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Renewed ethnic conflict and national ideological orientations have been in the forefront of public attention since World War II. As a result, minority ethnic groups have raised the assimilation/survival debates to the level of social consciousness. The ideology of assimilation has been a product of Western civilization since the French Revolution. Over time, it has become an integral theoretical assumption of both the liberal and Marxist ideologies. However, after two hundred years the policy of assimilation, whether advocated by liberal or Marxists, has failed to alter the reality of ethnic survival. Today, while some liberal social scientists have incorporated ethnicity into their theoretical framework, frequently, the ethnic factor has been used to the exclusion of a class analysis. On the other hand, while Marx' model of class remains an invaluable and fundamental insight into the nature of capitalist social relationships, it has been found insufficient in explaining the vigor of contemporary ethnic consciousness. Hence, the theoretical reformulation undertaken in this thesis has been an attempt to expand Marx' model of class, so that it can reflect more clearly ethnicity as another aspect of social reality. Our theoretical reformulation has been guided by examining the historical case study of the Jewish radical comnunity of Winnipeg's North End during its formative period, 1905 - 1920. By exploring the parallel structures that these radicals developed in response to their political ideologies during this period, this thesis demonstrated that Jewish radicals expanded their ideological framework. This framework exhibited not only their heightened class consciousness which was related directly to their class position, but it also exhibited their heightened ethnic awareness of a "kinship arising out of a common past". By their very existence, Jewish radicals provided a clear and determined opposition to both the liberal and Marxist assimilationist orientations.

Handwringing about political apathy is as old as democracy itself. As early as 425 BC, the playwright Aristophanes ridiculed his fellow Athenians for gossiping in the market instead of voting. In more recent decades, calls for greater civic engagement as a democratic cure-all have met with widespread agreement. But how realistic--or helpful--is it to expect citizens to devote more attention and energy to politics? In Attention Deficit Democracy, Ben Berger provides a surprising new perspective on the problem of civic engagement, challenging idealists who aspire to revolutionize democracies and their citizens, but also taking issue with cynics who think that citizens cannot, and need not, do better.

"This book examines two patterns of democracy - collegial and personal - through a comprehensive comparison of political institutions. It develops a conceptual, theoretical, and methodological basis for differentiating collegial and personal democracy. Central institutions in democracy are classified according to their levels of personalism and collegialism, including political parties, candidate selection methods and electoral systems, legislature, and cabinets and governments. The book presents preliminary findings concerning the causes for this variance between the two democratic regime types. The book will be of key interest to students and scholars of political parties, democratic institutions, personalism and personalization, and, more broadly, democracy"--

1. Brexit and the Myth of British National Identity (Richard T. Ashcroft & Mark Bevir) -- 2. Political Community and the New Parochialism: Brexit and the Reimagination of British Liberalism and Conservatism (Mark I. Vail) -- 3. Brexit and the Labour Party: Europe, Cosmopolitanism and the Narrowing of Traditions (Matt Beech) -- 4. The Dilemma of Brexit: Hard Choices in the Narrow Context of British Foreign Policy Traditions (Jamie Gaskarth & Nicola Langdon) -- 5. Ironic Inversions and Stable Purposes: Reimagining Political Traditions in Ireland After the EU Referendum 2016 (Cathy Gormley-Heenan & Arthur Aughey) -- 6. The Deep Story of Leave Voters Affective Assemblages: Implications for Political Decentralisation in the UK (Joanie Willett).

Thoroughly researchedâbrings superbly to life figures whom history should not have forgotten - Simon Heffer, Daily TelegraphA highly readable, enjoyable and informative book - Financial TimesThe incredible story of the first Labour government, and the 'wild men' who shook up the British establishment.In 1923, four short years since the end of the First World War, and after the passing of the Act which gave all men the vote, an inconclusive election result and the prospect of a constitutional crisis opened the door for a radically different sort of government: men from working-class backgrounds who had never before occupied the corridors of power at Westminster. Who were these wild men ? Ramsay MacDonald, their leader and Labour s first Prime Minster, was the illegitimate son of a Scottish farm labourer; Arthur Henderson was a Scottish iron moulder; J. H. Thomas, a Welsh railwayman; John Wheatley, an Irish-born miner and publican; and William Adamson, a Fife coal miner. Never before had men from such backgrounds occupied the corridors of power in Westminster.The Wild Men tells the story of that first Labour administration - its unexpected birth, fraught existence, and controversial downfall - through the eyes of those who found themselves in the House of Commons, running the country for the people. Blending biography and history into a compelling narrative, David Torrance reassesses the UK s first Labour government a century after it shook up a British establishment still reeling from the War - and how the establishment eventually fought back.This is an extraordinary period in British political history which echoes down the years to our current politics and laid the foundations for the Britain of today

Three studies tested the relationship between political extremism and cognitive complexity in an adult sample (N = 135), a sample of students (N = 145), and a sample of political party members (N = 47). According to value pluralism theory, advocates of extreme ideologies exhibit low levels of cognitive complexity. Context theory, in contrast, states that extremists think in a more complex and sophisticated way about politics. In accordance with context theory, significant positive correlations between cognitive complexity and extremist ideology were found in all samples. The results of these studies also revealed weak correlations among the cognitive complexity instruments used in previous research. Problems concerning the measurement of cognitive style and cognitive complexity are discussed. (Original abstract)

Pakistan's dysfunctional social structure has prevented the institutionalization of viable economic policy. This chapter looks at the effects of continual conflict, shadow privatization, & the distortion of ideologies to illustrate the obstacles that inhibit economic development. The chapter also examines Pakistan's economy & its position in the international environment. The country's recent economic situation is reviewed, & a scenario is presented in which Pakistan's civil society could prosper. The chapter also looks at international relations, the causes for Pakistan's economic deterioration, & the problems associated with the rise of civil (or "uncivil") society in Pakistan. K. Larsen

Beyond Habermas? From the Bourgeois Public Sphere to Global Publics; Part I -- Public Opinion in the Democratic Polity; Chapter 1 -- Public Sphere and Political Experience; Chapter 2 -- Public Opinion and the Public Sphere; Chapter 3 -- The Tyranny of Majority Opinion in the Public Sphere; Part III -- Knowledge and the Public Sphere; Chapter 4 -- Epistemic Publics: On the Trading Zones of Knowledge; Chapter 5 -- The Public in Public Health; Chapter 6 -- Geeks and Recursive Publics: How the Internet and Free Software Make Things Public; Part III -- Democracy, Philosophy, and Global Publics. Chapter 7 -- Mediating the Public Sphere: Digitization, Pluralism, and Communicative DemocracyChapter 8 -- Critique of Public Reason: Normativity, Legitimation, and Meaning in the Public Sphere; Chapter 9 -- On the Global Multiplicity of Public Spheres: The Democratic Transformation of the Public Sphere?; Bibliography; Contributors; Index.

"Politics and Power offers a lively and up-to-date overview of classic and contemporary debates in an important sub-area of the discipline. As with other titles in the series, it provides both a careful blend of theory, evidence and examples and a stimulating array of exercises and activities for the student to apply and reinforce their understanding. Covering issues and debates ranging from theories of power, the state and nationalism to voting patterns, political ideologies, and the role of direct action in political processes, it is an ideal starting-point for any student wishing to gain a strong basic grounding in political sociology"--Provided by publisher

"What drives politics in dictatorships? Milan W. Svolik argues authoritarian regimes must resolve two fundamental conflicts. Dictators face threats from the masses over which they rule -- the problem of authoritarian control. Secondly from the elites with whom dictators rule -- the problem of authoritarian power-sharing. Using the tools of game theory, Svolik explains why some dictators establish personal autocracy and stay in power for decades; why elsewhere leadership changes are regular and institutionalized, as in contemporary China; why some dictatorships are ruled by soldiers, as Uganda was under Idi Amin; why many authoritarian regimes, such as PRI-era Mexico, maintain regime-sanctioned political parties; and why a country's authoritarian past casts a long shadow over its prospects for democracy, as the unfolding events of the Arab Spring reveal. Svolik complements these and other historical case studies with the statistical analysis on institutions, leaders and ruling coalitions across dictatorships from 1946 to 2008"--

A psychological approach to the study of political ideology -- The end of the end of ideology -- Elective affinities : the intersection of "top-down" and "bottom-up" processes -- Political conservatism as motivated social cognition -- The secret lives of liberals and conservatives : dispositional and situational factors -- Authoritarian aggression, group-based dominance, and the liberal conundrum -- Ideological asymmetries and the essence of political psychology -- The promise and pitfalls of political neuroscience -- Epilogue: The values of a political psychologist.

This paper has two sources: One is my own research in three broad areas: business cycles, economic measurement and social choice. In all of these fields I attempted to apply the basic precepts of the scientific method as it is understood in the natural sciences. I found that my effort at using natural science methods in economics was met with little understanding and often considerable hostility. I found economics to be driven less by common sense and empirical evidence, than by various ideologies that exhibited either a political or a methodological bias, or both. This brings me to the second source: Several books have appeared recently that describe in historical terms the ideological forces that have shaped either the direct areas in which I worked, or a broader background. These books taught me that the ideological forces in the social sciences are even stronger than I imagined on the basis of my own experiences. The scientific method is the antipode to ideology. I feel that the scientific work that I have done on specific, long standing and fundamental problems in economics and political science have given me additional insights into the destructive role of ideology beyond the history of thought orientation of the works I will be discussing.