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This article deals with the question of demilitarization and neutralization of the ?land Islands in respect to international law regulating this issue. In this paper it was not intented to go into details of all historical phases and changes of the ?land's status, but rather to concentrate on international treaties regulating this question, which are still in force. ?land is an autonomous, demilitarized and neutralized region of Finland with a largely Swedish-speaking population. The ?land Islands form an archipelago in the Baltic Sea. They are situated in the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia. Its legislative autonomy and a strong protection for its population's Swedish language and culture are enshrined in the Finnish constitution. The ?land Islands are located in a very strategically important place. There are three problems under international law connected with the ?land Islands: that is to say, demilitarization, neutralization and autonomy of ?land. After the Crimean war it was decided that Russia should not fortify the ?land Islands. The strategic position was one of the factors that influenced the decision of the Paris Peace Conference in 1856 to demilitarize the ?land Islands. After the Crimean War (1854-56) an appendix to the 1856 Treaty of Paris forbade Russia from establishing fortifications, maintaining or building up a military presence and naval forces on the islands. In 1917 Finland gained independence from Russia and ?land became for a number of years a source of controversy or even conflict between Finland and Sweden as a result of the ?landers' demand for ?land's reunification with Sweden. In 1921 the League of Nations resolved the ?land question. ?land remained a part of Finland but gained autonomy along with the historically rooted principles of neutrality and demilitarization. In October 1921 the Convention relating to the non-fortification and Neutralization of the ?land Islands was signed by Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Western powers did not regard Bolshevik Russia as a sovereign state after the revolution of 1917 and Russia (the Soviet Union) was not a party to this convention. The treaties that regulatedthe demilitarization and neutralization were: 1) the 1856 Convention on the Demilitarisation of the ?land Islands (annexed to the 1856 Paris Peace Treaty), 2) the 1921 Convention on the Demilitarization and Neutralization of the ?land Islands, 3) bilateral treaty of 1940 between Finland and Russia (the Soviet Union) on the demilitarization of the ?land Islands and 4) the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty. There is no cause to doubt the continuance in force of the demilitarization and neutralization of ?land. The treaties and agreements of 1921,1940 and 1947 are still in force. ?land's demilitarization and neutralization remain beyond question, despite the changes in the political context. The ?land Islands are both demilitarized and neutralized, the main purpose is to keep it completely outside the armed actions of armed conflicts. ?land's status received renewed attention in the 1990s in view of the changes taking place in Europe. The 1994 treaty on Finland's accession to the EU recognizes in its Protocol No. 2, that the ?land Islands enjoy a special status under international law. Furthermore, another legal regulation dealing with this question is the Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Convention on the protection of war victims (Article 60) obligates States Parties to respect demilitarized zones during international armed conflicts. ?land's demilitarized and neutralized status has a strong foundation and position in the international law. Some experts and writers have described this status as a example of a "permanent settlement" or "objective regime" in international law. According to another experts (H. Rotkirch), the special status of the ?land Islands is of such long standing " that it has without doubt become part of customary international law and is thus binding on the international community as a whole". Since 1970, ?land has had its own representation in the Nordic Council and participates in the work of the Nordic Council of Ministers. Since 1989, ?land is a member of the Council of Europe. One might also mention the fact that, ?land stands outside the EU tax union and has retained the limitations on ownership of land and operation of business.

Este artigo se propõe a problematizar interpretações recentes que admitem um processo de "brazilinização" do Norte, a partir das tendências dos mercados de trabalho. No centro da nossa discussão está o conceito de hibridização, enquanto categoria capaz de capturar as diferentes formas de flexibilização vivenciadas pelos mercados de trabalho e construir uma comparação sobre o desempenho recente dos mercados de trabalho na França e no Brasil. O artigo está estruturado em cinco passos. No primeiro deles, fazemos uma análise da natureza da globalização; num segundo, discutimos a especificidade do mercado de trabalho bem como as condições sócio-políticas de sua regulação em cada uma das realidades em análise; no terceiro, introduzimos o conceito de hibridização que captura os efeitos da flexibilização e da precarização d(n)os mercados de trabalho. No quarto, associamos mercados de trabalho e hibridização para evidenciarmos que a uniformidade de mercado de trabalho que existe entre o Norte e o Sul, ou mais precisamente, entre a França e o Brasil, é configurada pela prevalência do assalariamento como forma dominante de inserção nos mercados de trabalho; no entanto, a hibridização nos mercados de trabalho na França e no Brasil é de natureza, volume e conseqüências distintos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: globalização, mercado de trabalho, hibridização, assalariamento.JOB MARKETS AND HIBRIDIZATION: uniformity and differences between France and Brazil Liana Carleial Christian Azaïs This paper intends to problematize recent interpretations that admit a process of "brazilinization" of the North, starting from the tendencies of the job markets. In the center of our discussion is the hibridization concept, as a category capable of capturing the different ways of flexibilization endured by the job markets and to build a comparison on the recent performance of the job markets in Brazil and France. This paper is structured in five steps. In the first of them, we make an analysis of the nature of globalization; in the second, we discuss the specificity of the job market as well as the social and political conditions of its regulation in each of the realities in analysis; in the third, we introduce the hibridization concept that captures the effects of flexibilization and of the precarization of the job market or markets. In the fourth, we associate job markets and hibridization to evidence that the job market uniformity that exists between North and South, or more precisely, between France and Brazil, is configured by the prevalence of the wages as the dominant form of insertion in the job markets; however, the hibridization in the job markets in France and in Brazil is of different nature, volume and consequences. KEYWORDS: globalization, job market, hibridization, wage.MARCHÉS DE TRAVAIL ET HYBRIDATION: uniformité et différences France/Brésil Liana Carleial Christian Azaïs Nous aborderons, dans cet article, la problématique des interprétations récentes qui admettent le fait d'un processus de "brasilisation" du Nord, en partant des tendances des marchés du travail. Le point central de l'exposé est le concept d'une hybridation considérée comme une catégorie capable d'appréhender les différentes formes de flexibilité vécues par les marchés du travail et d'élaborer une comparaison avec le développement récent des marchés du travail en France et au Brésil. L'article comprend cinq étapes. D'abord nous ferons une analyse de la nature de la globalisation; nous parlerons ensuite de la spécificité du marché du travail ainsi que des conditions socio-politiques de sa réglementation, dans chacune des réalités analysées; dans la troisième étape, nous introduirons le concept d'hybridation qui appréhende les effets de la flexibilité et de la précarité des marchés ou sur les marchés du travail. Dans la quatrième partie, un parallèle est fait entre les marchés du travail et l'hybridation en vue de faire remarquer que l'uniformité du marché du travail qui existe entre le Nord et le Sud, ou plus précisément entre la France et le Brésil, est due au fait que les salaires constituent la forme dominante de l'insertion sur les marchés du travail. Cependant l'hybridation au sein des marchés du travail, en France et au Brésil, a une nature, un volume et des conséquences distincts. MOTS-CLÉS: globalisation, marché du travail, hybridation, salaires. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

O artigo analisa os conflitos intergovernamentais no processo decisório sobre as transferências de recursos, decorrentes da política nacional de descentralização da saúde. Para tanto, utilizou-se de dados de pesquisa realizada no âmbito das instâncias decisórias colegiadas estaduais do estado da Bahia, o Conselho Estadual de Saúde (CES-BA) e em especial a Comissão Bipartite Estadual (CIBE-BA), no período de 1993- 1998, sendo este último foro privilegiado de negociação, entre representantes estaduais e municipais, sobre a distribuição de recursos para a operacionalização do sistema de saúde no âmbito regional e local. A análise agrega evidências para a defesa de uma concepção ampliada de descentralização enquanto fenômeno gerador de conflitos e de natureza eminentemente política, por lidar, assim como o federalismo, com a divisão territorial de poder do Estado e governo. Argumenta-se que a descentralização de políticas públicas acirra ainda mais os conflitos entre as esferas de governo, em face das desigualdades inter e intra-regionais, próprias da federação brasileira. Os resultados da pesquisa na Bahia reforçam este argumento. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: descentralização da saúde, processo decisório, federalismo, políticas públicas de saúde. DECISION PROCESS AND CONFLICTS OF INTEREST IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF HEALTH DECENTRALIZATION: a study of collective action foruns in Bahia This paper performs na analysis of the intergovernmental conflicts in the decision process of transfering of the National decentralization policy funds. In order to do so, were used the the data of a research made about the State collective action decision foruns, State Health Council (CES-BA) and specially the State Bipartite Comission (CIBEBA) from 1993 to 1998. The State Comission is a special forum of negotiation between municipal and state representatives about the distribution of funds to the operationalization of the health system regionally and locally. The analysis brings evidence to the defense of a enlarged conception of decentralization as an eminently political and conflict generator phenomenon, for dealing, as Federalism, with territorial division of the State and government power. The results of the research in Bahia reenforce the argument that decentralization of public policies increases even more the conflicts among the Municipal, State and Federal governments, due to inter and intraregional differences common to Brazilian Federation. KEY WORD: decentralization of health policy, decision-making, federalism, health public policies. PROCESSUS DECISOIRE ET CONFLITS D'INTERET LORS DE LA MISE EN OEUVRE DE LA DECENTRALISATION DE LA SANTE: une étude des instances collégiales à Bahia Cet article analyse les conflits intergouvernementaux dans le processus décisoire sur les transferts de ressources, issus de la politique nationale de décentralisation de la santé. Pour cela, on a utilisé des données de la recherche réalisée dans le cadre des instances décisoires collégiales au niveau de l'Etat de Bahia, le Conseil de Santé de l'Etat de Bahia (CES-BA) et en particulier la Commission Bipartite de l'Etat (CIBEBA), pendant la période 1993-1998, au vu de sa condition d'instance privilégiée de négociation entre les représentants étatiques et municipaux, sur la distribution des ressources pour mettre en oeuvre le système de santé aux niveaux régional et local. L'analyse réalisée cherchait à réunir des preuves pour défendre une conception au sens large de la décentralisation en tant que phénomène générateur de conflits et de nature éminemment politique, pour traiter, ainsi que le fédéralisme, de la division territoriale du pouvoir de l'Etat et du gouvernement. On argumente que la décentralisation des politiques publiques suscite davantage des conflits entre les sphères gouvernementales, face aux inégalités interrégionales et intra-régionales propres à la Fédération brésilienne. Les résultats de la recherche à Bahia renforcent cet argument et soulignent le fait que le moment de la mise en oeuvre des transferts de ressources depuis la sphère fédérale vers les états et municipalités est marqué par des conflits d'intérêts, surtout entre les sphères de l'état et des municipalités, lesquels ne peuvent être réglés par des solutions normatives, dans la mesure où ils font partie d'un univers politique difficile à régler et sont financés par la propre décentralisation. MOTS-CLES: décentralisation de la santé, processus décisoire, fédéralisme, politiques publiques de santé. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Book reviewed in this article: A HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA. V., The People Make Laws 1888–1915. By C. M. H. Clark. MANNING CLARK AND AUSTRALIAN HISTORY 1915–1963. By Stephen Holt. PARTY POLITICS: Australia 1966–81. By James Jupp. GOVERNMENT AND CAPITALISM: Public and Private Choice in Twentieth Century Australia. By N. G. Butlin, A. Barnard, J. J. Pincus. VOTING FOR THE AUSTRALIAN STATE LOWER HOUSES 1965–1974. By Colin A. Hughes. ABORIGINAL POLITICS IN SOUTHWESTERN AUSTRALIA. By Michael C. Howard. ABORIGINAL POWER IN AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY. Edited by Michael C. Howard. POWER, CONFLICT AND CONTROL IN AUSTRALIAN TRADE UNIONS. Edited by Kathryn Cole. TARIFF POLITICS: Australian Policy‐making 1960–1980. By Leon Glezer. DEFENDING "A CHRISTIAN COUNTRY": Churchmen and Society in New South Wales in the 1880's and After. By Walter Phillips. FRANK TATE: A Biography. By R. J. W. Selleck. A FOOLISH PASSIONATE MAN: A Biography of Jim Cairns. By Paul Ormonde. THE CRY FOR THE DEAD. By Judith Wright. THE OXFORD HISTORY OF NEW ZEALAND. Edited by W. H. Oliver with B. R. Williams. AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA. Edited by Gary E. Hansen. CRISIS IN AFRICA: Battleground of East and West. By Arthur Gavshon. TUC: The Growth of a Pressure Group 1868–1976. By Ross M. Martin. ENGLISH EDUCATION, SOCIAL CHANGE AND WAR, 1911–1920. By Geoffrey Sherington. THE QUESTION OF CLASS STRUGGLE: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism During the Industrial Revolution. By Craig Calhoun. GENTLEMEN AND POACHERS: The English Game Laws 1671–1831. By P. B. Munsche. THE NATIONAL CHARITY COMPANY: Jeremy Bentham's Silent Revolution. By Charles F. Bahmueller. A HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLEARANCES: Agrarian Transformation and the Evictions 1746–1886. By Eric Richards. NATIONALISM IN IRELAND. By D. George Boyce. THE "FÜHRER STATE": MYTH AND REALTY–Studies on the Structure and Politics of the Third Reich. Edited by Gerhard Hirschfeld and Lothar Kettenacker with an introduction by Wolfgang J. Mommsen. MILITARISM: The History of an International Debate 1861–1979. By V. R. Berghahn MODERN GERMANY: Society, economy and politics in the twentieth century. By V. R. Berghahn THE CAMBRIDGE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RUSSIA AND THE SOVIET UNION. Edited by Archie Brown, John Fennell, Michael Kaser and H. T. Willetts. CHARTER 77 AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA. By H. Gordon Skilling. REVOLUTION AND RED TAPE: The French Ministerial Bureaucracy 1770–1850. By Clive H. Church. THE BEGINNING OF IDEOLOGY: Consciousness and Society in the French Reformation. By Donald R. Kelley. SISTERS OR CITIZENS? Women and Socialism in France since 1876. By Charles Sowerwine. MUSSOLINI UNLEASHED 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Lost War. By Macgregor Knox. ARROGANCE AND ANXIETY: The Ambivalence of German Power, 1848–1914. By L. L. Farrar, Jr. THE COMMUNIST PARTIES OF ITALY, FRANCE AND SPAIN: Postwar Change and Continuity. A Casebook. Edited by Peter Lange and Maurizio Vannicelli. U.S. DIPLOMATS IN EUROPE, 1919–1941. Edited by Kenneth Paul Jones. INTERNATIONAL PEACE KEEPING: United Nations Forces in a Troubled World. By Anthony Verrier. PALESTINE IN PERSPECTIVE: Politics, Human Rights and the West Bank. By David H. Ott. THE MIDDLE EAST: A Political and Economic Survey. Fifth edition. Edited by Peter Mansfield. MIDDLE EAST REVIEW 1982. (Saffron Walden, Essex: World of Information, 1981). ASIA AND PACIFIC 1982. (Saffron Walden, Essex: World of Information, 1981). THE PROBLEM OF HUMAN NEEDS AND THE CRITIQUE OF CIVILISATION. By Patricia Springborg. READING NOZICK: Essays on Anarchy, State and Utopia. Edited by Jeffrey Paul. THE POLITICS OF PROCRUSTES: Contradictions of Enforced Equality. By Antony Flew. THE INTELLECTUALS ON THE ROAD TO CLASS POWER: A sociological study of the role of the intelligentsia in socialism. By George Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi. POLITICIANS, LEGISLATION, AND THE ECONOMY: An Inquiry into the Interest‐Group Theory of Government. By Robert E. McCormick and Robert D. Tollison. JOB GENERATION: A Policy Proposal. By Tom O'Brien. TECHNOLOGICAL DIFFUSION AND INDUSTRIALISATION BEFORE 1914. By A. G. Kenwood and A. L. Lougheed.

SummaryIn this paper the effects of incorporation of two small communities into the national economy are analysed with particular emphasis being given to women' s position. The two communities were almost identical in political and social structure and in economic activities in the 19th century; in both women were weavers providing cloth both for domestic needs and for the market. With the collapse of cotton cloth production and the introduction of coffee cultivation into only one of the two villages, their history diverges. The changes are outlined as are the differences. By the 1970s I argue that although roles for women have diversified to a greater degree in one community than the other (the principles underlying the difference being increasing economic stratification) the effect on certain categories of women in both communities is similar. In one case the poorer women of the community increasingly have to maintain their families through wage labouring because their husbands' wages are too low to permit survival; in the other young girls are sent out of the community to the urban areas to work as domestic servants for very low wages, with no legal rights to social benefits. I argue that in addition to the benefits the export sector gains from the use of women's labour, certain domestic capitalists also benefit by being able to pay low wages to men in agricultural, construction and other part‐time service activities, because they and their families are maintained to some degree by the subsistence sector, largely dependent on women's unremunerated labour.RésuméCet article analyse les effets de l'incorporation de deux petites communes dans l'économie nationale avec un intérêt particulier sur la position de la femme. Les deux communes étaient au 19e siècle presque identiques concernant leur structure politique et sociale et leurs activites économiques; dans les deux cas, les femmes étaient des tisseuses, qui produisaient des tissus pour l' emploi à la maison et pour la vente. Leurs histoires respectives prennent deux chemins différents, quand la production des étoffes de coton s'éffondre dans les 2 communes d' une part, et d' autre part quand dans l' une des 2 communes commence la culture de café. L' article traite aussi bien des changements que des différences. Mon raisonnement est que, bien qu'autour de l' annee 1970 le rôle de la femme ait changé plus dans l' une des deux communes (la cause principale des ces différences est basée sur un regroupement économique croissant) l' effet sut certaines catégories de femmes dans les deux communes est similaire. Dans un cas les femmes plustôt pauvres de la commune doivent de plus en plus supporter leurs families par un propre travail salarié, parceque le salaire de leurs maris est trop bas pour survivre; dans l''autre cas on envoie des jeunes filles de la commune dans les régions urbaines, pour travailler comme employées de maison à très bas salaire et sans avoir droit à des prestations sociales. Je pense qu'en plus des avantages que tire le secteur d' exportations du travail féminin, certains capitalistes locaux en profitent également en payant des salaires bas à des hommes qui travaillent dans l' agriculture, dans la construction ou qui ont d' autres activités a temps partiel, étant donné qu'une partie des moyens d' existence d' eux et de leurs families est garantie par le travail mal payé de leurs femmes.ZusammenfassungIn diesem Artikel werden die Effekte der Eingliederung zweier kleiner Gemeinden in die nationale Volkswirtschaft analysiert, mit besonderem Schwerpunkt auf der Position der Frau. Die zwei Gemeinden waren im 19. Jahrhundert bezüglich ihrer politischen und sozialen Struktur und in ihren volkswirtschaftlichen Aktivitaten fast identisch; in beiden Fällen waren die Frauen Weberinnen, die Stoffe für den häuslichen Gebrauch und zum Verkauf herstellten. Mit den Zusammenbruch der Produktion von Baumwollstoffen und der Einführung von Kaffeeanbau in nur einem der beiden Dörfer, geht ihre Geschichte auseinander. Sowohl die Veränderungen als auch die Unterschiede werden umrissen. Ich argumentiere, daß, obwohl um das Jahr 1970 herum die Rolle der Frau in einem der beiden Dörfer größeren Veränderungen unterworfen gewesen ist, (das den Unterschieden zugrundeliegende Prinzip beruht auf wachsender wirtschaftlicher Umschichtung) der Effekt auf bestimmte Kategorien von Frauen in beiden Gemeinden ähnlich ist. Im einen Fall müssen die ärmeren Frauen der Gemeinde zunehmend ihre Familien durch eigene Lohnarbeit unterstützen, da der Lohn ihrer Männer zu niedrig ist, um sie am Leben zu erhalten; im anderen Fall werden junge Mädchen aus der Gemeinde in städtische Gebiete geschickt, um als Hausangestellte für einen sehr mageren Lohn zu arbeiten, ohne gesetzlichen Anspruch auf Sozialleistungen. Ich argumentiere writer, daß zusätzlich zu den Vorteilen, die der Exportsektor aus Frauenarbeit zieht, bestimmte lokale Kapitalisten auch davon profitieren, daß sie nunmehr in der Lage sind, Männern, die in der Landwirtschaft, im Bauwesen und in anderen Teilzeitbeschäftigungen tätig sind, geringe Löhne zu zahJen, da ihr und ihrer Familien Lebensunterhalt nun zu einem bestimmten Grad von der schlechtentlohnten Arbeit ihrer Frauen bestritten wird.

Kritik am Massaker an der Protestbewegung vom Europäischen Rat, vom Deutschen Bundestag unter Einschluß aller Parteien, vom Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit. Als Sanktion wurde z.T. die Aussetzung der Zusammenarbeit auf wirtschaftlich-technischem Gebiet verhängt. Zurückhaltung in den USA und den meisten RGW-Staaten; 'linientreue' Berichterstattung der DDR-Medien; kritische Kommentare im sowjetischen Fernsehen; Zurückhaltung auch bei den meisten asiatischen Regierungen. (DÜI-Rmb)

In Europe, nineteenth‐century historicism, with its conscious association of the past with the present, initiated a veritable flood of public monuments — the cities were literally stuffed full of architectural sculpture and statues. At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, Ljubljana was caught up in the winds of change and started to replace its German façade with a Slovene one. Growing national conflicts in the multinational monarchy also played a role in the creation of memorial sculpture. The subsequent changes in political borders have resulted in further changes of symbols — those monuments to statesmen which had occupied the most important areas of the city, announcing to the world that Ljubljana was the true capital of the Slovene nation. Only the monument to Napoleon, a reminder of the 'bright years of the French occupation', has survived in Ljubljana, having been erected after the first world war, when Slovenia was no longer a part of the Austro‐Hungarian Empire. History repeated itself after the second world war and after the creation of Slovenia as an independent state. This paper contends that the true meaning of the removal and replacement of monuments, now that Slovenia is an independent country, is no more than a replacement of one myth with another. In this case, the replacement of the myth that the country of Slovenia was born during the national liberation war and socialist revolution between 1941 and 1945, with the myth that there was no national liberation struggle but merely a socialist revolution. The removal of monuments also represents the blotting out of history: an erased memory of Austria and the first and second Yugoslavias. Historical space has always been filled with a national myth in the sense of an age‐old yearning of Slovenes for their own state. Therefore the history of the Slovenes is largely a history of correction, a history of myths. There is no history between us and our ancient ancestors, merely an unbroken line of yearning for an independent state. Paradoxically, this is taking place under the rubric of a return to Europe, while it is obviously a matter of 'Balkanization'.—L'association délibérée du passé et du présent de l'historicisme du dix‐neuvième siècle en Europe initia un torrent de monuments publics — les villes étaient littéralement bourrées de sculptures architecturales et de statues. À la fin du dix‐neuvième siècle et au début du vingtième, Ljubljana fut prise par un climat de changement et commença à remplacer sa façade allemande par une façade slovène. Les conflits nationaux grandissant dans la monarchie multinationale jouèrent aussi un rôle dans la création de sculptures commémoratives. Les changements subséquents de frontières politiques résultèrent en nouveaux changements de symboles — ces monuments aux hommes d'état qui avaient occupé les endroits les plus importants de la ville, annonçant au monde que Ljubljana était la véritable capitale de la nation slovène. Seul le monument de Napoléon, un rappel des 'beaux jours de l'occupation française', a survécu à Ljubljana, ayant été construit après la première guerre mondiale, quand la Slovénie ne faisait plus partie de l'empire austro‐hongrois. L'histoire se répéta après la deuxième guerre mondiale et après la création de la Slovénie comme état indépendant. Cet article soutient que la vraie signification du déplacement et du changement de monuments, alors que la Slovénie est un pays indépendant, n'est que le remplacement d'un mythe par un autre. Dans ce cas, le remplacement du mythe que le pays de Slovénie est né durant la guerre de libération nationale et la révolution socialiste de 1941–1945 par le mythe qu'il n'y avait pas de lutte de libération nationale mais seulement une révolution socialiste. L'enlèvement des monuments représente aussi l'oblitération de l'histoire: un souvenir de l'Autriche et de la première et seconde Yougoslavies effacé. L'espace historique a toujours été comblé par un mythe national, à savoir un ancient désir des slovènes d'avoir leur propre état. Ainsi l'histoire des slovènes est essentiellement une histoire de correction, une histoire de mythes. Il n'y a pas d'histoire entre nous et nos ancêtres, simplement une ligne continue de désir d'un état indépendant. Paradoxalement, ceci prend place sous la rubrique d'un retoir vers l'Europe alors que c'est manifestement une question de 'balkanisation'.