Political Ideologies and Political Parties in America
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 64, Heft 6, S. 1241-1242
ISSN: 0035-2950
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In: Revue française de science politique, Band 64, Heft 6, S. 1241-1242
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 247-248
In: Occasional paper 5
Es wird die Herausbildung politischer Parteien in Südkamerun seit 1916, als der Völkerbund Kamerun in zwei Mandate aufteilte, beschrieben. Erste politische Aktivitäten gingen mit Wiedervereinigungsbestrebungen einher. Die koloniale Politik hat zur Herausbildung von Opposition beigetragen. Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, die beginnende Marktwirtschaft und die daraus folgende Entstehung von Gewerkschaften führte zu Arbeitskämpfen, die entscheidend waren für die Gewinnung politischen Bewußtseins und das Einüben politischen Handelns. Eine neue soziale Ordnung entstand mit dem Wachstum der Städte, wo Gruppen unterschiedlicher Herkunft miteinander in Kontakt traten. Soziale Zusammenschlüsse waren Foren für politische Diskussionen. Entscheidend für die Aktionsfähigkeit war die Bildungspolitik, politische Parteien gaben der Bevölkerung die Möglichkeit zur Partizipation. Der Nationalismus ging weit über die Unzufriedenheit einzelner Politiker hinaus. Die aus der Frage der Wiedervereinigung resultierenden Probleme wirken bis in die heutige Zeit. (DÜI-Wgm)
World Affairs Online
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 364, Heft 2, S. 265-287
ISSN: 2410-9231
Résumé Les identités partisanes prennent souvent en compte les questions du nationalisme des sentiments nationaux. C'est pourquoi nous avons décidé de nous concentrer sur ceux-ci et d'en extraire les approches fondamentales et leurs regards spécifiques sur les enjeux nationaux. L'examen des manifestes des partis politiques et des programmes électoraux dans la région de Visegrad – la République tchèque, la Pologne, la Slovaquie et la Hongrie – a permis d'identifier oui différentes approches de la nation et de la société dans cette région. Cinq de ces approches sont présentes dans la plupart des partis politiques de la région, alors que trois sont plus spécifiques. Nous avons étudié à la fois les principaux partis politiques, ainsi que les partis nationalistes et d'extrême droite sans représentation parlementaire les plus significatifs, pour la période allant de 2005 à 2010, afin d'en tirer une image actualisée de l'identité nationale des partis. Cette période limitée est importante en raison de son contexte politique, car tous ces pays étaient déjà membres de l'Union européenne.
In: Studia politica: Romanian political science review ; revista română de ştiinţă politică, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 589-622
The Post-communist party systems are often presented as extremely fragmentised and the political parties which emerged after the break down of communism are characterised by their blurred link with the civil society, by weak membership structures and a strong tendency to wards the colonization of the state. The mainstream literature considers, in the case of the new democracies, the existence of a strong tendency towards the emergence of a centralisation of power at the level of party leadership which describes both the party creation and party development phases. Nevertheless, at the level of the empirical studies little attention has been paid to the analysis of party organizations and their internal articulation of power. In this context, the study aims at providing a general image of the party organisational features during the party institutionalisation process in a particular case: the post-communist Romania. The paper explores the main characteristics of the party on the ground, party in central office and party in public office components of the main Romanian political parties and the relationship established between them. The conclusions of the study emphasize the sui generis features of the Romanian political party development process which favours an unexpected reinforcement of the local party organisations and the emergence of linkage mechanisms between different party layers.
In: Archipel: études interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 187-206
ISSN: 2104-3655
5. Nagazumi Akira (Université de Tokyo) étudie en détail les aspects sociaux et politiques d'une des premières grèves dans les Indes néerlandaises, celle des employés des monts-de piété en 1922.
This bibliographical essay represents an effort to analyse how North American scholars are studying Latin American political parties. The author undertakes an in-depth review of the literature and assesses the different approaches used by North American political scientists in the study of parties, concluding with an extensive bibliography on the subject. ; This bibliographical essay represents an effort to analyse how North American scholars are studying Latin American political parties. The author undertakes an in-depth review of the literature and assesses the different approaches used by North American political scientists in the study of parties, concluding with an extensive bibliography on the subject.
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In: Studia politica: Romanian political science review ; revista română de ştiinţă politică, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 257-266
At the very moment of the fall of Romanian communism, pluripartism was viewed as an irrefutable sign of democracy. However, political pluralism was not a value to be simply inserted in a sphere of political representations forged during communism, nor parties political objects to be easily conceived and build in a political life deserted by the Communist Party. The article explores and synthesizes the ways those two fundamental references of a democracy -i.e. political pluralism and political parties- were conceptualized by the Romanian postcommunist politicians: what is a political party? what parties are supposed to do in the emerging political regime and what kind of societal pluralism are they supposed to mirror? Those are questions whose answers and the way they were answered lies in the heart of Romanian democratization and regime building in the 1990 and 2000.
Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.
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This article explores the development of my PhD dissertation's methodological approach, based on Social Network Analysis (SNA), or the collection and analysis of network data, in order to deal with political parties and their members (party mem- bership). I extensively relied on this alternative, growing methodological background in three extents. First (1), SNA was used to analyze bibliographic references related to my dissertation topic, i.e. party membership studies, and identify the most central authors, thereby illustrating the literature review while describing their key contributions. Second (2), SNA was employed to collect and analyze network data likely to better grasp how interpersonal networks affect the probability for a random citizen to turn into party member, assuming that social influence matters in the process of joining a political party. Third (3), I further capitalized on SNA to deal with the question of party activism and why some members become active whereas others remain passive, arguing theoretically and showing empirically that part of the answer lies in members' position within their local party branch's social network. Each of these three applications is discussed in the light of the main methodological developments, the empirical findings and their inter- pretation, while shortcomings and research opportunities are more systematically highlighted at the end. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering the research question the author analize the role of minority parties in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three minority groups who have established National Minority Council, there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties, as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored. The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development with special emphasis on their position in political and party system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness of the decision-making process.
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In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 390, Heft 1, S. 17-34
ISSN: 2410-9231
Cet article aborde l'évolution du rôle des partis politiques européens au travers du processus des candidats têtes de liste pour la présidence de la Commission européenne (processus Spitzenkandidat), dans le but d'indiquer que la politique peut se réinscrire dans la démocratie de l'UE. Bien qu'abandonné en 2019, le processus du Spitzenkandidat a consolidé le rôle des partis politiques européens, qui sont passés de simples prestataires de services à promoteurs de campagnes électorales. Les stratégies de campagne sont passées au crible, en particulier la structure interne et les activités quotidiennes des partis politiques européens lors des campagnes de 2014 et 2019. Les données se basent sur des entretiens qualitatifs, semi-directifs et directifs, menés avec des experts au premier plan de ces campagnes, pour une approche de l'intérieur. En discutant de l'évolution du rôle des partis politiques européens et des stratégies qu'ils ont adoptées pendant les campagnes électorales, nous souhaitons réfléchir au potentiel du processus Spitzenkandidat visant à renforcer la politisation de l'UE.
In: European aspects. Series C No 18