Suchergebnisse

Michael Leifer beschreibt die Beziehungen zwischen Singapur und Indien als "diplomatisch distanziert". Diese Beobachtung war während des Kalten Krieges korrekt, als unterschiedliche politische Ideologien eine enge Zusammenarbeit dieser beiden Länder erschwerten. Mit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges verbesserten sich bilaterale Beziehungen – vor allem im wirtschaftlichen Bereich – rapide. Aus diesem Grund konzentrieren sich die meisten Publikationen auf die wirtschaftliche Interaktion der beiden Länder und vernachlässigen gleichzeitig weitere wichtige Entwicklungen in der politischen, militärischen, sozialen und kulturellen Sphäre. Um die Beziehungen zwischen Singapur und Indien besser zu verstehen, ist ein vielseitigerer Ansatz notwendig. Der vorliegende Artikel versucht diese Lücke gegenwärtiger Forschung zu schließen und einen umfassenden Überblick der Entwicklungen in den Bereichen high politics und low politics zu geben. Dabei wird argumentiert, dass die Beziehungen zwischen Singapur und Indien nicht mehr länger "diplomatisch distanziert" seien, sondern – im Gegenteil – die enge Beziehung der beiden Länder während der Kolonialzeit widerspiegelt. Demnach repräsentieren sie eine "Rückkehr zur Geschichte". ; Michael Leifer observes Singapore-India relations to be 'diplomatically distant'. This observation was correct during the Cold War when differing political ideologies made it difficult for these two countries to develop close relations. With the end of the Cold War, bilateral relations improved rapidly, especially on the economic front. Consequently, most literature focuses on the economic interaction between them, at the expense of other significant developments on the political, military as well as social and cultural fronts. In order to better understand Singapore-India relations in the present, a well-rounded approach is necessary. Hence, this article addresses this lacuna in the present scholarship by providing a comprehensive overview that takes into account developments in both the areas of high and low politics. In so doing, this article argues that Singapore-India relations are now no longer 'diplomatically distant', but instead mirror the close relations they had during the colonial period, and so represent a 'return to history' instead.

This article analyzes the main elements of the discourse of the Span­ish political party, España 2000, con­ceived as a formation attached to the current "radical populist right". For this, the methodology of content analysis is used and the model of "Ideological To­talism" proposed by Robert Jay Lifton, which describes the elements that char­acterize radical ideologies, is applied. As sources of information the statements of the leaders of the formation during a conflict happened in the city of Valencia (Spain) are used. The research shows the totalitarian particularities of the dis­course of the Spanish formation and its main ideological axes, which like other Europeans, is based on the question of immigration and national identity and with which they generate xenophobic attitudes. ; Este artículo analiza los elementos principales del discurso del partido político español, España 2000, concebida como una formación adscrita a la corriente de «derecha radical populista». Para ello, se emplea la metodología de análisis de contenido y se aplica el modelo de «Totalismo Ideológico» propuesto por Robert Jay Lifton, que describe los elementos que caracterizan a las ideologías radicales. Como fuentes de información se utilizan las declaraciones de los líderes de la formación durante un conflicto sucedido en la ciudad de Valencia (España). La investigación muestra las particularidades totalitarias del discurso de la formación española y sus principales ejes ideológicos, que al igual que otros europeos, se vertebra sobre la cuestión de la inmigración y la identidad nacional y con la que generan actitudes de carácter xenófobo.

This article examines the reported speech of individuals who were accused of voicing criticism of the monarch or of royal government in fourteenth-century England. These words were attributed to individuals outside of the social elite, who were then drawn into political discourses shaped by the ideologies and institutional structures of the royal courts. This process might influence relations between neighbours and local communities, as well as between individuals and the officials who represented the Crown. When we think about how this affects our understanding of late medieval political culture, we need to think about the whole context of the accusation: the role of 'informers', witnesses and local juries. Political news sometimes emanated from royal office holders, messengers, clerks and sheriffs, allowing them to demonstrate just how well-connected they were with those in power. They could also manipulate the process to accuse opponents of spreading false tales and pursue local vendettas through the royal courts. All those who participated in the process had to interact with the language and procedure of the royal judicial system and they constructed their narratives carefully as part of the performance required by the courts. The written records, then, allow us to examine how the words of these individuals were rendered in textual form, and further, to think carefully about how they were represented as subjects of the Crown. ; El artículo examina los discursos documentados de personas que fueron acusadas de criticar al monarca o al gobierno real en la Inglaterra del siglo XIV. Dichas palabras fueron atribuidas a individuos de fuera de la élite social, quienes estaban entonces inmersos en discursos políticos trazados por las ideologías y las estructuras institucionales de las cortes reales. Precisamente este proceso pudo influir en las relaciones entre vecinos y comunidades locales, así como entre los particulares y los oficiales que representaban a la Corona. Cuando tratamos de considerar en cómo ello ...

In The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, Harold Cruse challenged Black intellectuals, and Black economists in particular, to a "studied creation" of new economic forms not limited by the ideologies of capitalism or Marxism. Using the term new institutionalism, Cruse saw this as "a new and dynamic synthesis" of "politics, economics, and culture." He argued that "the initial ideas . . . must emanate from the minds of an advanced type of Negro intelligentsia, or they will not emerge." In this article, the author takes the position that Cruse's insightful critique continues to be valid, but meeting the challenge requires the development of a Methodology of Black political economy more robust than the current choices. The author proposes a methodological framework, "critical institutionalism"; a plan for use of the proposed Methodology; and an assessment of how Black Studies programs might develop scholar-activists proficient at negotiating the territories between ideology, Methodology, theory, and practice.

The purpose of this work is to address the organizational constitution about the I Communist International, to discern –from an attentive reading about the opening manifest, general statutes, declarations, letters and instructions underlying the politic activity and social thereof- elements that might help the comprehension about his philosophical and ideology characteristic, so the debate surrounds this question: what is the main characteristic predominating in such relation: Philosophy or Ideology? To achieve this, we are going to revise political and foundational texts from the first International, reconstructing philosophical and politic context that made its emergence during the second half of the 19th century. ; El propósito de este artículo es abordar la constitución organizacional de la I Internacional Comunista con el objetivo de discernir -a partir de una atenta lectura de los manifiestos inaugurales, estatutos generales, pronunciamientos, cartas e instrucciones que fundamentan la actividad política y social de la misma- elementos que ayuden a la comprensión de su carácter filosófico o ideológico. El debate se inscribe en la siguiente cuestión: ¿Cuál es el carácter predominante de dicha asociación: Filosofía y/o ideología? Para lograr esto, revisaremos los textos fundacionales y organizacionales de la I Internacional, reconstruyendo parcialmente el contexto filosófico y político que propició su surgimiento durante la segunda mitad del siglo XlX.

Im Rahmen dieser Untersuchung "Zur Wirksamkeit der politischen Massenarbeit bei Jugendlichen" in der DDR wurden etwa 1700 Lehrlinge, junge Arbeiter und Studenten befragt. Dabei wurden folgende Themen behandelt: 1. "Teilnahme Jugendlicher an ausgewählten Formen der politischen Massenarbeit"; 2. "Zu Fragen sozialistischer Demokratie im Verständnis Jugendlicher"; 3. "Fragen Jugendlicher zu ausgewählten Bereichen der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung in bezug auf überzeugende Antworten"; 4. "Zum Einfluß von BRD-Sendern". Die Autoren konstatieren u.a., daß FDJ-Mitgliederversammlungen sowie die "Zirkel junger Sozialisten" im politisch-ideologischen Leben der Jugendlichen keine Rolle spielen und nicht wirksam werden. Weiterhin sehen sie es als bemerkenswert an, daß ca. 70 Prozent der Jugendlichen "die Meinung westlicher Massenmedien zumindest kennen". "15 Prozent bevorzugen DDR-Sender und vertrauen ihnen auch (DDR-Orientierung)." (psz)

Assesses liberal constitutionalism, in large part via Marx and Habermas, in a way that distinguishes its democratic potentials from its ideological effects. Identifying conditions of possibility allows one to show how some kinds of ideologies--notably liberal ones--work by dissimulating or masking these conditions. Distinguishes mechanisms that dissimulate from two others: those that reify (naturalize) and those that justify existing power relations. (JLN)

part 1. Marx: The young Karl ; Marx's conversion to communism ; The "Paris manuscripts", alienation and humanism ; The German ideology, history and production ; Socialism, the revolutions of 1848 and The communist manifesto ; Exile, 1850s-1880s ; Political economy ; The International (1864-1872) and the Paris Commune (1871) ; Marx's mature system ; The problem of Engels ; Utopia -- part 2. Marxism: Conversation ; Marxism and social democracy, 1883-1918 : the revisionist debate -- Lenin and the Russian Revolution : "bread, peace, land" -- Bolshevik leaders : Bukharin, Trotsky, Stalin ; After Stalin, 1953-1968 -- Western European Marxism, 1920-1968, and beyond ; Other Marxisms -- Marxism for the twenty-first century.

En: Doxa Comunicación: revista interdisciplinar de estudios de comunicación y ciencias sociales. e-ISSN 2386-3978 n. 31, 2020, pp 265-281. ; En el presente artículo se abordan los discursos acerca del español y su desenvolvimiento en el contexto de Chile en el siglo XXI mediante la observación de discursos sobre la lengua en Facebook entre los años 2009 y 2019. El estudio consistió en un rastreo de grupos y páginas con administración chilena donde se discuten políticas de lengua e identidad en el contexto chileno. Resultó en la detección de diversos fenómenos particulares, entre ellos, la minimización de los problemas de lengua como relevantes en el país; la escasa presencia de tropos ideológicos de orgullo nacional; y, notablemente, la emergencia de una renovación del ideologema en torno a que en Chile "se habla mal" a partir de urgencias de orden político e identitario. Hubo también casos en los que se detectó una revaloración del español chileno, en especial de las clases populares. Todo ello contrasta con una visión fuertemente positiva de la lengua mapuche o mapudungun, la lengua originaria más hablada del país, y una expansión de su alcance político. ; This paper addresses discourses about Spanish and its development in the Chilean context in the 21st century by analyzing exchanges about language on Facebook between 2009 and 2019. The study focused on Facebook communities and pages administered from Chile, in which language and identity policies are discussed in the Chilean context. Research led to the detection of phenomena such the minimization of language problems as relevant within Chile's digital space; a scarce presence of ideological tropes of national pride; and, notably, the emergence of a renewal of the ideology around the fact that in Chile "people speak poorly" based on political and identity necessities. There were also detections of a revaluation of Chilean Spanish, especially among the lower classes. All this contrasts with a positive vision of the Mapuche or Mapudungun language, the most widely spoken native language in the country, and an expansion of its political reach.

En: Doxa Comunicación: revista interdisciplinar de estudios de comunicación y ciencias sociales. e-ISSN 2386-3978 n. 31, 2020, pp 265-281. ; En el presente artículo se abordan los discursos acerca del español y su desenvolvimiento en el contexto de Chile en el siglo XXI mediante la observación de discursos sobre la lengua en Facebook entre los años 2009 y 2019. El estudio consistió en un rastreo de grupos y páginas con administración chilena donde se discuten políticas de lengua e identidad en el contexto chileno. Resultó en la detección de diversos fenómenos particulares, entre ellos, la minimización de los problemas de lengua como relevantes en el país; la escasa presencia de tropos ideológicos de orgullo nacional; y, notablemente, la emergencia de una renovación del ideologema en torno a que en Chile "se habla mal" a partir de urgencias de orden político e identitario. Hubo también casos en los que se detectó una revaloración del español chileno, en especial de las clases populares. Todo ello contrasta con una visión fuertemente positiva de la lengua mapuche o mapudungun, la lengua originaria más hablada del país, y una expansión de su alcance político. ; This paper addresses discourses about Spanish and its development in the Chilean context in the 21st century by analyzing exchanges about language on Facebook between 2009 and 2019. The study focused on Facebook communities and pages administered from Chile, in which language and identity policies are discussed in the Chilean context. Research led to the detection of phenomena such the minimization of language problems as relevant within Chile's digital space; a scarce presence of ideological tropes of national pride; and, notably, the emergence of a renewal of the ideology around the fact that in Chile "people speak poorly" based on political and identity necessities. There were also detections of a revaluation of Chilean Spanish, especially among the lower classes. All this contrasts with a positive vision of the Mapuche or Mapudungun language, the most widely spoken native language in the country, and an expansion of its political reach.

The Great Desideratum -- One Great American System -- Doing Full Justice -- The Tool and the Tyrant -- Vexations and Spoliation -- Metaphysical War -- Intrigue and Corruption -- The Vilest of Cheats

Introduction: Social media policy in the age of misuse and misinformation -- Social media dependence and the loss of distinction and detachment / Francis P. Barclay, Boobalakrishnan N. and Anushiya K. -- Political ideologies, affiliation and participation : are these related in contemporary India? / Boobalakrishnan N., Francis P. Barclay. and Anushiya K. -- Credibility of social media messages and user awareness / Francis P. Barclay, Boobalakrishnan N. and Anushiya K. -- Twitter for political propaganda : an analysis of literary-rhetorical devices / Akhila S. and Francis P. Barclay -- Social media exposure and religious intolerance / Malini Srinivasan and Francis P. Barclay -- Framing conflicts on social media / C. Pichandy, C.J. Ravikrishnan and Boobalakrishnan N. -- Social media and social movements : a review / C. Pichandy, S. Ramamurthy and V. Palaniappan -- Use and misuse of social media in disaster relief and rehabilitation / Binish Parveen and Nikhil Kumar Gouda -- Fake news : scenario, initiatives, perceptions and challenges / I. Arul Aram and Parama Gupta -- Social media regulation : a review of legal frameworks / S.K . Balashanmugam -- Balancing social media autonomy, privacy and regulation / Francis P. Barclay, Boobalakrishnan N. and Anushiya K.

In 1934, the Italian diplomat and scholar Giuseppe de Michelis (1872−1951) published a programmatic book that in English was called 'World Reorganisation on Corporative Lines'. In this study, de Michelis suggested transferring the socio-economic model of fascist Italy to the global level. He thus envisaged global economic governance by a powerful international organisation and a strict limitation of national sovereignty over the factors of production. My purpose in this article is to explore these largely forgotten proposals as well as the ideological context from which they emerged. The fascist internationalism of de Michelis was technocratic and dirigist, enthusiastic about the possibilities of public planning and the virtues of bureaucratic organisation. This is why his suggestions resembled, in some important respects, world order proposals made by liberal internationalists during the same period. The lesson for International Relations theory is that blueprints for international institutions can be connected to a wide variety of political ideologies. There is no reason to believe that any tradition of political thought is necessarily and eternally committed to internationalism, while others are principally hostile to it.