The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.
The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.
The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.
The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.
Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.
Master's thesis analyzes the traditional political ideologies formation of evolution and it's distribution of the Left and the Right of the spectrum. Also discusses the ideological situation in Lithuania and causes of its. Much attention is paid to the distribution of political Left and the Right in Lithuania had determined Lithuanian Reform Movement (TS - LK) and the Lithuanian Communist Party (LLDP later LSDP) which were the main basis of Lithuanian Party System formation. In the thesis there is presented the changes of ideological values of these parties, which took place on statehood recovery times to the present. Also analyzes the formation of Party system in Lithuania.
The traditional political ideologies, values reveals the diversity of values in western societies are described in the theoretical part. Values of pluralism of opinion and led to the emergence of political ideologies and the democratic institutions allowed for movements to the public and policy development in the light of values of ideology. Social movements, public order, was to legitimize the organization, which is known as the Democratic Party politics. Political parties were built upon ideological values, and thus often reflect the name of the party and party ideology. Liberalism, conservatism and socialism, the identity of the names are often absorbed a number of parties in democratic countries. However, the name of assimilation does not always mean that a certain party is represented by the title referred to an ideology. It happens to lots of new parties and new democracies, where the new democratic institutions lack the experience and knowledge. After restoration of independence, Lithuania has taken over the party resulting from the classical Western political ideologies in the name. Lithuania's two largest political parties represent opposing forces. Conservative Party of Lithuania (now Homeland Union) represents the right-minded citizens, and declares the conservatism inherent values (tradition, family manners). The Social Democrats party is a left-wing that declares the traditional socialist ideas (work, equality, small business support). Liberals themselves as parties in Lithuania is quite significant. And it is not entirely clear which party represents the true liberal ideas. The party institute itself supports the link between society and government in the democratic regimes. It also means lots of competition in the fight for power positions. Therefore, parties are important institute in the state management. In theory, this should be the role of parties. This system is representative of the Western democracies. The role of the public are also important because it provides a representation of the role of political parties to address public concerns. This way the party role is legitimized. And the Democratic Party undertakes to represent the will of the people. Thus, parties are important because of their powers. But as ever, the party is as changing as the role of communication with members of the public. Among the parties and the modern society is an emerging gap. Political representation is decreasing, while influencing and public confidence in government institutions. Especially parties. Public is apolitical and that pose additional problems for the consolidation of democracy or stability. Public indifference allows easy establishment of new parties, which are based not on ideological grounds, but the present social, economic and political issues. New party making their way into power by populist. Populism is a growing threat to the stability of democratic regimes. Thus, party positions to the public not to forget the public. The source of their legitimacy. And intense communication, which ensures the stability of the political state.
The traditional political ideologies, values reveals the diversity of values in western societies are described in the theoretical part. Values of pluralism of opinion and led to the emergence of political ideologies and the democratic institutions allowed for movements to the public and policy development in the light of values of ideology. Social movements, public order, was to legitimize the organization, which is known as the Democratic Party politics. Political parties were built upon ideological values, and thus often reflect the name of the party and party ideology. Liberalism, conservatism and socialism, the identity of the names are often absorbed a number of parties in democratic countries. However, the name of assimilation does not always mean that a certain party is represented by the title referred to an ideology. It happens to lots of new parties and new democracies, where the new democratic institutions lack the experience and knowledge. After restoration of independence, Lithuania has taken over the party resulting from the classical Western political ideologies in the name. Lithuania's two largest political parties represent opposing forces. Conservative Party of Lithuania (now Homeland Union) represents the right-minded citizens, and declares the conservatism inherent values (tradition, family manners). The Social Democrats party is a left-wing that declares the traditional socialist ideas (work, equality, small business support). Liberals themselves as parties in Lithuania is quite significant. And it is not entirely clear which party represents the true liberal ideas. The party institute itself supports the link between society and government in the democratic regimes. It also means lots of competition in the fight for power positions. Therefore, parties are important institute in the state management. In theory, this should be the role of parties. This system is representative of the Western democracies. The role of the public are also important because it provides a representation of the role of political parties to address public concerns. This way the party role is legitimized. And the Democratic Party undertakes to represent the will of the people. Thus, parties are important because of their powers. But as ever, the party is as changing as the role of communication with members of the public. Among the parties and the modern society is an emerging gap. Political representation is decreasing, while influencing and public confidence in government institutions. Especially parties. Public is apolitical and that pose additional problems for the consolidation of democracy or stability. Public indifference allows easy establishment of new parties, which are based not on ideological grounds, but the present social, economic and political issues. New party making their way into power by populist. Populism is a growing threat to the stability of democratic regimes. Thus, party positions to the public not to forget the public. The source of their legitimacy. And intense communication, which ensures the stability of the political state.
Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.
Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.
Lithuania is known as a country making huge progress in gender equality issues not contradicting the state family policy. But in the period of 2006-2008, three legal acts on family policy endangering gender equality and women's rights were under consideration at the Parliament. The results of voting on these three legal acts are being analysed. Basing on the results of longitudinal study "Woman in Lithuanian Society" it is shown that attitudes of those Parliamentarians who voted did not reflect view of Lithuanian population towards definition of a family and ban of abortions. Results of analysis allow to presume that there was little struggle between ideologies on high political level due to too small number of Parliamentarians advocating gender equality. The majority of members of Parliament were afraid to express their position in gender-sensitive questions. There are signs of backlash in gender equality but economic crisis reduces deepening of it.
