Suchergebnisse

Dottorato di ricerca in Società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei (19.-20. secolo) ; L'approccio "periferico" allo studio del regime fascista risale a poco più di vent'anni fa. Esso ha generato un fortunato filone di studi che ha contributo a movimentare ed arricchire la storia del ventennio da un punto di vista sia metodologico che interpretativo, moltiplicando i punti di vista e concentrandosi su un circoscritto ambito territoriale e di conseguenza ponendo un'attenzione più marcata a ciò che era accaduto nella società. In tale filone si inserisce il presente studio, che ha assunto come prospettiva l'ambito locale come osservatorio privilegiato per mettere a fuoco le modalità di organizzazione del potere fascista attraverso la fisionomia e l'operato della classe dirigente attiva in una circoscritta area geografica in quegli anni. Il fine che ha fatto da motore alla ricerca era dunque indagare e ricostruire le vicende storiche del periodo fascista in un territorio ben definito, quello della città di Viterbo e del suo circondario, a partire dall'analisi biografica degli uomini protagonisti a livello locale degli avvenimenti politici, amministrativi, economici, sociali del periodo. Il lavoro si sviluppa dal generale al particolare in tre capitoli. Da un inquadramento del progetto di ricerca nell'ambito della storiografia corrente, con particolare riferimento agli spunti metodologici e al dibattito storiografico sui fascismi locali, il primo capitolo prosegue ricostruendo le principali tappe delle trasformazioni politico-istituzionali attuate dal regime fascista, ponendo in particolare l'accento sulle competenze e sul meccanismo delle nomine di alcune fra le categorie biografate (i segretari federali, i podestà, i presidi, i prefetti). Il capitolo secondo passa poi a contestualizzare il luogo oggetto dell'indagine, mediante una ricostruzione dei principali avvenimenti che portarono all'insediamento e al consolidamento del fascismo a Viterbo con particolare riferimento all'operato della classe dirigente in quel momento attiva. Alla ricostruzione e al confronto delle vicende biografiche individuali degli uomini al potere è dedicato il terzo capitolo, che rappresenta il "cuore" dell'indagine. I leader indagati fanno capo a cinque categorie fondamentali: i dirigenti amministrativi, gli esponenti politici, i detentori del potere economico, gli ecclesiastici e gli insegnanti. Nelle conclusioni si tenta una lettura complessiva del volto della classe dirigente locale emerso dallo studio, facendo anche ricorso spunti e suggestioni scaturiti dalla comparazione con altri casi locali. ; Peripheral approach to history of fascism is very young. It born 20 years ago giving birth to a new kind of studies and opening new knowledges about the Italian society during the dictatorship. The work is included in this kind of approach: it investigates the characteristics of fascist power through character and action of his leadership in a small city of periphery like Viterbo and his province. This study reconstructs fascist history of Viterbo analyzing local protagonists' biographies of political, administrative, economical, social advents of the period. The work is structured in three chapters from general to particular: from the historical debate about local fascisms and the main political changes introduced by fascism, to the main historical advents in Viterbo under the dictatorship, to the men of power's individual biographies included in five leaders' categories: administrative, political, economical, ecclesiastical and cultural.

This study examines Thatcherism as an attempt to change the values and the political culture of United Kingdom using economy as a tool. From the perspective of political theory this specific case arouse great interest and the different compounds that made this transformation possible, in particular the "battle of ideas" and the role of political leadership, should be examined with great care. Thatcherism offers a new perspectives to interpret conservatism and liberalism, and to reshape those political theories in order to cope with a series of new problems. In this analysis there are some observations about the relationship between political theory and ideology and between market and democratic theory. Finally Thatcherism is analysed using the concept of biopolitics elaborated by Foucault.

This study examines Thatcherism as an attempt to change the values and the political culture of the United Kingdom using economy as a tool. From the perspective of political theory this specific case arouses great interest and the different elements that made this transformation possible, in particular the "battle of ideas" and the role of political leadership, should be examined with great care. Thatcherism offers new perspectives to interpret conservatism and liberalism, and to reshape these political theories in order to address a series of new problems. This analysis presents some observations about the relationship between political theory and ideology and between market and democratic theory. Finally, Thatcherism is analysed using the concept of biopolitics elaborated by Foucault.

Sempre più spesso nei dibattiti televisivi e sulla stampa si parla del politico come brand, ma tali discorsi presuppongono una definizione più metaforica che operativa. Nel seguente saggio saranno discussi i margini di applicabilità della categoria di "brand" alla leadership politica, attraverso modelli teorici mutuati dalla semiotica della marca e dalla sociologia dei consumi. Dopo aver individuato alcuni punti di contatto tra il branding politico e la comunicazione delle marche globali, saranno esaminate le caratteristiche specifiche dell'identità, dei contenuti e dei linguaggi/mezzi attraverso cui comunica il brand Matteo Renzi. In many political TV talks it's usually common to find the notion of brand referred to the name or the identity of a specific politician, even if those discourses presume more a metaphoric definition than an operative one. In the next essay will be discussed the category of "brand" and it's possible application to the political leadership through a theoretical framework adopted by the semiotic of brands and the sociology of consumption. The aim of the paper is compare the global brands policies and the political communication processes, with a particular focus on the brand identity, the language and the mediatic strategies of the Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi.

This paper aims to redress current views about the impact of the French Revolution on German culture, focusing on Schiller and Hölderlin. In particular, it examines how German intellectuals were anything but entirely dependent on external, i.e. French, input in their theories of political leadership and constitution; rather, they were well able to rely on genuinely German patterns of thought. The connection Schiller-Hölderlin exemplifies this situation best: the latter's novel Hyperion (1797-1799) depicts the failure of a political insurrection which, besides forming an obvious link to the French Revolution, uncovers a number of ideas which are to be traced back to the former's essays Briefe über Don Karlos (1788) and Die Gesetzgebung des Lykurgus und Solon (1789-1790). In so doing, not only did Hölderlin prove his own indebtedness towards his fellow countryman – as well as the importance of Schiller's so-called minor writings – but also, and most importantly, he used typically German lenses to interpret a French event, thereby providing a clue to understanding the continuity of German culture beyond what is otherwise justly considered a watershed.

Per comprendere le vicende di una famiglia illustre e nobile il cui ruolo politico e sociale in Sicilia si data alle soglie del XIV secolo, non possiamo astenerci dal ricordare i fatti e gli eventi che hanno dominato la storia siciliana e determinato l'ascesa di Castelvetrano come centro signorile per eccellenza. E' necessario, quindi, collocare geograficamente e storicamente l'isola per inserirla all'interno di un preciso quadro socio-politico. All'origine della sua storia sono sicuramente da individuare sia il legame intercorso nei secoli tra l'Asia e l'Europa, in particolare tra l'Asia Minore bizantina e l'area mediterranea unificata proprio dall'impero di Bisanzio, sia le lotte per l'egemonia tra Chiesa e Impero, (che abbastanza presto sarà impero d'Occidente) lotte che vedono entrambe le parti impegnate a contendersi il ruolo di guida politica, morale e spirituale dell'intera cristianità medievale, ritenendo ogni altro potere subordinato al proprio. ; To understand the story of a noble and illustrious family whose political and social role in Sicily date is on the threshold of the fourteenth century, we can not refrain from remembering facts and events that have dominated the history of Sicily and led to the rise of Castelvetrano as a center for aristocratic excellence. E 'therefore necessary to place geographically and historically the island to slip into a specific socio-political context. At the origin of its history are definitely identify both the bond in the centuries that elapsed between Asia and Europe, in particular between the Byzantine Asia Minor and the area Mediterranean Unified own empire of Byzantium, and the struggles for hegemony between Church and Empire, (which will be soon enough empire of the West) that struggles see both sides committed to contend for the role of political leadership, moral and spiritual whole of Christianity medieval, considering all other powers subject to their own.

This article highlights the multiple political function of a central episode in the hagiographical representation of the youth of Bernardine of Siena, namely his service at the hospital of Santa Maria della Scala of Siena during the 1400 plague. The memory of this episode served the purposes of the Franciscan Observance as well as those of different local contexts. This story portrayed Bernardino as able to respond to the needs of the city not only by means of his personal virtues but also by gathering other people and convincing them to work for the common good, even putting their own lives at risk. The hagiographical episode includes the first "sermon" of Bernardino, who – still as a lay man – addressed the members of the hospital confraternity. This text, programmatically, emphasises the necessity for the lay people to prioritize the bonum commune over the bonum proprium, and indirectly depicts the leadership of the Observant friars in the life of the city. Moreover, while Siena used the memory of the 1400 plague to affirm the connection between Bernardino and its civic institutions, the representation of this episode in a set of frescoes painted in Lodi in 1476 not only depicted a model for the laity but was also functional in legitimizing the reform of the hospitals in that city. ; Questo contributo mette in luce la molteplice funzione politica di uno schema agiografico centrale nella rappresentazione della giovinezza di Bernardino da Siena: il suo servizio durante la peste del 1400 presso l'Ospedale di Santa Maria della Scala di Siena. La memoria di questo episodio si prestava ad essere utilizzata tanto dall'Osservanza minoritica quanto in diversi contesti locali. In questo racconto Bernardino è presentato come capace di rispondere ai bisogni della città non solo attraverso le proprie virtù, ma radunando altre persone e convincendole a impegnarsi per il bene comune, anche a rischio della propria vita. L'episodio, così come è raccontato dagli agiografi, incorpora la prima predica fatta dal giovane Bernardino (ancora laico) ai membri della confraternita dell'Ospedale. Il testo indica programmaticamente la necessità per i laici di anteporre il bonum commune al bonum proprium e delinea un ruolo di leadership dei frati dell'Osservanza nel cuore delle città. Inoltre, se a Siena la memoria della peste del 1400 serviva a sottolineare il rapporto tra il santo e le istituzioni della città, la raffigurazione di tale episodio in alcuni affreschi dipinti a Lodi nel 1476 non soltanto veicolava un modello di spiritualità laicale ma serviva a promuovere e legittimare la riforma ospedaliera in corso a Lodi. ; Questo contributo mette in luce la molteplice funzione politica di uno schema agiografico centrale nella rappresentazione della giovinezza di Bernardino da Siena: il suo servizio durante la peste del 1400 presso l'Ospedale di Santa Maria della Scala di Siena. La memoria di questo episodio si prestava ad essere utilizzata tanto dall'Osservanza minoritica quanto in diversi contesti locali. In questo racconto Bernardino è presentato come capace di rispondere ai bisogni della città non solo attraverso le proprie virtù, ma radunando altre persone e convincendole a impegnarsi per il bene comune, anche a rischio della propria vita. L'episodio, così come è raccontato dagli agiografi, incorpora la prima predica fatta dal giovane Bernardino (ancora laico) ai membri della confraternita dell'Ospedale. Il testo indica programmaticamente la necessità per i laici di anteporre il bonum commune al bonum proprium e delinea un ruolo di leadership dei frati dell'Osservanza nel cuore delle città. Inoltre, se a Siena la memoria della peste del 1400 serviva a sottolineare il rapporto tra il santo e le istituzioni della città, la raffigurazione di tale episodio in alcuni affreschi dipinti a Lodi nel 1476 non soltanto veicolava un modello di spiritualità laicale ma serviva a promuovere e legittimare la riforma ospedaliera in corso a Lodi.

This essay explores Margaret Thatcher's political agency and leadership style in terms of her reliance on discursive and media strategies which thrived on the "confusion" of gender stereotypes and her ability to play with multiple, long-established archetypes of women in power, characterized by violent and aggressive femininity. Thatcher's frequent self-projection as a "masculine" character, the "honorary man" of British politics, and her special grip on British public opinion and fantasies, were never disjointed from her ability to don, exploit, subvert and redirect "motherly' (or at least "womanly") performances at will, in order to serve her political agenda. Focusing on her strategic deployment of a rhetoric and discourses of aggression, divisiveness, conflict and war, the essay highlights Thatcher's ability to re-create and keep alive the idea of a national community always under siege, where extraordinary economic, disciplinary and defence measure were required in order to resist and overcome domestic and foreign "enemies". The Falklands War will be taken as case study, for it provides an outstanding example of Thatcher's powerful revision of female political authority against the backdrop of the conventionally masculine, heroic imaginary of war. Her masterly and coterminous performances as war leader and "super-mother" of the nation allowed for a complex and hybrid self-projection which still acts as an empowering model whose disciplinary subtext entails a nostalgic investment in imperial national history.

Presentation of the focus on contemporary Tunia, a year after the revolution which changes political organization. The collected voices deal with the worries concerning the attitude of the new leadership on some essential rights consolidated from over half century ; Presentazione del focus sulla contemporaneit? della Tunisia, un anno dopo la rivolta che ne ha cambiato l?assetto politico. Le testimonianze raccolte discutono sulle preoccupazioni che investono l?atteggiamento della nuova leadership in merito a diritti che sembravano acquisiti da oltre mezzo secolo.

Il quadro tematico della tesi è la storia politica e culturale delle relazioni tra il cattolicesimo democratico di origine «popolare» e la tradizione del liberalismo italiano, in un arco cronologico compreso tra l'antifascismo dell'Aventino e la fondazione della Democrazia Cristiana. L'ipotesi della ricerca è che proprio in questo «lungo viaggio» la classe dirigente del cattolicesimo politico (a cominciare dalla leadership di Alcide De Gasperi) abbia completato quel processo di acculturazione in senso «liberale» che le avrebbe consentito di guidare consensualmente l'uscita dal fascismo nel secondo dopoguerra. ; The framework of the thesis deals with the political and cultural history of the relationship between the democratic Chatolicism stemming from the Italian Popular Party and the tradition of the Italian Liberalism, from the antifascist coalition of the «Aventino» to the establishment of Christian Democracy. The assumption of the research is that in its «long way» the political membership of the political Catholicism (starting with De Gasperi leadership) had go through with a process of «liberal» acculturation, that would allow it to lead the exit-strategy from Fascism in the Second post-World War.

This article aims to analyze, from a sociological point of view, the communicative logic and political praxis of Italian political movement of the Sardines, that emerged in November 2019 as a reaction to Matteo Salvini's leadership and Lega's hyper-populist pattern of consensus-building. And also it aims to define the narrative of "sardinismo", based on the idea of a "radical reform" of political language and non-violence as a pillar of public discourse. The article would demonstrate the function of physical mobilization of citizens as foundation (and primary idea) of sardines, which represents also an exemple of logic of political connective action "in between" (communication and politics). They could be also considered as a reaction to the incapacity of Italian center-left political parties to articulate an anti-populist response. Moreover, as postmodern political movement, sardines reveal the existence of paradoxes and internal contradictions, and a very problematic relationship with the process of political institutionalization

This thesis analyses the decolonization process of West Africa French territories, since the Brazzaville's Conference until the obtaining of Independence. The aim of this research project refers to the importance of French Soudan, nowadays Mali, in French West Africa, and how the leaders of this territory conducted the dialogue with the colonial authorities. The Soudan's political elite followed the political direction dictated by Houphouet-Boigny, leader of the political movement which connected French territories in this area, until the decision of breaking free from this position. Modibo Keita, father of the Nation of Mali, developed new alliances between the RDA leadership, but also with other political parties and leaders, such as Senghor. Keita and the Senegalese leader tried to avoid the balkanization of West Africa, proposing a project which was based on the principles of African Unity.

The contribution addresses the question how the Belt and Road Initiative has been representented in the field of political economy. This discipline has highlighted two challenges for the BRI, respectively labelled as "middle income trap" and "Thucydides trap". The article will then show how these two challenges emerged in the Western discourse and were related to the Chinese economic growth, but also how and how quickly they were taken up by the Chinese leadership, which presented the BRI as an answer to both traps.

This essay discusses a special moment in the antimafia history. These are the years 1985-1994, whose main figure is Leoluca Orlando, mayor of Palermo. In that historical period, for the first time, the antimafia's political speech is held by this young leader of the Christian Democracy. Since the post-war period, the party had ruled Palermo and Italy without facing the problem of the fight against the mafia. Since the beginning of the eighties, the opposition forces, in particular the Communist Party and the trade unions, carried on the antimafia fight. With the murder of Piersanti Mattarella, president of the Sicilian Region, and then of Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa, prefect of Palermo, the Christian Democracy, led in Sicily, by Sergio Mattarella (brother of Piersanti), decided to cut off relations with the mafia, in particular with Vito Ciancimino, former mayor-mafia of Palermo. The experience of Orlando is first of all the consequence of that policy and then of a national clash, for the government leadership, between Christian Democracy and the Socialist Party. However, with the end of the First Republic in 1994, antimafia was no longer the main ground for confrontation between political forces involved in contending the municipality of Palermo.

This dissertation proposes a study, from a critical and diachronic perspective, of the Xiandai hanyu cidian 现代汉语词典 (hereinafter XHC), a monolingual dictionary of standard modern Chinese (putonghua 普通话) which plays a central role within the lexicographical field of the People's Republic of China. The compilation of the dictionary is entrusted to the Institute of Linguistics belonging to the Chinese Academy of Sciences and, since its foundation in 1977, to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, which are both research institutions placed under direct control of the State Council. Officially published for the first time in 1978, and now in its seventh edition (2016), the XHC was conceived by the political leadership as a tool for promoting the standardisation and the popularisation of the common language, within the broader project for language reform in the 1950s. This research adopts the theoretical framework of critical lexicography, and it is based on the premise that a dictionary can be analysed as a form of discourse and, specifically, as a form of lexicographical discourse, which is also to be understood as being historically specific (Benson 2001). According to this perspective, the contents of language dictionaries and, therefore, their lexicographical discourse, should be considered in relation to the extra-textual reality where their compilation and their fruition take place. They can be seen both as products of their extra-textual reality and as tools playing an active role in the reception, construction, and consolidation, as well as in the dissemination of those meanings that are considered as correct and acceptable by the dominant ideology (Fairclough 1989; Fishman 1995; Hornscheidt 2008, Rodríguez Barcia 2012). The objective of the analysis is to verify whether and to what extent the lexicographical discourse constructed by the XHC reflects and interacts with its extra-textual, ideological, and, therefore, political and social context. The research intends to fill a gap in the critical literature on this dictionary, in which the studies investigating the relationship between lexicographical discourse and ideological elements are, at the present day, still very limited (Lee 2014; Hu H., Hai X. and Hao J. 2019). This dissertation is divided into two main parts: the first consists of the first, the second and the third chapters and the second includes the fourth and the fifth chapters. The first chapter centres upon the definition of the theoretical framework of the study and, specifically, on the relationship between language and ideology, as well as between lexicography and ideology. The second chapter aims firstly at reconstructing the history of the XHC and, subsequently, describing its formal and lexicographical features. The third chapter is dedicated to an evaluation of the state of the art of the research on the dictionary. The fourth chapter presents the methodology constructed and followed for the selection of the dictionary entries taken into analysis. The selection has been carried out through the use of the software AntConc for the analysis of a corpus specifically built for this study. This corpus comprises reports on the work of the government, usually presented to the National People's Congress by the Prime Minister of the People's Republic of China, and reports presented by political leaders to the National Congress of the Chinese Communist party (1964-2017). The analysis and the selection of the words (and, therefore, of the dictionary entries) from the political corpus was guided by the definition of both qualitative criteria (morphological and semantic features) and quantitative criteria (number of occurrences). Finally, the fifth chapter is devoted to the analysis, in a critical, ideological, and diachronic perspective, of the definitions of the selected entries, which were collected through the consultation of successive editions of the XHC. More precisely, the case study examines all the editions of the dictionary, from the first to the seventh (1978, 1983, 1996, 2002, 2005, 2012, 2016), together with the so-called 'trial edition' (shiyongben 试用本), printed in 1973, and the 'supplement edition' (bubian 补编) published in 1989. A specific section is dedicated to each entry, discussing both the nature of the definitions, including the lexicographical examples, and their evolution in a diachronic perspective, thus evaluating the ways in which the definitions construct the meaning of each entry in relation to the ideological, political, and social context of the dictionary. The final part of the dissertation provides some concluding remarks that retrace the results of the critical analysis. The closing section mainly discusses how the lexicographical discourse defined by the selected entries of the XHC interacts with its context of compilation and the degree to which it reflects the official formulations and meanings of the Chinese leadership regarding some specific concepts. Finally, a broader discussion about the critical approach adopted for this research will also be offered.