Suchergebnisse

The social and politic development of Castulo and its environs goes from a egalitarian society to a class-society, and perhaps to a chief-society. This change was stimulated by the trade between the indigenous and foreign merchants, which brought exotic and prestigious products in exchange to metal. This trade must have important for the social process to a chief-society. ; El proceso socio-político en la ciudad de Cástulo y su entorno, perteneciente a la Oretania en la Alta Andalucía, se desarrolló, a lo largo de los siglos, desde una sociedad igualitaria a una sociedad de clases que pudo desembocar en una sociedad de jefatura. Esta transformación fue dinamizada por el creciente auge del comercio de los metales que los castulonenses cambiaban a los mercaderes procedentes de las factorías costeras por productos exóticos, generalmente indicadores de prestigio social para quienes los adquirían. El control de los excedentes y la redistribución de los productos es el principal ingrediente para la formación de una sociedad de jefatura, hecho que parece ocurrió en Cástulo. Dicho tipo de organización política tiene, según Service (1971, 222) la estructura adecuada para extender ampliamente el sistema de intercambios, y está cumplidamente documentado en la zona que se trata.

El proceso socio-político en la ciudad de Cástulo y su entorno, perteneciente a la Oretania en la Alta Andalucía, se desarrolló, a lo largo de los siglos, desde una sociedad igualitaria a una sociedad de clases que pudo desembocar en una sociedad de jefatura. Esta transformación fue dinamizada por el creciente auge del comercio de los metales que los castulonenses cambiaban a los mercaderes procedentes de las factorías costeras por productos exóticos, generalmente indicadores de prestigio social para quienes los adquirían. El control de los excedentes y la redistribución de los productos es el principal ingrediente para la formación de una sociedad de jefatura, hecho que parece ocurrió en Cástulo. Dicho tipo de organización política tiene, según Service (1971, 222) la estructura adecuada para extender ampliamente el sistema de intercambios, y está cumplidamente documentado en la zona que se trata. ; The social and politic development of Castulo and its environs goes from a egalitarian society to a class-society, and perhaps to a chief-society. This change was stimulated by the trade between the indigenous and foreign merchants, which brought exotic and prestigious products in exchange to metal. This trade must have important for the social process to a chief-society.

The essential interests of the Latin American countries to find a way out of the debt trap needs a replacement of the common conception of the situation and the strategies which derive from it for debtors and creditors. A dialogue within the countries between the political leadership and the people, based on the patriotic and carefully considered search for a way out of the dilemma, would be a first important step

Examines political factions that have emerged during the reform process in Hungary, 1985-90, and discusses their social base and popular support, leadership, and influence on political and cultural evolution.

The course of Brazilian nuclear policy is changing. Under a democratic government, Brazil enters its fifth phase of nuclear development. This country is struggling harder to master the nuclear cycle with primitive means and, at the same time, to acquire a wide range of nuclear technologies. Political instability, a great dependence on external financing and the international economic situation, a high degree of rejection of any type of foreign political interference, and the problems of exercising effective political leadership in a very heterogeneous society, make any nuclear program in Brazil it is a candidate for great changes. Brazil is probably one of the best examples of extreme exposure to changes in political or economic priorities of nuclear programs in Third World countries, which are considerably higher than those in advanced industrialized countries. ; El curso de la política nuclear brasileña está cambiando. Bajo un gobierno democrático, Brasil entra a su quinta fase de desarrollo nuclear. Este país está luchando con mayor esfuerzo por dominar el ciclo nuclear con medios primitivos y, al mismo tiempo, por adquirir una amplia gama de tecnologías nucleares. La inestabilidad política, una gran dependencia del financiamiento externo y de la situación económica internacional, un alto grado de rechazo a cualquier tipo de interferencia política extranjera, y los problemas de ejercer un liderazgo político efectivo en una sociedad muy heterogénea, hacen que cualquier programa nuclear en Brasil sea candidato a grandes cambios. Brasil es probablemente uno de los mejores ejemplos de la exposición extrema a cambios de prioridades políticas o económicas de los programas nucleares en países del Tercer Mundo, que son considerablemente mayores que aquellos en los avanzados países industrializados.

The study of the power to wage war within the constitutional system of the United States is only one aspect of the broader problem that relates to the struggle between the President and Congress to expand their influence in the political leadership of the country. This work analyzes, from a constitutional point of view, the problem of the distribution of powers between the President and the Congress of the United States with respect to the power that each of these two organs of the federal government has to initiate a warlike confrontation, drive it and finish it. If we define the problem in a broad way, we can say that it is a matter of elucidating which is the competent body or bodies to make decisions regarding foreign policy. ; EI estudio de la facultad para hacer la guerra dentro del sistema constitucional de los Estados Unidos, es solo un aspecto del problema más amplio que dice relación con la lucha entre el Presidente y el Congreso por expandir su influencia en la conducción política del país. En este trabajo se analiza, desde un punto de vista constitucional, el problema de la distribución de poderes entre el Presidente y el Congreso de los Estados Unidos respecto de la facultad que tiene cada uno de estos dos órganos del gobierno federal para iniciar una confrontación bélica, conducirla y terminarla. Si definimos el problema de una manera amplia, podemos decir que se trata de dilucidar cuál es el órgano o los órganos competentes para tomar las decisiones respecto de política exterior.

Various stages are discerned in the development of Mexican trade unionism & its bureaucratic apparatus. Following the world capitalist crisis of 1929 & the relative autonomy it was granted as of 1933, the Mexican labor movement began to expand rapidly, under the leadership of the Confederacion Regional de Obreros Mexicanos (Regional Federation of Mexican Workers). In the period 1933-1936, the Confederacion General de Obreros y Campesinos en Mexico (General Federation of Workers & Peasants in Mexico) was formed. At this time, a variety of political events compelled the state to pay attention to the demands of the working class & its organization. The connections between labor organizations & Mexico's political processes are examined; the influence of the Mexican Communist Party is described. A pyramidal control structure for the Mexican labor movement began to be formed in 1941, & an administrative bureaucracy emerged. In the 1940s, bureaucratic leadership began to lose contact with its base, while it served to carry out the ideological & political mediation necessary for labor 'discipline.' Strikes diminished from 1938 to 1945, but picked up again in 1950. The railroad workers' strike of 1958 showed a complete split between workers & union leadership. S. Whittle.

The electoral triumph of the APRA party in the recent presidential elections in Peru has provoked multiple interpretations. After 55 years of struggle for power (of which remained under the exclusive and patriarchal leadership of the head and founder of APRA, Victor Raul Haya de la Torre), the APRA party came to power in 1985, this time under the direction of a new leader, Alan García Pérez. ; El triunfo electoral del partido aprista en las recientes elecciones presidenciales del Perú ha suscitado múltiples interpretaciones. Tras 55 años de lucha por el poder (de los cuales se mantuvo bajo la dirección excluisva y patriarcal del jefe y fundador del APRA, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre), el partido aprista llegó al poder en 1985, esta vez bajo la dirección de un nuevo líder, Alan García Pérez.

The Mexican state is the outcome of the great social upheavals which commenced in 1910; important to its legitimacy is successful portrayal of itself as the natural heir of the popular demands which the revolution articulated. In practice, however, the state follows a capitalist model of development; although it has improved the life of the working class (public health, literacy, housing, etc) it has also tended to sharpen social inequalities. Those who really benefited from the revolution (the new bourgeoisie, foreign investors, & the middle class) maintain their position by controlling subordinate social strata by effecting popular acceptance of the status quo through an interplay of economic, political, legal, & ideological influences. Domination strategies range from quasi-reforms that disarm potentially dissident groups to outright physical repression. The key element in subordination of the working class is its effective inclusion within the government-dominated Mexican Labor Confederation. The political apparatus uses this trade union as a broad base of support for its policies & as a means of pressure against rival dissident groups. Since existing law empowers the state to act as the arbiter between labor & capital, independent trade unions outside the official framework are not recognized. By controlling union leadership, the state limits demands from within & is thus usually able to avoid strikes & industrial ruptures that would conflict with its plans. The political crisis of 1958 is studied against the background of government manipulation. The crisis erupted during the transition period between presidents, & involved widespread strikes by telegraph, petroleum, railway, & electrical workers & students. Each striking sector had a different set of demands, & the new government of Lopez Mateos was initially divided as to how to deal with them. The application of various manipulative tactics against the strikers is described. S. Karganovic.

The changes that occurred in Mexican cinema during L. Echeverria's presidency are traced. In 1971, at the beginning of his administration, the Mexican movie industry was largely in private hands, & film production was standardized & rigid. In 1976, Echeverria's last year in office, 31 of the 45 full-length films produced resulted from governmental initiative, & were financed by the Banco Nacional Cinematografico, established in 1974. This allowed diversification of themes & greater experimentation under the leadership of authors & directors, who in 1975 formed the Frente Nacional de Cinematografistas (National Front of Movie Producers). While the new Mexican cinema has produced such noteworthy films as Mezquital, it faces serious competition from television. Latin American cinema has the potential of reaching the broader, illiterate & semiliterate public, but it has not developed an antiimperialist conscience & an interest in the grave political, economic, & social problems of the continent. S. Whittle.

The international economic institutionality is strongly conditioned by political factors. This paper identifies and describes the international political processes that, since before World War II, crystallized in a basic institutional arrangement, fundamentally limited to the Western powers, under the leadership of the United States as the dominant power. Subsequently, the insertion of Latin America within the international post-war system is examined, focusing especially on the conditioning factors of the political-social and external order of the international participation of the region, with emphasis on the period from 1945 to 1960. Both tasks are essential to locate correctly the role of Latin American states in the gestation and functioning of the international economic-political system of the last thirty years, and for the subsequent analysis of national roles in international economic organizations. ; La institucionalidad económica internacional está fuertemente condicionada por factores de orden político. En este trabajo se identifican y describen los procesos políticos internacionales que, desde antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cristalizaron en un arreglo institucional básico, fundamentalmente limitado a las potencias occidentales, bajo la conducción de Estados Unidos como potencia dominante. Posteriormente se examina la inserción de América Latina dentro del sistema internacional de postguerra, enfocando especialmente las condicionantes de orden político-social y externo de la participación internacional de la región, con énfasis en el periodo de 1945 a 1960. Ambas tareas son indispensables para situar correctamente el papel de los estados latinoamericanos en la gestación y funcionamiento del sistema económico-político internacional de los últimos treinta años, y para el posterior análisis de papeles nacionales en las organizaciones internacionales económicas.

Emphasizes the originality of the political behaviour of the Church in the first phase of the independence movement in Quito. The clergy constitutes the social group which, in the face of division and hesitation among the civil elites, takes the leadership in the erection of the Republic of Quito. In the analysis of the Church-Society relations within the Audience of Quito towards the end of the eighteenth century it is stressed that the clergy of Quito created a powerful system of social control, with a solid economic base, and carried out important ideological and logistical functions in the course of the war. Documentary appendix from several archives in Quito. ; Se subraya la originalidad del comportamiento político de la Iglesia en la primera fase del proceso emancipador quiteño. Se sostiene que el clero es el grupo social que, ante las disensiones y vacilaciones de las élites civiles, ejerce el liderazgo en la edificación de la República de Quito. Para llegar a tales conclusiones se aborda en primer lugar el análisis de las interrelaciones Iglesia-Sociedad en la Audiencia de Quito a fines del siglo XVIII, destacándose cómo el clero quiteño erigió un poderoso sistema de control social sustentado en una sólida base económica y se resaltan posteriormente las funciones logísticas e ideológicas realizadas por el clero en el transcurso del conflicto bélico. Se presenta un apéndice documental formado por documentos procedentes de diversos archivos quiteños.

La sociedad se encuentra en proceso de reforma tecnológica, social, económica y política en la que solamente sobrevivirán las empresas más aptas, siendo esta una época propicia para el liderazgo y la innovación. ; Editorial. - 5 La relación entre la dirección de empresa y sus asesores. -6 La dinámica de grupos en la empresa. - 7 Sobre la desocupación y la desubicación profesional. - 8 Mas administracií humanísitca. - 10 Situación económica del país y la actividad edificadora. - 11 La oportunidad de la crisis alimentaria. - 12 La importancia de una mayor integración entre la universidad y la industria. - 14 El consumidor en el marketing y en la teoría económica. - 15 El administrador de empresas y su labor de optimización de rendimientos. - 18 Aplicaciones informáticas la sistematización de la administración de condominios. - 21Qué es la función de organización administrativa. - 24 Estrategia competitiva- un enfoque de certidumbre hacia el futuro. - 26 ¿Circulos de calidad?. - 30 Finanzas: administración de la liquidez. - 32 Reseña económica de Santander 1985. - 33 Produce la educacióna distancia verdadera comunicación. - 37 Investigaciones: análisis e implementación de paquetes de software en las áreas de software en las áreas de finanzas, producción y mercadeo. - 38 ; Society is in the process of technological, social, economic and political reform in which only the most suitable companies will survive, this being a propitious time for leadership and innovation.