The present study legal analysis of the legal aspects of violations of political rights and freedoms of men and citizen in the modern Russian criminal law, which is currently, despite the urgency of the problem, little studied in the direction from the point of view of the theory and from the practical point of view.
The publication is devoted to the analysis of international standards for women's rights and the constitutional law of modern Russia. The authors have concluded that today human and civil rights have no gender asymmetry, in particular political rights enshrined in the Constitution. The constitutional norm of equality between men and women in the political sphere is fully consistent with the universal international standards. The authors have found that the law does not differentiate between men and women; does not allow direct or indirect restrictions or advantages on the basis of gender in the civil service. Moreover, women are numerically a dominant group of civil servants, but predominate in performing positions, thereby saving "gender pyramid" in government and administration. The article shows that the Russian legislation does not contain provisions infringing the political rights of women. However, the traditional idea of the social roles of men and women are a significant barrier that limits women's ability to enjoy all rights and freedoms, despite the fact that such representations are especially characteristic of the domestic standard of everyday living of society. However, it is not clear what gender discrimination means in the political sphere of life. We must assume that this is due to the absence of statement in the legislation of the Russian Federation "discrimination against women".DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05 ; Публикация посвящена анализу международных стандартов прав женщин и конституционного законодательства современной России. Авторы констатируют, что сегодня права человека и гражданина не имеют гендерной асимметрии, в частности политические права, закрепленные в Конституции РФ. Конституционная норма равноправия мужчин и женщин в политической сфере полностью соответствует универсальным международным стандартам. Авторами установлено, что в законодательстве не проводятся различия между мужчинами и женщинами, не допускается прямых или косвенных ограничений или преимуществ по признаку половой принадлежности на государственной гражданской службе. Более того, женщины остаются численно доминирующей группой в составе государственных служащих, но преобладают на исполнительских должностях, тем самым сохраняется «гендерная пирамида» в органах власти и управления. В рамках настоящей статьи показано, что законодательство РФ не содержит норм, ущемляющих политические права женщин. Однако традиционные представления о социальных ролях мужчин и женщин являются существенным препятствием, ограничивающим возможности женщин пользоваться всеми правами и свободами, несмотря на то, что такие представления прежде всего характерны для бытового уровня жизни общества. Вместе с тем не совсем понятно, что означает дискриминация по признаку пола в политической сфере жизнедеятельности. Надо полагать, что это связано с отсутствием формулировок в законодательстве РФ «дискриминации в отношении женщин».DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05
The article is dedicated to the analysis of influence of the human rights issue on the development of German-Chinese political relations at the present stage. The author analyses main issues of the Germany- China human rights dialogue, its legal basis, the positions and arguments of the sides. In the author's opinion, one of the main obstacles to the development of cooperation between Germany and China in this area is a different perception of the nature of human rights. The author concludes that both Germany and China in effect are willing to put aside the issue of "human rights violations" and criticism of non-compliance with fundamental civil and political rights of Chinese citizens for the sake of economic and trade cooperation between the two countries.
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Jordan's controversial new cybercrime law, now ratified by the king, may have serious consequences for freedom of expression, political participation, and the digital economy.
This article is devoted to the issues of electoral rights of women and their participation in public administration. The history of the development of women's voting right and their involvement in political processes is considered based on international norms and experience of foreign countries. Particular attention is paid to regulatory documents on the protection of the rights and freedom, the legitimate interests of women in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of girls and women, as well as changing gender dynamics in the Parliament. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of females, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Heft 6, S. 55-62
In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.
The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.
The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.
Ключевые слова: евроинтеграция, конфедерализм, Маастрихтский договор, Н. Саркози, правоцентристы, федерализм, Ш. де Голль. = Keywords: center-right forces, Ch. de Gaulle, confederalism, European integration, federalism, Maastricht Treaty, N. Sarkozy. Раздел "Международные отношения". ; В статье прослеживается эволюция евроинтеграционной политики французских правоцентристов, позицию которых наиболее ярко представляют французские президенты (Ш. де Голль, Ж. Помпиду, В. Жискар д'Эстен, Ж. Ширак и Н. Саркози). Подчеркивается, насколько важным этапом для Франции стал Маастрихтский договор 1992 г. Рассматриваются проблемы, с которыми столкнулся ЕС в первом десятилетии XXI в., а также попытки их преодоления Н. Саркози как президента и лидера правоцентристов. Автор делает вывод о решающем значении французских правоцентристских политических сил в развитии процесса европейской интеграции. = The article tracks the evolution of the European integration policy of French center-right parties which position is more clearly represented by the French presidents (Ch. de Gaulle, G. Pompidou, G. d'Éstaing, J. Chirac and N. Sarkozy). The article emphasizes the importance of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty for France. Problems which the EU came across during the first decade of the 21st century and attempts to overcome them by N. Sarkozy as a president and the center-right leader are considered in the article. The author makes a conclusion on a crucial significance of French center-right political forces in development of the European integration process.
The paper considers the problem of interaction of non-governmental human rights organizations with political institutions of the Russian Federation, represented by the state authorities, the Ombudsman Institute, the bodies of Internal Affairs, the European Court for Human Rights, and the mass media. The author analyzes the role of non-governmental human rights organizations as the main channel of communication between the authorities and civil society in Russia. ; В статье рассматривается проблема взаимодействия неправительственных правозащитных организаций с политическими институтами Российской Федерации, представленными государственными органами власти, институтом Уполномоченного по правам человека, органами внутренних дел, Европейским судом по правам человека, а также средствами массовой информации. Проанализирована роль неправительственных правозащитных организаций как важнейшего канала коммуникации власти и гражданского общества в России.
This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.
Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.
The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.
For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.
The object of the master's thesis is the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of European Court of Human Rights and Human Rights Committee. The main aim of the work is to identify the impact of the evolution of the right to a healthy environment and related rights on the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee and possible prospects for its further development. For these reasons the main objectives are: to consider the evolution of the right to a healthy environment and related rights and determine problems of their formation and development; to identify elements of the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee; to define possible prospects for the development of the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee. Fulfillment of these objectives has led the author to a conclusion that, despite the promising emergence of the right to a healthy environment, its formation took place mainly in the documents of «soft» law. Nevertheless, its evolution has influenced the practice of such jurisdictional bodies as the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee: using a broad interpretation of the rights already enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, respectively, they highlighted obligations that provide indirect protection of the right to a healthy environment and procedural environmental rights. The prerequisites for the establishment of an independent, autonomous right to a healthy environment were not identified, thus possible ways were set to further develop the subsequent «greening» of human rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee by using the relevant experience of Regional Human Rights Bodies such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights.
The object of the master's thesis is the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of European Court of Human Rights and Human Rights Committee. The main aim of the work is to identify the impact of the evolution of the right to a healthy environment and related rights on the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee and possible prospects for its further development. For these reasons the main objectives are: to consider the evolution of the right to a healthy environment and related rights and determine problems of their formation and development; to identify elements of the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee; to define possible prospects for the development of the right to a healthy environment and related rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee. Fulfillment of these objectives has led the author to a conclusion that, despite the promising emergence of the right to a healthy environment, its formation took place mainly in the documents of «soft» law. Nevertheless, its evolution has influenced the practice of such jurisdictional bodies as the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee: using a broad interpretation of the rights already enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, respectively, they highlighted obligations that provide indirect protection of the right to a healthy environment and procedural environmental rights. The prerequisites for the establishment of an independent, autonomous right to a healthy environment were not identified, thus possible ways were set to further develop the subsequent «greening» of human rights in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Committee by using the relevant experience of Regional Human Rights Bodies such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights.
The paper focuses on yet unexplored problem in modern conflictology – the conflicts of visuality, which result in what some scholars call the uneven distribution of the "right to visuality." Having drawn on a comparative analysis of two scholarly traditions, i.e. of Visual studies and of Political philosophy and particularly the Theory of recognition, the authors claim that visuality constitutes not just a form of representation, but an essential part of any social conflict. As social regimes based on inequality produce an uneven access to public visuality, the fundamental right of everyone to look and to be seen enters into a conflict with the existing regimes of visual production, or what Nicholas Mirzoeff calls the "complexes of visuality."Key words: Visual Studies, paradigm of recognition, Nicholas Mirzoeff, Axel Honneth, "right to visuality," gaze, visibility. ; Статья посвящена относительно малоизученной в современной конфликтологии теме – природе конфликтов в сфере визуального, приводящих к неравномерному распределению того, что ряд исследователей называет «правом на визуальное». Основываясь на сравнительном анализе двух подходов к проблеме, с позиции междисциплинарного поля визуальных исследований и с позиции политической философии и теории признания, авторы приходят к выводу, что визуальное является не только способом репрезентации социальных конфликтов, но и их субстанциальной чертой, так как социальное неравенство практически всегда реализуется в неравном доступе к сфере публичной видимости. Как следствие, фундаментальное право субъекта смотреть и быть видимым вступает в конфликт с властными порядками визуального.Ключевые слова: визуальные исследования, парадигма признания, Николас Мирзоев, Аксель Хоннет, «право на визуальное», взгляд, право быть видимым.