Suchergebnisse

Questo capitolo introduce la quarta parte del volume, relativa a casi di politiche locali finalizzate a superare la formula del "campo nomadi" e aumentare la varietà delle misure di inserimento abitativo1.L'abitare è una dimensione cruciale della vita in società, e il fatto che a partire dagli anni Settanta i gruppi zigani siano stati forzati dentro un'unica tipologia abitativa, il campo nomadi, ha avuto grandi conseguenze non solo sulla qualità di vita delle persone lì residenti, ma anche sui rapporti fra questi gruppi e le società urbane in cui risiedono (.).

Cover -- Occhiello -- Indice -- Introduzione -- Poems -- Abbreviazioni -- Foreword - Italian colonization -- Part I Origins,rescission of agreements and resistance -- Chapter 1 The origins of italian colonization in Somalia -- Chapter 2 The Mullah: Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan and his movement -- Chapter 3 The rescission of protection agreements by the fascist administration -- Part II Crucial issues during the italian colonial period -- Chapter 4 The ascent of italian colonialism in Somalia and the labour question, 1890s-1930s -- Chapter 5 Interaction among customary law, islamic law and colonial law during the italian administration of Somalia -- Part III From colonization to trusteeship and independence -- Chapter 6 Italy's "right of return" to Somalia after the defeat in the second world war -- Chapter 7 The United Nations and the Somali question: The transformation process from colony indipendence -- Part IV The aftermath of italian colonialism -- Chapter 8 The case of the boundary dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia:some remarks from an international law standpoint -- Chapter 9 Reparation for colonial crimes: the case of Somalia -- Appendice -- Volumi pubblicati.

Research into the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic medieval urban communities is, unfortunately, hindered by the lack of sources. This insurmountable obstacle does not permit a deeper and more comprehensive insight into this challenging topic. The legal status of foreigners may only be studied for the period from the second half of the thirteenth and, especially, early fourteenth century onwards. It is in this period and thanks to the revival of the Roman law that East Adriatic urban communes, following the example set by their Italian counterparts, began to set down their own collections of written laws (statutes). The statutes paid attention to the regulation of the legal status of foreigners. The statutes are indeed the richest and the most important sources for this topic. Yet it is important to keep in mind that the diversity of the socio-economic and political concerns of each individual commune shaped their individual attitudes towards foreigners. This diversity makes a general appraisal of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communes difficult. The best we can do is to point out certain trends in the statutory legislations. Following the example set by the twelfth and thirteenth century trading contracts, with which the urban communes regulated free trade between them and ensured the personal and material security of its merchants, many of the statutes' regulations focused on the issues around the property and procedural criminal law, as well as law proceedings. These regulations provided foreigners with legal protection against arbitrary acts committed by the host town and provided a swift legal action in the case of material or personal injury. Yet in order to protect their own interests as well as the interests of their citizens, the communes often applied various exclusions to the regulations concerning foreigners. These exclusions were mostly expressed in the area of the law of obligations (securing obligations, cession, claims, loans, borrowing, purchase contracts etc.) as well as the material law and in particular the property law. The most important exclusion concerning the foreigner's right to property—indeed one that received the greatest amount of attention in the statutes—was the limitation to their ownership of real estate. Limitations in this area were not as rigid as it may seem at first glance, as the statutory regulations in certain communes did give (conditional) right to own real estate. In most cases, purchase of real estate required the concurrence of the communal body in charge, or the bestowal of residence rights (habitator). Yet foreigners who had been granted residence and then moved away at their own will, in some towns faced punishment by confiscation of their immovable assets. In some cases, the rights of the foreigner-owner of the real estate were limited so that s/he was permitted to bequest their real estate only to the persons not subject to secular authorities—ie the clerics. This prohibition, however, applied equally to the town dwellers and to foreigners. Furthermore, with respect to the acquisition of the property, foreigners suffered explicit limitations. An example is the regulation that prohibited the residents to name the foreigner as their heir, or the prohibition from participating in public auctions. Other limitations to the foreigners' right to own property specified in the town statutes referred, for the most part, to their movable assets, that is the products and the commodities they traded (wheat, wine, salt, wood). These goods were of vital importance for the economic life of the commune. Similar limitations may be found in regulations concerning exploitation of communal natural resources. As the examples above indicate, the statutory legislation was first and foremost focused upon the regulation of those questions that the commune considered especially important from a long-term perspective. Yet as sources for the history of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communal societies, the statutes are insufficient.

Victim of its own success, the concept of «digital democracy» risks to turn into an obstacle, and not a tool in order to grasp reality. We need to look into another field to better understand what issues today's technologies raise in relation to political freedom, understood as self-determination: the field of Internet governance. There is an interesting debate on how we should handle this new world we have in common that is constituted by the infosphere, starting with the current debates surrounding the reform proposals for the ICANN. The stakes are high (balkanization, loss of neutrality, etc.) but mainstream democratic theory is largely unprepared for the challenge. The paper shows why the debate on the control of critical Internet resources is misleading: the «seats of power» are now elsewhere. In order to move within the private ordering that currently characterizes Internet governance in a way that is respectful of fundamental rights we need to rethink the relationships between social powers.

Since the 1990s, Spain has had to face an immigration phenomenon until then unknown. This is the immigration of unaccompanied foreign minors. This newest category of immigrants has specific characteristics compared to displacement of adults. Mainly, they are children who arrive to Spain without the company of their parents or legal guardian. After recognizing this situation, it is interesting to verify the national and international legal treatment granted, considering also the medical tests performed to verify age, resulting in one of the main problems affectingall their legal treatment.

Il diritto a un minimo decente di assistenza sanitaria – spesso chiamato, più semplicemente, diritto alla salute – fa parte dei cosiddetti diritti di seconda generazione, cioè quelli che richiedono un impegno attivo da parte dello stato per assicurare ad ogni cittadino la possibilità di una vita dignitosa. Il diritto alla salute si trova enunciato nei più importanti documenti internazionali, a partire dalla Dichiarazione universale dei diritti dell'uomo (1948), e nella maggior parte delle costituzioni nazionali, compresa quella italiana. Tuttavia, nel Sud del mondo, la sua applicazione è ostacolata da un gran numero di fattori (povertà, guerre, corruzione politica, ecc.); cosicché la maggior parte degli esseri umani vive in società prive di un sistema sanitario nazionale, cadendo vittima di malattie facilmente curabili o prevenibili. Per affrontare questo problema, la cooperazione sanitaria internazionale ha sperimentato nel tempo due diverse forme di intervento: una incentrata sulla diffusione dell'assistenza sanitaria di base (come raccomandato dalla Conferenza di Alma-Ata del 1978), l'altra sui cosiddetti "programmi verticali", i quali agiscono su singole malattie o branche della sanità. Nessuno dei due approcci però ha prodotto i risultati sperati. L'Ong italiana Emergency propone un modello di cooperazione sanitaria per molti aspetti innovativo: esso si fonda su progetti autogestiti e totalmente gratuiti (che vanno dalla pediatria alla chirurgia di guerra alla cardiochirurgia) ed è capace di incidere sul tessuto sociale nel quale si inserisce, fino ad influenzare le scelte politiche delle autorità locali. Solamente intervenendo in un modo simile sui determinanti sociali della salute, sembra possibile migliorare realmente lo stato di salute delle popolazioni più povere e garantire così la prima delle condizioni necessarie perché ogni persona abbia la possibilità di vivere una vita decente. ; The right to a minimum health care – often referred to as the right to health – is part of the so called second generation rights, that is, those rights which would necessitate active state efforts in order to guarantee every citizen a dignified standard of living. The right to health is recognised in all the most important international documents, the first being the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in the majority of national constitutions, including the Italian one. Nevertheless, in the southern hemisphere, its application is still facing many obstacles (e.g. poverty, wars, political corruption, etc.), to such an extent that the greater number of people live in society without National healthcare service, and they are likely to fall victims at easy-to-cure or preventable diseases. In order to cope with this problem, international cooperative forces for health care has experimented with two different strategies of intervention. Whereas the first one has been focused on diffusing primary health care (as recalled during 1978 Alma-Ata Conference), the second one has tried to put into action the so called vertical programs, whose goal is to act against specific disease or on health care branches. However, it seems that neither strategy has so far reached the desired aims. An innovative cooperation model is offered by the NGO Emergency. Their way of intervention is based on self-managed and free health care projects (concerning paediatrics, emergency war surgery, cardiovascular surgery, etc.) which can exert a considerable influence not only on the social tissue they develop within, but also on political decisions taken at local level. To take action on the social determiners of health seems to be the only way to actually improve poor people's health condition and to assure them the basis for a decent standard of living.

Despite online media having become an increasingly valuable tool for social movements to achieve their goals, the digital presence of animal advocacy organizations is still under-explored. This paper contributes to fill the gap by analyzing the social media communication of Italian animal advocates against the backdrop of a typology developed in the offline context that distinguishes political, anarchist, anti-political and mainstream animal advocacy. By using text and data mining techniques, the Facebook pages of eight Italian organizations representative of each type of advocacy were analyzed, based on over 7,000 posts and followers' reactions. The findings complicated the offline typology by showing elements of continuity, discontinuity and hybridization between offline and online activism. They also shed light on the online communication of animal advocates and provided some initial insight into how online media can affect animal rights activism, thus providing a contribution to the emerging field of digital media and social movement studies.

Riconosciuto il problema dell'accesso ai farmaci come un problema di giustizia globale, la dissertazione, da un lato, è incentrata sullo studio dei diritti umani e sul diritto alla salute da una prospettiva giusfilosofica e, dall'altro, è finalizzata ad analizzare la disciplina brevettuale internazionale, sia approfondendo gli interessi realmente in gioco, sia studiando la struttura economica del brevetto stesso. Si è cercato quindi di guardare a tali interessi da una nuova prospettiva, ipotizzando una gerarchia di valori che sia completa e coerente con gli obiettivi che la dottrina, la giurisprudenza, nonché il diritto internazionale formalmente enunciano. Il progetto di ricerca vuole, in definitiva, arrivare a proporre nuove soluzioni giuridiche al problema dell'accesso ai farmaci. La dissertazione svolge pertanto uno studio critico della proposta di Thomas Pogge, di natura politica e giuridica e sorretta da istanze filosofiche, volta alla soluzione del problema dell'accesso ai farmaci, i.e. l'Health Impact Fund (HIF). Proposta che pone radicalmente in discussione, anche concretamente, il dogma del monopolio concesso con la privativa quale ricompensa per i costi di R&D sostenuti dai titolari dei brevetti e che pone, invece, l'accento sull'effettivo impatto sulla salute globale di ogni singola invenzione. Analizzandone approfonditamente gli aspetti più rilevanti, si passano poi in rassegna, criticamente, le proposte, alternative o di riforma, del sistema di proprietà intellettuale, volte al miglioramento dell'accesso ai farmaci; a tal proposito, si propone quindi una riforma transitoria della disciplina brevettuale, c.d. Trading Time for Space (TTS), che prevede un allungamento temporale dell'esclusiva brevettuale (Time) in cambio della vendita da parte del titolare della privativa del farmaco ad un prezzo accessibile nei Paesi in via di sviluppo (Space). ; Considering the problem of access to drugs as a global justice problem, the dissertation, on the one hand, focuses on human rights and, namely, on the right to health from a legal and philosophical perspective and, on the other hand, aims at analyzing the international patent system, investigating the interests actually at stake and assessing the economic structure of patents. The dissertation looks at such interests from a new perspective, consistent with the objectives that scholars, case law and international law formally declare. The dissertation will, eventually, propose new solutions to the problem of access to medicines. The dissertation therefore offers a critical study of the proposal by Thomas Pogge, which has political, legal and philosophic grounds aiming at the solution of the access to drugs problem. The Health Impact Fund (HIF) gives a radical challenge, even in practice, to the dogma of the monopoly granted as a reward for R&D costs, incurred by patent holders, by giving instead emphasis on the effective impact on global health by each invention. By analyzing in detail their main aspects, the dissertation then critically describes other recent proposals for the reform of the intellectual property system, in order to improve access to drugs. In this regard, a transitional reform of the patent system, the so-called Trading Time for Space (TTS), is proposed, proposing an extension of the patent exclusivity (Time) in exchange for the sale by the holder of the patent at an affordable price in developing countries (Space).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).