Suchergebnisse

The annexation of Bosnia & Herzegovina & the Bosnian crisis are only one, albeit important, fragment of the unhappy history of Bosnia & Herzegovina, which today is undergoing its most tragic period. The Serbian aggression in this area prompts us to a renewed study of some of the key conflicts over Bosnia & Herzegovina &, in particular, of the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia & Herzegovina in the beginning of the 20th century, which threatened Europe with turning into an open war. The Friedjung trial that accompanied this crisis reveals all the working methods of the Austro-Hungarian political leadership. The Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia & Herzegovina did not result in the political stability that the monarchy so fervently desired, & it stopped the aspirations of Serbia toward the same region for only a very short time. Adapted from the source document.

When analyzing the role of the individual in society, or even in international relations, there are two polar opinions, neither of which can be documented or corroborated with definite & irrefutable evidence. According to the first opinion, the history of mankind is, in fact, the result of the exploits of relatively few prominent individuals; the other opinion is that history is the outcome of social, political, & economic circumstances & processes, which are basically unalterable. The reality & practice of today's international political relations are, naturally, much more complex than might be gathered from these two contrary approaches. In searching for a consensual attitude toward the role of the individual in international relations, there are still many more unanswered questions than acceptable answers, which makes this topic a subject of vigorous & persisting debates among today's theoreticians of international political relations. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the development of democracy in Latin America & considers the political trends & the period of development of Venezuela in the second half of the 20th century. Unlike other states in the region, in which undemocratic regimes still prevails, Venezuela has been a democratic state since 1958. In regards to the fact that its democratic development has latter been following the trend in the region, the author considers the case of Venezuela as a sign-post of the political trends in Latin America. As Hugo Chavez has recently been trying to change the representative democracy to a plebiscite democracy, the author comes to the conclusion that the case of Venezuela is a mark of the future political development of Latin America. These changes can be seen as a potential come back of a softer version of authoritarianism. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author poses the question of what makes Francois Mitterrand the "classic" type of ruler ie, what makes him an above-average contemporary politician. Following a well-documented analysis of the entire period of his rule, the author concludes that history will reveal Mitterrand's various masks, but never his true face. He exploited the classical mise en scene power, so his true persona should be sought in the interplay of his numerous disguises. Mitterrand stands out among contemporary political figures in the ability to use his power to ward off all attempts at its usurpation, thus transforming his own power into the memory of the coming generations. Adapted from the source document.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

The article deals with Mill's theory of liberal democracy as a synthesis of the elements of two different political traditions & doctrines: liberalism & democracy, integration of liberal concepts of freedom, limitations of power, political representation & elite leadership & democratic ideas of equality, social homogeneity, national sovereignty & citizen participation. The author concludes that the contradictions found in Mill's theory do not stem from the inconsistency of the logic of his argumentation, but from the contradictory demands he tried to reconcile. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the structure of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes, based on an unpublished text -- a letter to the leadership of the Peasants' International -- which served as an overture to the possible membership of HRSS in that procommunist international organization. The paper also includes the original text by Radic. The author claims that the increased interest of the Communist International for winning over HRSS was in the function of a gradual breakup of the unity of interests of the Croatian people & curtailment of the influence of HRSS ideology & policies. The strategic aim of the Communist International was the bolshevization of the Balkans & the Danubian region, for which it advocated the disbandment of the South Slavonic federation & the creation of a Balkan or Balkan-Danubian federation of the Soviet Socialist Republics, including the Soviet Republic of Croatia. The central part of the text is devoted to the analysis of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes. He upheld the unity of interests of the Croatian people under the leadership of peasants & the principle of an independent & nationally sovereign state of the Croatian people, & he was in favor of a confederal relationship of Croatia with Serbia & other South Slavonic states. The Peasants' International was only a tactical move exacted by the existing relationships in the South Slavonic monarchy & Europe in general. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.

Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Historically & geographically, the transitional countries of Central, Eastern, & Southeastern Europe, created by the collapse of the real-socialist system, have always been oriented toward the West European markets & eager to create close economic & political ties with the EU member countries & to be integrated into the Western economic system. The EU leaders are well aware of the economic hardships these new transitional countries are faced with, & realize that it will take them several years to adjust to the new system of values & behavior. With this in mind, they came up with a proposal to create an integration of these transitional countries under the advisory leadership, & with the active help, of the EU economic agencies. One of the positive goals of the idea of integration by means of CEFTA was to establish a relatively homogeneous economic entity & create the conditions necessary for future successful economic cooperation with the EU. The cooperation of the transitional countries & the EU so far has shown some promise, but also some shortcomings, which ought to be eliminated, or at least have their negative consequences minimized. There are two types of shortcomings -- institutional & the material -- & they depend on the degree of development of a transitional country, its legal norms, & other (political, social, & cultural) noneconomic factors. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Teritorijalna organizacija lokalne i regionalne samouprave koja je postojala u Hrvatskoj omogućila je centralističko upravljanje javnim poslovima. Analizira se stanje u pogledu položaja općina, gradova i županija i predlažu osnovni pravci reforme teritorijalne organizacije. Posebno se obrazlažu položaj i osnovni sistemski problemi upravljanja Gradom Zagrebom te predlažu moguća poboljšanja. ; The territorial organization of local and regional self-government which existed in Croatia led to centralistic administration of public affairs. The situation with regard to the position of municipalities, towns or cities and counties has been analysed and basic tendencies of the reform of the territorial organization are proposed. The position and main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb administration have been explained in particular and possible improvements are suggested. The territorial organization is only formally polytypical, since in reality differences in the status of municipalities and towns or cities are almost insignificant, two-tier, counties being units of the second tier, with a great number of small municipalities, In each category of local units, from municipalities through towns or cities to counties, there are very considerable differences in size among particular units. It is proposed to stop the tendency of multiplying basic local units (municipalities and towns or cities), widen independence and responsibility of larger towns and gradually reform the organization of counties. The main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb have not been solved satisfactorily. Zagreb is under the tutorship of the central state government, its relations with the closer surrounding area are regulated badly, influence on the city level is concentrated within the executive bodies, particularly the mayor whose responsibility is questionable, and not even incomplete decentralisation in the form of local self-government within the area of the City has been established for more than seven years. It is proposed to establish such a system which would combine elements of strong and efficient political leadership and an appropriate level of democracy, with the direct election of the mayor by citizens, independence of the city administration of the central state administration as well as multilevel metropolitan administration which would ensure the realization of the interests of the City, but also its close surrounding area.