenost kroz hegemoniju. Hegemonija, u Gramscijevom smislu, nije gola opresivna sila. Namjesto toga, odnosi se na vladajuću silu sposobnu upisati vlastitu ideologiju i pogled na svijet u javnost kroz uvjeravanje. U tom okviru, ljevičarski mislitelji poput Mouffea, koji preporuča da moramo misliti »sa Schmittom protiv Schmitta« kako bismo razvili novo demokratsko političko razumijevanje, svraćaju pozornost na Schmittovu tezu da je svaki politički identitet u funkciju »mi–oni« antinomije, ali im promiče činjenica da je nemoguće deducirati koncept zbiljski demokratske javne sfere iz Schmittove teorije. Kao što će biti naglašenu u radu, demokracija u Schmittovom smislu može biti savršena forma suverenosti, takva kakva usuprot liberalnoj demokraciji rezultira homogenizacijom i isključenjem heterogenosti, te na taj način mora biti začeta kao fundamentalno hegemonijski sistem. Schmittov ideal demokracije zahtijeva da politički identiteti, javno mišljenje, javna sfera i formiranje volje vudu rezultati suverenove volje i bez prostora za raspravu. ; Carl Schmitt is one of the most dedicated opponents of liberal universalism, with its notion of pluralist, rational and non-exclusivist consensus politics as a progressive democratic project and its understanding of the political arena – "purified", being free from struggles and conflict – as the progressive move of democratic logic. In this paper I will first try to show Schmitt's pessimistic and negative stance based on ontological and theological grounds on the deliberative model of politics with its claim about the possibility of making particular wills reach the conception of common public interest or the common good through discussion and dialogue. Secondly, I'll try to show that, within Schmitt's project, the concept of the sovereign dictatorship exists as the necessary counterpoint to the concept of the political. Schmitt refuses to understand political life as a medium of dialogue leading to a rational consensus. In this context, the sovereign in Schmitt's theory should be precisely understood as a force constructed to reproduce homogeneity in a hegemonic manner. Hegemonia, in a Gramscian sense, is not a bare oppressive force. Rather, it refers to a ruling force which is able to inject its own ideology and world view into the public through persuasion. In this framework, leftist thinkers like mouffe, who recommended that we should think "with Schmitt against Schmitt" in order to develop a new democratic political understanding, draw attention to Schmitt's thesis that every political identity functions as "we-they" antinomy, yet they miss the fact that it is impossible to deduce a conception of a truly democratic public sphere from Schmitt's theory. As it will be emphasized in this paper, democracy in the Schmittian sense can be the perfect form of sovereignty, one which in contrast to liberal democracy results in homogenization and the exclusion of the heterogeneous and thus must be conceived as a fundamentally hegemonic system. The Schmittian ideal of democracy requires that political identities, public opinion, public sphere and will formation are the products of a sovereign will and not of open and free discussion. ; Carl Schmitt est l'un des opposants les plus puissants de l'universalisme libérale de par sa notion de consensus politique pluraliste, rationnel et non exclusiviste en tant que projet démocratique progressiste, mais aussi de par sa compréhension de l'arène politique - « purifiée », libre de toutes luttes et de tout conflit – en tant que mouvement progressiste de la logique dé- mocratique. Dans cet article, je vais en premier lieu tenter de montrer l'opinion pessimiste et négative de Schmitt – basée sur des fondements ontologiques et théologiques – concernant le modèle délibératif de la politique et sa prétention à penser que la formation de volontés particulières pourrait toucher l'intérêt public commun ou le bien commun à travers la discussion et le dialogue. En second lieu, je vais tenter de montrer qu'à l'intérieur du projet de Schmitt le concept de dictature souveraine existe comme contrepartie nécessaire au concept du politique. Schmitt refuse de penser la vie politique comme instrument de dialogue menant au consensus rationnel. Ainsi, le souverain dans la théorie de Schmitt doit précisément être compris comme une force construite pour reproduire une telle homogénéité de manière hégémonique. Hegemonia, au sens gramscien, n'est pas une simple force oppressive ; il s'agit plutôt d'un terme qui se réfère à une force dirigeante capable d'injecter sa propre idéologie et vision du monde dans le domaine public à travers la persuasion. Dans ce contexte, certains penseurs de gauche telle que mouffe qui nous recommande de penser « avec, et contre, Schmitt » dans le but de développer une nouvelle compréhension de la politique démocratique, attirent notre attention sur la thèse de Schmitt où chaque identité politique fonctionne par l'antinomie « nous/eux ». Toutefois, ces penseurs passent à côté du fait qu'il est impossible de déduire une conception de réelle sphère publique démocratique sur la base de la théorie de Schmitt. Comme cet article le souligne bien, la démocratie au sens schmittien peut être la forme parfaite de souveraineté, une forme qui – en contraste avec la démocratie libérale – aboutit à une homogénéisation en excluant l'hétérogé- néité, et ainsi doit être conçue comme un système fondamentalement hégémonique. Selon l'idéal schmittien de démocratie, les identités politiques, l'opinion publique, la sphère publique et la formation de volontés doivent être les produits, non pas d'une discussion ouverte et libre, mais d'une volonté souveraine. ; Carl Schmitt ist einer der mächtigsten Gegner des liberalen Universalismus mit dessen Vorstellung von pluralistischer, rationaler und nicht exklusivistischer Konsenspolitik als einem progressiven demokratischen Projekt und dessen Verständnis der politischen Arena – "gereinigt", frei von Kämpfen und Konflikten – als eines progressiven Schritts der demokratischen Logik. In diesem Beitrag werde ich zunächst versuchen, Schmitts pessimistische, negative und auf ontologischer und theologischer Grundlage ruhende Haltung zum Beratungsmodell der Politik darzulegen, mit dessen Behauptung über die möglichkeit, partikulare Willen zu veranlassen, durch Diskussion und Dialog die Konzeption des gemeinschaftlichen öffentlichen Interesses oder Gemeinwohls zu erreichen. Zweitens werde ich versuchen zu zeigen, dass im Rahmen des schmittschen Projekts der Begriff der souveränen Diktatur als notwendiger Kontrapunkt zum Begriff des Politischen existiert. Schmitt weigert sich, das politische Leben als ein medium des Dialogs zu begreifen, das zu einem rationalen Konsens führt. In diesem Zusammenhang soll das Souveräne in der schmittschen Theorie eben als eine Gewalt aufgefasst werden, die konstruiert ist, um eine solche Homogenität in einer hegemonialen Art zu reproduzieren. Die hegemonia im gramscischen Sinne ist nicht eine bloß repressive Kraft; vielmehr bezieht sie sich auf eine herrschende Kraft, die imstande ist, durch Überzeugungsvermögen ihre eigene Ideologie und Weltanschauung in die Öffentlichkeit zu injizieren. Linksorientierte Denker wie mouffe, die empfohlen haben, wir sollten "mit Schmitt gegen Schmitt" denken, um ein neues demokratisches politisches Verständnis zu entwickeln, lenken in diesem Kontext das Augenmerk auf Schmitts These, jede politische Identität funktioniere durch die "wir – sie"-Antinomie, doch sie übersehen die Tatsache, dass es unmöglich ist, aus der schmittschen Theorie die Vorstellung von einer wahrhaft demokratischen öffentlichen Sphäre abzuleiten. Wie es in dieser Arbeit betont wird, kann die Demokratie im schmittschen Sinne die perfekte Form der Souveränität sein, die – im Gegensatz zur liberalen Demokratie – in der Homogenisierung und Ausgrenzung des Heterogenen resultiert und daher als ein grundlegend hegemoniales System erachtet werden muss. Das schmittsche Ideal der Demokratie erheischt, dass politische Identitäten, öffentliche meinung, öffentliche Sphäre und Willensbildung keine Produkte einer offenen und freien Diskussion, sondern eines souveränen Willens sind.

Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.

Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.