Suchergebnisse

International audience ; The College of Judges played a significant role in the political, institutional and legal world of Vicenza in the modern age. It was composed of legal experts belonging to aristocratic families, who found in this institution the right space to defend the identity, the prerogatives, the privileges and the statutes of the Respublica of Vicenza after the an- nexation to the Venetian State. Old and new families thus found in the College a suitable space to affirm their authority, enhance their status and manage the administrative and judicial affairs of both the city and the territory. In the past, interest has been given to the relations of power within the Vicenza ruling class, but also between the local power and the central power, to the attraction exercised by the courts of Venice among the elites formed in law, to families of recent nobility, to their path and to their alliances with the ancient aristocratic families within the College and the city councils. It is now necessary to consider an ancient aristocratic house that assumed a prestigious role in the Vicenza society and outside of the Venetian Republic, through the examination of the case of Marco Thiene who, in 1599, tried to be admitted to the College. The paper analyses the operation of the corporation, the recruitment criteria, such as the nobilitas (noble lineage), natalia (place of birth), aetas (age), studium (education), and mores (character) of the applicant Marco, as well as the relationship established among the cousins and uncles within the noble house of Thiene. ; Il Collegio dei Giudici svolse un ruolo di notevole rilevanza nel mondo politico, istituzio- nale e giuridico di Vicenza in età moderna. Fu composto da esperti del diritto appartenenti a famiglie dell'aristocrazia, le quali trovarono in questa istituzione lo spazio adatto per difendere l'identità, le prerogative, i privilegi e gli statuti della Respublica di Vicenza dopo l'annessione allo Stato veneto. Dopo la disfatta di Agnadello e i successivi eventi bellici fino al 1516, le configurazioni sociali e politiche cambiarono notevolmente a Vicenza, ma la funzione del Collegio rimase quella di rappresentare il potere di un gruppo limitato ed eslusivo di esperti giuridici volti alla difesa degli statuti cittadini nei confronti del patriziato veneziano. Antiche e nuove famiglie trovarono così nel Collegio uno spazio idoneo per af- fermare la loro autorità, esaltare il loro status e gestire gli affari amministrativi e giudiziari sia della città che del territorio. L'interesse è stato prestato, in passato, ai rapporti di forza all'interno del ceto dirigente vicentino, ma pure tra il potere locale e il potere centrale, all'attrazione esercitata dai tribunali di Venezia presso le élite formate nel diritto (giuristi, avvocati, assessori), alle famiglie di recente nobiltà, al loro percorso e alle loro alleanze con le antiche famiglie aristocratiche nell'ambito del Collegio e dei consigli cittadini. Merita ora di essere considerata una antica Casa aristocratica che assunse un ruolo prestigioso nella società vicentina e fuori dai confini della Repubblica veneta, attraverso l'esame del caso di Marco Thiene che, nel 1599, cercò di essere ammesso al Collegio. L'analisi intende cogliere il funzionamento della corporazione, i criteri di reclutamento quali la "nobilitas", i "natalia", l'"aetas", lo "studium", i "mores" dell'impetrante Marco –, e il rapporto stabilitosi all'interno della nobile Casa tra i cugini e gli zii Thiene. ; Sodni kolegij je v političnem, institucionalnem in pravnem svetu Vicenze moderne dobe imel pomembno vlogo. Sestavljali so ga pravni strokovnjaki iz aristokratskih družin, ki so v tej instituciji našle ustrezen prostor za zaščito identitete, prerogativ, privilegijev in statutov Vicenške republike po priključitvi k beneški državi. Čeprav se je po porazu pri Agnadellu in vojnih dogodkih, ki so mu sledili do leta 1516, družbena in politična struktura v Vicenzi precej spremenila, je kolegij ohranil vlogo zastopstva moči omejene in ekskluzivistične skupine pravnih strokovnjakov, katerih cilj je bil ščititi mestne statute v odnosu do beneških patricijev. Stare in nove družine so tako v kolegiju našle primerno okolje za potrjevanje svoje avtoritete, povzdigovanje svojega družbenega statusa ter ure- janje administrativnih in sodnih zadev tako mesta kot širšega ozemlja Vicenze. Doslej so zgodovinarji namenjali pozornost razmerju moči znotraj vodilnega vicenškega razreda ter med lokalnimi in centralnimi oblastmi, privlačnosti beneških sodišč za pravno elito (juriste, advokate, prisednike) ter mlajšim aristokratskim družinam, njihovi poti in za- vezništvom s starejšimi plemiškimi družinami znotraj kolegija in mestnih svetov. Prav bi bilo, da se zdaj posvetimo eni od starih aristokratskih rodbin, ki je prevzela ugledno vlogo v vicenški družbi in tudi izven meja Beneške republike, in sicer z obravnavo primera Marca Thiena, ki si je leta 1599 prizadeval za vstop v kolegij. Članek analizira delovanje združenja, kriterije za sprejem – nobilitas (plemiško poreklo), natalia (kraj rojstva), aetas (starost), studium (izobrazba) in mores (značaj) prosilca Marca – in odnos, ki se je vzpostavil med bratranci in strici znotraj plemiške rodbine Thiene.

In Italy, Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) manages the second reception of forced migrants. This organization was founded by the Bossi-Fini law n. 189/2002 and is composed by the network of local governments, which uses the available resources of National Fund for Asylum Policies and Services provided by Government finance law and managed by the Ministry of Interior. Its principal goal is to realize integrated reception projects for refugees, asylum seekers, subsidiary and humanitarian protection holders in order to ensure their socio-economic inclusion within local contexts in cooperation with voluntary and third sector organizations. On 10th July 2014, local governments were signed an agreement between national and regional executive to create a national reception system to face the growing number of people who have arrived on the Italian coasts. The main goal of this system is to overcome only a material reception (food and lodging), in order to offer a "widespread reception" within urban areas. The strategy is to create an individual project and an accompaniment to ensure the integration of each person in the local community. The services provided consist in inclusion of migrants in the national health and scholastic system, orientation and access to other local services, professional training, job placement, legal assistance and social and housing integration . Indeed, it is crucial to emphasize that the Italian reception system is characterized by extreme fragmentation. Only SPRAR provides these services with the goal of enabling social and economic inclusion of hosted people in local context, which is why we talk about second reception centres. In Italy, there are, however, many different types of first and extraordinary reception centres for migrants . They are managed by the prefectures and differ in terms of goals, structural characteristics, services and receptive capacity. Only 18.7% of migrants are hosted in the SPRAR structures, while the remainder incurs the possibility of carrying out the entire procedure of the asylum application in the centres of first and extraordinary reception (IDOS, 2017). In recent years, the Italian reception structures have undergone a reorganization and redenomination phase, in which the SPRAR should have become a reference standard. In fact, this system has positively distinguished itself for its objectives, the structuring of his interventions and many best practices. This did not prevent bad reception occurrences even within SPRAR structures, as well as a large number of violent and verbal conflicts, some of which carried out by Italian citizens to the detriment of asylum seekers and owners of a status of international protection. These episodes, exacerbated by a political and media discourse that represents migrants as a threat (Battistelli et al., 2016), are the consequence and symbol of the fragmentary and contradictory reception policies adopted at a European level, in the individual countries and at a local level (IDOS, 2016). Instability and political, economic and social uncertainty, rulers in this historical period, are manifested in an emergency approach that is characterized by insufficient planning and a lack of coordination between the reception agencies. This orientation, supported by many and incongruent legislative changes, deprives the system of a strong structure and facilitates the overturning of the same principles of "widespread reception" of migrants in local communities. Moreover, this facilitates the affirmation of nationalist, xenophobic and localist drifts, as well as reception situations in which human rights are violated and which do not provide real opportunities for inclusion in the territories in a safe and dignified manner. Therefore, the conceptual distinction of the terms danger, risk and threat, used as the interpretative line of this work, appears fundamental to understand why subjective responses, in terms of perception and actions, differ according to the situations, as well as to manage the effects that derive in a consistent manner (Battistelli e Galantino, 2018). In order to realize the analysis, I decided to use an ethnographic approach that is traced back to the constructivist philosophical paradigm, where the vision of facts is investigated locally. Ethnographers, indeed, study subjects, artefacts and actions in their interactions, from an interpretative-dialectical point of view, without the claim of absolute objectivity of the results (Piccardo and Benozzo, 1996). Then, I have chosen to use focused narrative interviews because they turn to individuals, they aim for their "understanding", and this is part of the renewed interest in the subject's centrality and in the "deliberately intentional" social action (Weber, 1922). It is also an approach that allows investigating deeply the phenomena. It is very interactive, flexible and able to empathize in the perspective of the subject being studied. This makes it easier to interview marginal subjects neglected by "official knowledge" and to rediscover the social function of research, which is "giving voice to those who do not have it" (Crespi, 1985, pp. 351) In addition, observation and fieldwork are supported by a strong theoretical basis that offers its help to the researcher for the understanding of the social world, providing an order that supports they in their critical analysis of the facts. So, empirical work and theory support each other (Silverman, 2002). Then, narrative approach is highly adaptable to the study of organizations and to analyse the collected data. In fact, this approach is characterized for attention given to concrete situations and not to general theorizations (Czarniawska, 2000). Hence, the empirical research carried out in 2016-2018 can be summarized in the following phases: 1- Analysis of secondary data and documents produced by European and national statistical institutes, private associations, protection bodies and by SPRAR itself. 2- Participant observation in: - a political protest demonstration against the opening of a SPRAR centre in XIII Town Hall, on the north-western suburb of Rome; - nine meetings of social operators working in SPRAR network of Rome and in the national CARA and CAS reception centres; - a SPRAR centre (20 reception places increased to 40 in the south-eastern suburbs of Rome, VII Town Hall). One year of observation and shadowing of operators: 16th January 2017 – 22th January 2018; - a SPRAR apartment (14 reception places for families in the residential area of Monte Sacro neighbourhood, Town Hall III). Five days of observation and shadowing of operators in January 2018; - a seminar of reflection organized by SPRAR and ANCI on the reception system in Lazio, focused on the role of the Regions and Municipalities. 3- Forty-one narrative focused interviews: - Twenty-four SPRAR operators working in SPRAR centres of Rome; - Seventeen asylum seekers and refugees from SPRAR centre observed in Town Hall VII of Rome. The intent behind this ethnographic research started in a restructuring phase aimed to make the SPRAR a reference standard of reception for all asylum seekers who came to our country. But it was characterized, as still today, by speculative situations, the high presence on the territory of large collective reception centres and managing bodies without the necessary experience (Olivieri, 2011; Lunaria 2016). Therefore, the analysis of the risk management and the operators perception of the SPRAR of Rome has the objective to unveil and analyse the contradictions and weaknesses that may arise within this model due to a reckless management that produces specific factors of risk. The hypothesis underlying the case study is that, although the SPRAR has been recognized as an ordinary model, it can also be reproduced in a distorted manner, not respecting the reference guidelines. The alteration between SPRAR in books, the theoretical expression of a principle, and SPRAR in action, its implementation (Pound, 1910), is caused by specific factors that can cause significant effects from several points of view. To bring to light these aspects, closely related to the risk management and the perception that its operators have, I achieve a classification of the risks that I applied to three different types of SPRAR structures (large, medium and single apartment). Then, I identified a series of outcomes involving the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The decision to draw the case study at the SPRAR of the city of Rome is driven by the complexity that distinguishes this territory on a social, cultural and political level. In fact, I believe it can bring out the contradictions of the model as new forms of confinement compared to territories with reduced complexity. However, allowing a glimpse of a reception of asylum seekers and holders of a protection status also possible within urban and metropolitan areas. The empirical survey shows that an increase in the distortion compared to the assumptions of an integrated and widespread reception in the territories corresponds to a greater possibility that specific risk factors are produced. Which in their turn, crystallizing into unhealthy forms, can involve the people hosted, the operators, the local community and the SPRAR organization itself. The case study and the application of the risk classification, which I achieved based on the evidence revealed from the field, reveal how the identified risk areas (socio-spatial context, production of the service, recipients) and the corresponding categories, do not produce in itself a negative result. However, this can occur if a short-sighted management acts on these aspects and does not align with the proposed guidelines. Therefore, this classification appears to be a useful tool to identify problems and to develop preventive measures, aimed to improve the management of SPRAR centres in metropolitan cities such as Rome (and other contexts), by intervening on the identified risk categories and reducing the factors that eventually emerge. The analysis, focused on three different types of SPRAR structure (large, medium, single apartment) of the Capital, shows how this alteration occurs in a disruptive way in the large collective centres, the most represented in Rome. Meanwhile, greater adherence to the model is shown, with a modality proportional to the size, in the medium-sized structure and in the apartment. The distortion detected in the large SPRAR collective centres of Rome and partly also in the medium-sized centre, reflects the ambivalence of the general reception system. It promotes on the one hand the principles of a good reception that respects human rights and the autonomy of people and by another implements foreclosure practices and new forms of borders (Vacchiano, 2011; Van Haken, 2008). The field research shows that this happens on different levels due to specific material factors (location and capacity of the centres, management of internal spaces, activation of the services provided, etc.) and through the daily practices of the operators who, in a more or less assenting, controlling and disciplining the people hosted, shape their conduct. Therefore, in the daily life of the structures in which the situations described are involved, the principles of freedom, inclusion and autonomy supported by the rhetoric of reception system are governed by a neoliberal logic of citizenship that suggests the criteria to distinguish, in the same integration paths, who is more worthy than other beneficiaries (Van Haken, 2008). Although the case study highlights strong contradictions and weaknesses that come to life in the implementation of the SPRAR model, it also shows the realization of a good reception. That which, despite being included in an extremely complex context such as Rome, attempts to oppose the "logic of large numbers and profits" of large cooperatives and which implements functional inclusion paths to achieve the objectives. Alignment and consistency with the guidelines and the SPRAR operating manual, in fact, allow the construction of a real project of individualized socio-economic integration for the person hosted. Only by acting in a widespread manner on the territory, in apartments or small centres, the genesis of new forms of borders beyond those already present is avoided. In fact, through this management most of the risks identified are eliminated or at least reduced, precisely because the "trajectory of opportunities" of risk (Reason, 1997) towards unfavourable outcomes generally develops within large collective centres. References Battistelli Fabrizio, Farruggia Francesca, Galantino Maria Grazia and Ricotta Giuseppe. 2016. "Affrontarsi o Confrontarsi? Il "Rischio" Immigrati sulla Stampa Italiana e nella Periferia di Tor Sapienza a Roma". Sicurezza e Scienze Sociali 1:86-112. Battistelli Fabrizio e Galantino Maria Grazia. 2018. "Dangers, Risks and Threats: An Alternative Conceptualization to the Catch-All Concept of Risk". Current Sociology 1-15. Czarniawska Barbara. 2000. Narrare l'organizzazione. La costruzione dell'identità istituzionale. Tr.it. Torino: Edizioni di Comunità. Crespi Franco. 1985. Le vie della sociologia. Bologna: Il Mulino. IDOS in partnership with Confronti. 2017. Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2017. Roma: Inprinting srl. IDOS. 2016. "INTRA MOENIA. Il Sistema di Accoglienza per Rifugiati e Richiedenti Asilo in Italia nei Rapporti di Monitoraggio Indipendenti". Affari Sociali Internazionali IV (1-4). Lunaria. 2016. Il mondo di dentro. Il sistema di protezione per richiedenti asilo e rifugiati a Roma. (https://www.lunaria.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Il_mondo_di_dentro.pdf). Olivieri Maria Silvia. 2011. "L'accoglienza frantumata sotto il peso dell'«emergenza»", pp. 35-44 in Lunaria. 2011. Cronache di ordinario razzismo. Secondo libro bianco sul razzismo in Italia. Roma: Edizioni dell'Asino. Piccardo Claudia and Benozzo Angelo. 1996. Etnografia organizzativa. Una proposta di metodo per l'analisi delle organizzazioni come culture. Milano: Raffaello Cortina Editore. Reason James. 1997. Managing the Risks of Organisational Accidents. London: Ashgate Publishing Company. Vacchiano Francesco. 2011. "Discipline della Scarsità e del Sospetto: Rifugiati e Accoglienza nel Regime di Frontiera". Lares LXXVII (1): 181-198. Van Aken Mauro. 2008. Rifugio Milano. Vie di fuga e vita quotidiana dei richiedenti asilo. Roma: Carta. Weber Max. 1922. Economia e Società. Tr.it. Milano: Edizioni di Comunità.

La procedura d'infrazione, com'è noto, è regolata dagli artt. 258-260 TFUE ed è diretta a far accertare e far cessare il comportamento di uno Stato membro che sia in contrasto col diritto "comunitario", assicurando, in tal modo, l'uniformità dell'applicazione del diritto dell'Unione e il rispetto, da parte degli Stati membri, dell'acquis communautaire. Pur esistendo ulteriori strumenti diretti a garantire il medesimo scopo, la procedura in parola rimane, perlomeno a livello formale, il meccanismo più direttamente idoneo a raggiungerlo. Da un lato, infatti, essa assicura che l'uniformità dell'applicazione e l'interpretazione delle norme europee assumano quel carattere di "definitività" e "generalità" che i procedimenti instaurati di fronte ai giudici comuni non garantiscono, in quanto diretti – perlomeno in prima battuta – a tutelare la sfera giuridica del singolo individuo che avvia il procedimento. Dall'altro lato, essa consente un dialogo tra Commissione e Amministrazioni nazionali che, benché sovente indirizzato alla risoluzione di questioni particolari e circoscritte, permette di fatto il perseguimento delle più alte finalità politiche del processo di integrazione europea. La procedura di infrazione, peraltro, assume valenza anche nell'ambito delle procedure di "controllo politico" del rispetto del diritto dell'Unione, affiancandosi a strumenti come quello di cui all'art. 7 TUE. A dispetto dell'evidente rilevanza dello strumento, e malgrado i non indifferenti mutamenti sociali e politici, oltre che giuridici, che hanno interessato l'Unione europea nei suoi decenni di vita, la disciplina dettata in tema di procedura di infrazione è rimasta quasi del tutto immutata e, nel corso degli anni, sono state espresse crescenti perplessità da parte di plurimi attori istituzionali, nonché accademici, riguardo a svariati aspetti della procedura in parola, specialmente quelli derivanti dall'ampio margine di discrezionalità di cui gode la Commissione. Scopo del lavoro, quindi, è svolgere una riflessione ad ampio spettro proprio sulla discrezionalità della guardiana dei trattati, tendando di evidenziarne i profili critici, ma anche gli eventuali punti di forza. Tale riflessione, metodologicamente, sarà svolta attraverso la raccolta e l'analisi della casistica (tanto precontenziosa quanto contenziosa) e mediante lo studio attento della prassi. Muovendo dalla fase precontenziosa ex art. 258 TFUE, non si potrà prescindere dalla valutazione dell'impatto dei poteri della Commissione sulla trasparenza e sulla lentezza della procedura, sui diritti del denunciante e, quindi, in ultima battuta, sull'assenza di prevedibilità e di certezza del diritto nella gestione di questa fase. Si procederà, quindi, all'esame del ruolo e della discrezionalità della Commissione nell'ambito della procedura ex art. 260, par. 2, TFUE, dalla fase precontenziosa alla scelta dei criteri di calcolo delle sanzioni pecuniarie. Ciò al fine specifico di comprendere se sia o meno rispettato il principio della parità di trattamento tra Stati membri. Una terza parte sarà dedicata a una riflessione sul margine di discrezionalità della guardiana dei trattati nella gestione della procedura per mancata comunicazione delle misure di attuazione di direttive legislative, in particolare nella scelta di proseguire la procedura a seguito della comunicazione dell'avvenuta trasposizione della direttiva da parte dello Stato membro. L'obiettivo è quello di valutare i limiti, la tenuta e l'efficacia dello strumento di cui all'art. 260, par. 3, TFUE, anche alla luce della recente prassi giurisprudenziale sviluppatasi in materia. Infine, il lavoro mira, per un verso, a delineare i profili evolutivi nell'architettura dell'istituto e, per altro verso, a stilare talune proposte dirette a risolvere le eventuali problematiche che potrebbero enuclearsi a seguito dell'indagine svolta, al fine di garantire che la procedura d'infrazione possa continuare a essere uno strumento chiave per garantire il rispetto dell'acquis communautaire. ; The infringement procedure, as is well known, is defined by Articles 258-260 TFEU and it is intended to obtain a declaration that the conduct of a Member State infringes Community law and to end that conduct, thus providing, at the same time, legal certainty and uniformity throughout the Union and Member States' compliance with the acquis communautaire. While there are additional instruments aiming at ensuring the same purpose, the infringement procedure remains (at least formally) the most suitable tool to reach it. Indeed, on the one hand, it tends to make irrevocable and uniform both the application and the interpretation of the EU Law and, on the other hand, it allows to build a productive dialogue between national Administrations and the Commission. Moreover, despite the Treaties' silence on the precise relation between Article 258 TFEU and Article 7 TEU, it is undeniably true that the infringement procedure acts as a parallel mechanism of 'political supervision' of EU Law compliance. In spite of the instrument's relevance, and in spite of the considerable social, political and legal changes that have affected the European Union over the years, the Treaty's provisions have remained almost entirely unchanged and growing doubts about the efficiency of the procedure have been expressed by both Institutions and academics. The main worries and concerns are deriving from the wide margin of discretion enjoyed by the Commission. The aim of the work, therefore, is to carry out a wide-ranging reflection on the discretion of the guardian of the treaties, aiming at highlight its problematic issues, but also its strengths. This reflection, methodologically, will be carried out through the collection and analysis of cases (both pre-litigation and contentious) and through a careful study of the practice. Starting from the pre-litigation phase pursuant to Article 258 TFEU, the thesis seeks to assess the impact of the Commission's powers on the transparency and slowness of the procedure, on the complainant's rights and, therefore, ultimately, on the absence of predictability and legal certainty in the management of this phase. Secondly, it will be analyzed the role and discretion of the Commission within the procedure pursuant to Article 260(2) TFEU, from the pre-litigation stage to the choice of the criteria for the determination of financial penalties. This is specifically aimed at understanding whether or not the principle of equal treatment between Member States is respected. Thirdly, a reflection will be made on the discretion of the guardian of the treaties in managing the procedure for failure to communicate the measures for implementing legislative directives, more specifically the choice to keep the procedure opened following the communication of the transposition measure. The goal is to assess the weakness and the effectiveness of the tool referred to in Article 260(3) TFEU, also in the light of the recent case-law. Finally, the work aims, on the one hand, at outlining the possible evolution of the instrument and, on the other hand, at drawing up some proposal to (try to) solve the issues that could arise following the investigation.

Dopo l'8 settembre 1943, migliaia di giovani scelsero di aderire alla re-pubblica sociale italiana e, durante la transizione dal fascismo alla re-pubblica, molti di loro furono processati per collaborazionismo con i te-deschi. Poiché molti dei giovani imputati erano minorenni dal punto di vista penale, la maggior parte dei processi nei loro confronti riguardò il tema dell'imputabilità, la cui sussistenza, ai sensi dell'art. 98 c.p., doveva es-sere valutata dal giudice in relazione alla capacità di intendere e di volere. Mentre, nei primi mesi successivi alla liberazione, la sezione speciale della corte di cassazione di Milano confermò in genere le sentenze delle corti d'assise straordinarie che dichiaravano i minori capaci di intendere e di volere (e dunque li condannavano, limitandosi a diminuire la pena come prescritto dall'art. 98 c.p.), nel corso del 1946, la seconda sezione della corte di cassazione iniziò ad annullare le sentenze di condanna, attribuendo rilevanza alla propaganda fascista che aveva influito sulla capacità di intendere e di volere dei minori, secondo la tendenza ad atte-nuare il rigore repressivo nei confronti del reato di collaborazionismo che ha caratterizzato la giustizia di transizione italiana ; Even thought, over the last decades, many studies have been devoted to the issue of the Social Italian Republic, various aspects concerning the consent to republican Fascism are still awaiting full investigation, in par-ticular as far as regards young people. As a matter of fact, after the armistice with the Allied was announced on September 8th 1943, thousands of young boys joined the army of the Republic of Salò, thus continuing the alliance with the Germans. Also many young girls actively collaborated with the occupying German armed forces and the German puppet Republic of Salò. After the Liberation Day, many young people that had fought at the side of Republic of Salò and against the Resistance were charged with col-laboration with the Germans. The decree n. 159 of 27th July 1944, which consolidated the former en-actments on the subject into one law, punished collaborators according to the Military Penal Code of 1941 (even if not members of the armed forces), which in these cases called for the death penalty or lengthy prison sentences. The decree n. 142 of 22nd April 1945, which specifically addressed the crimes of collaboration committed during the German military occupa-tion of Northern Italy, established special court of assize. Though in the-ory they were expected to have fully performed their duties witghin six months, in practice they continued to sentence for two years as a spe-cial section of ordinary assize courts. Their sentences could be appealed in the special section of the Court of Cassation established in Milan, and subsequently in the Court of Cassa-tion in Rome after the Court in Milan was abolished. The special courts of assize were composed of a professional judge as a president and four jurors selected by the National Liberation Commit-tee, which, in addition, could choose prosecutors from a pool of anti-Fascist lawyers. It is important to keep in mind that on the one hand, transitional legisla-tors were not confident in the ordinary judiciary, which was still consid-ered linked to Fascism, and that on the other hand, special court of as-size guaranteed popular participation in the administration of justice. When it became apparent that the goal of achieving democracy was emerging in Italy's post-war society, it was up to the judges to strike a balance between punishing past offenses and obtaining future ap-peasement. It is a well-known fact that, during the changeover from Fascism to re-public Italian, judges (in particular the second section of the Court of cassation) progressively adopted a less rigorous attitude towards collab-orators. These results have been generally blamed on the fact that, on the whole, the judiciary had not been purged after the fall of Fascism, which in turn meant that sanctions against Fascism were not enforced. What about the decisions as far as regard young people charged with collaboration with the Germans? What were the reasons given by the judges to condemn or acquit them? And what the arguments used by the defendants and their lawyers against the charge of collaboration? Most of the trials against young people regarded the criminal responsi-bility of the juveniles. Between the 19th and the 20th centuries, the discipline of responsibility of minors based on balancing between juvenile delinquency and the immaturity of youth. The Penal Code of 1889 considered minors aged nine to fourteen re-sponsible if they had acted with "discernment" (art. 54). As far as the Court of Cassation was concerned, the discernment of minors was not identified in their ability to recognize the moral gravity of the offense, as the liberal doctrine had suggested, but rather in their ability to rec-ognize that such conduct was in violation of penal law. The elimination of the concept of discernment in the Fascist Penal Code did little to resolve the doubts of the courts. The Penal Code of 1930 re-quired judges to evaluate the "mental capacity" of minors aged four-teen to eighteen (art. 98). Judges thus continued to demand that a mi-nor's maturity fit the crime, taking into account their physical and moral development, in addition to their relationships and their social, cultural and economic background. It is important to keep in mind that, as ruled by the special section of the Court of Cassation on the matter of collaboration with Germans, special court of assizes had exclusive jurisdiction also over minors, despite the fact that a juvenile court had been in operation since 1934. At first, special court of assize considered the juveniles responsible for the crimes of collaboration with Germans, but the punishment was miti-gated according to art. 98 c.p. and the special section of the Court of cassation generally confirmed the judgements. The second section of the Court of cassation, instead, used to annul the sentences that considered the young people responsible for collabora-tion with Germans on the ground that judges had failed to provide the reasons of their judgements about the responsibility of minors and re-quired that the evaluation of a minor's mental capacity had to be relat-ed to the crime committed, especially if it was of a political nature. In particular, according to the arguments of the defence lawyers, the Court of Cassation ruled that judges had to consider that young people generally were not able to understand the wrongfulness of acts of col-laboration, because of the Fascist propaganda. We have to keep in mind that in explaining the general amnesty of 1946, even the minister of justice Togliatti pointed out how difficult it had been for young generations to distinguish right from wrong during the Fascist period because of the discipline imposed by the regime. Doctrine agreed with jurisprudence in ruling that the responsibility of minors was to be evaluated less severely with regard to political crimes such as collaboration with the Germans, considering this approach to sentencing would help foster the peace process and educate the Italian youth that had been involved in the dramatic experience of the Civil War.

The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the experiences that can be traced to the notion of "withholding" (or trattenimento according to the Italian more precise way to literally describe this phenomenon). By this term I refer to those physical spaces of social inclusion and exclusion within which existences are held without an apparent (at least at the beginning) normative justification. I consider these situations inherently anomic but surprisingly recurring in our century and the latter part of the previous one. The coercive restraintment in well-defined spaces, brought by the breach of a rule of criminal law, defines a new status of existence, that of "withheld" (or trattenuti). The reality of this (relatively) new form of life has been the main subject of my research as direct product of the obsession for securitization. Withholding is presented to the researcher as a sort of permanent state of exception.The heterogeneity of the places of withholding of existences has been studied from the point of view of the geographical location. From this analysis I have been able to underline the global nature of the phenomenon and, thanks to the concrete forms of execution, to legitimize the image of continuity with the experience of the internment camps, mentioned above. For the withholding process, in some cases, a whole geographical space is directly used: islands, archipelagos and enclaves. Other times it uses urban structures: I am referring to ghettos (from the Parisian suburbs, or banlieux, to the ghetto of Shanghai) and even to boundary walls. Walls and borders carry an inherent exclusion, but sometimes their meaning is much more profound. The story of the Berliner Mauer is, from this point of view, absolutely paradigmatic. Behind the justification of action and preventive safety, the lives and rights are deleted. Even the name periodically returns with the strength of the model and example, although negative. It is the "wall of shame", the wall of Tijuana that separates Mexico from the United States, the wall that separates the Western Sahara territories Moroccan domination from those of Arab domination, the separation wall between Israel and the West Bank. In other cases withholding takes place in constructed and ad hoc delimited situations: like centers of temporary stay and assistance (CPTA), today CIE following the intervention of the EU law; the safety devices terrorism in national and international transport (waiting rooms in airports and train stations); the "red zones" at the summits of heads of state and government of the world (not least the Genoese one in 2001). We can observe, together with Foucault, the mutation of the police apparatus in a system of "governmentality". But places of withholding are not just a European experience. I'm thinking about the internment camps in Libya or Palestinian occupied territories. They have now really assumed the form of an anonymous "archipelago – gulag" of segregation and detention. Especially after the second Intifada, the territories seem to have taken almost spontaneously the structure of the internment camp, while the freedom of movement of Palestinians fades, the principle of detention seems to appear with ever greater clarity. We are really confronted with the genesis of a biopolitics of progressive isolation of the Palestinian territories; the confinement of a people in a dimension of functional enclave of control. A state of emergency becomes a form of government. Looking to withheld existences, the common feature seems to be the rejection of normalization of difference. We are dealing with lives or threatening, social pathologies that power must identify and separate. The referent is mainly represented by minorities (ethnic-racial, linguistic, religious, political) deserving, if not elimination, of some concealment. Screw deviant, but also, and especially meaningful in the sense that has been indicated above, anomic as stolen from the ordinary processes of criminalization with the intervention of the criminal law. It is a "sacred" existence in a process of reflection that starts with Jean Marie Guyau, passes through Emile Durkheim, and finally comes to Giorgio Agamben. Withheld's lives are worthless, according to Hannah Arendt' "exemplary human being reduced to the most elementary reactions, the model citizen of a totalitarian state, a city that can be produced only imperfectly outside the camp." A distinction, however, seems possible and reasonable, in light of the observations made so far. According to Bauman withheld can be divided in outsiders and insiders. The first earn their subjection to detention just because they come from another jurisdiction which makes them extra-national (stateless) or, more generally, foreigners; while on the other side we look at that surplus of native humanity who, unable to be violently amputee, should be at least hidden or fenced, building spaces of anti-city in cities. The last part of my research is dedicated to an ethnographic study of these dimensions, a qualitative research carried out in many centers of detention and "reception". Empathy has been one of the most important instruments in the interviews in order to understand. to verstehen, in a weberian way and approach, the existences and spaces between criminal and non criminal Law. Ethnography is always the writing of difference, but with the aim to make closer words that seem to be only apparently far from each other (especially in terms of understanding).

Bruno Buozzi ha sido una de las figuras más prestigiosas del reformismo político y sindical en Italia. Aquí, queremos explorar la contribución de Buozzi, particularmente en términos de la relación entre el sindicato y sus instituciones y en la temporalización del procedimiento. Para Buozzi, el sindicalismo después del fascismo, debe asumir la condición de "unión legal" con "representación totalitaria de la profesión y el derecho a intervenir en los contratos de trabajo que han de tener fuerza vinculante para todos los miembros de la categoría para los que se realiza la unión". En la Asamblea Constituyente el tema de la regulación legal del sindicalismo en Italia fue muy debatido. El resultado fue la aprobación del art. 39, una especie de "tercer sistema" entre las categorías del derecho público y el principio de la libertad de asociación del derecho privado, en relación al cual se han planteado dudas y observaciones por parte de la doctrina mayoritaria en el ámbito del derecho laboral. El incumplimiento del art. 39 de la Constitución, debido a la inercia legislativa resultante de las divisiones entre las tres principales centrales sindicales, las diferentes interpretaciones que deben darse a la disposición constitucional, ha dado lugar a la aparición de un sistema de derecho colectivo privado, autónomo, que trabaja por la unidad de los sindicatos. En el horizonte de las relaciones industriales italianas, sin embargo, están apareciendo nuevas divisiones, como las relativas al Acuerdo sobre los despidos en la reestructuración de Alitalia. De ahí el relanzamiento de las tesis en apoyo a la intervención legislativa en materia de negociación colectiva, aunque con relectura del art. 39 de la Constitución, y por consiguiente las tesis de Buozzi. ; Bruno Buozzi has been one of the most prestigious figures in the political and trade union reformism in Italy. Here, we want to explore the contribution of giussindacale Buozzi, particularly in terms of the relationship between the union and its institutions and the timeliness of processing. For Buozzi, trade unionism after fascism, he should assume the status of "legal union" with "totalitarian representation of the profession and the right to enter into contracts of employment which have binding force for all members of the category for which the union is made. "In the Constituent Assembly the issue of legal regulation of trade unionism in Italy was much debated. The result was the approval of art. 39, a sort of "third system" between the ordering of the categories of public law and private law principle of freedom of association, in respect of whom have raised doubts and remarks by the majority doctrine in the field of employment law. Failure to implement art. 39 of the Constitution, due to legislative inertia resulting divisions between the three major trade union centers but also to the different interpretations to be given to the constitutional provision, has led to the emergence of a system of law based on autonomous private collective, which worked by the unity of the trade unions. On the horizon of Italian industrial relations are emerging, however, new divisions, such as that relating to the Agreement on redundancies in the restructuring of Alitalia, which has once again seen the CGIL not participate in the underwriting, with the relationship with Fiat to act as leader. Hence the revival of the arguments in support of legislative intervention in collective bargaining, even in rereading art. 39 of the Constitution, and thus the thesis Buozzi. ; Bruno Buozzi ha rappresentato una delle figure più prestigiose del riformismo politico e sindacale in Italia. In questa sede si vuole approfondire il contributo giussindacale di Buozzi, in particolare sotto il profilo del rapporto tra sindacato e istituzioni e l'attualità della sua elaborazione. Per Buozzi, il sindacalismo dopo il fascismo, avrebbe dovuto assumere lo status di "sindacato giuridico", con "la rappresentanza totalitaria della categoria professionale ed il diritto di stipulare contratti di lavoro i quali hanno forza obbligatoria per tutti gli appartenenti alla categoria per la quale il sindacato è costituito". In sede di Assemblea Costituente il tema della disciplina giuridica del sindacalismo in Italia fu molto dibattuto. Il risultato fu l'approvazione dell'art. 39, una sorta di "terzo sistema" tra l'ordinamento di diritto pubblico delle categorie e principio privatistico di libertà sindacale, nei cui confronti si sono sollevati dubbi e rilievi da parte della dottrina maggioritaria in campo giuslavoristico. La mancata attuazione dell'art. 39 Cost., a causa di un'inerzia legislativa conseguente alle divisioni tra le tre maggiori centrali sindacali ma anche per le diverse interpretazioni da dare alla norma costituzionale, ha determinato l'affermazione di un sistema di diritto sindacale fondato sull'autonomia privata collettiva, che ha funzionato grazie all'unità dei sindacati. All'orizzonte delle relazioni industriali italiane si profilano però, nuove divisioni, come quella relativa all'accordo sugli esuberi nella ristrutturazione di Alitalia, che ha visto ancora una volta la Cgil non partecipare alla sottoscrizione, con i rapporti con la Fiat a fare da capofila. Da qui il rilancio delle tesi a sostegno dell'intervento legislativo in materia di contrattazione collettiva, pur nella rilettura dell'art. 39 della Costituzione, e quindi delle tesi di Buozzi. ; peerReviewed

L'elaborato tratta il delicato tema della legittima difesa esercitata nel domicilio, che è stato oggetto di due riforme negli ultimi quindici anni – prima nel 2006, poi nel 2019 –, suscitando diffuse critiche e contrastanti pareri in ordine alla sua esatta portata. La grande attenzione pubblica per l'istituto e i due interventi legislativi hanno stimolato l'interesse e il desiderio di approfondire l'origine, la ratio e l'evoluzione della scriminante di cui all'art. 52 c.p. Lo scopo della presente indagine è duplice: da una parte, si è cercato di comprendere le esigenze sottostanti alle riforme e, più in generale, il fondamento del bisogno così ben radicato nella società contemporanea di una differenziazione di trattamento per le aggressioni perpetrate all'interno dell'abitazione; dall'altra, invece, partendo dallo studio della disciplina attualmente in vigore e dell'applicazione concreta della medesima ad opera della giurisprudenza, si è provato a trovare un equilibrio più soddisfacente tra le esigenze diffuse e il rispetto della Carta costituzionale e della Convenzione europea dei diritti dell'uomo, in sintesi una "contro-riforma sostenibile". La tesi si articola in tre parti, di cui la prima è dedicata all'analisi storico-comparatistica della causa di giustificazione. In particolare, lo studio ripercorre le origini dell'istituto a partire dal diritto romano sino ai giorni nostri, cercando di evidenziare i precedenti storici atti a spiegare l'attuale predisposizione di una figura speciale di legittima difesa a beneficio di colui che sia aggredito in luoghi privati in ordine ai quali vanti uno ius excludendi alios nei confronti dell'aggressore. La ricerca storica è affiancata da un'indagine comparatistica, anch'essa impostata in prospettiva storica, che allarga lo sguardo alle scelte compiute in argomento dai principali ordinamenti europei – segnatamente quello francese e inglese –, nonché dal sistema federale statunitense. La seconda parte della tesi ha ad oggetto il diritto interno vigente; in particolare l'elaborato affronta prima la legge n. 59 del 13 febbraio 2006 e poi la legge n. 36 del 26 aprile 2019, ossia le riforme che hanno conferito rilievo alla figura speciale della legittima difesa domiciliare. A tal fine, si considera tanto il contesto politico criminale che ne ha segnato l'origine, quanto il contenuto delle riforme alla luce della giurisprudenza di legittimità; è stato infatti svolto uno studio su tutte le pronunce emesse dalla Corte di Cassazione in materia di legittima difesa domiciliare dal 1° gennaio 2000 sino al 1° gennaio 2021. Grazie a tale ricerca è emerso da una parte come la prima riforma risulti sostanzialmente priva di ricadute concrete e, dall'altra, come il secondo intervento legislativo, ove non sottoposto a un'interpretazione correttiva alla luce delle direttrici costituzionali e convenzionali europee, sia pericoloso per la tenuta del sistema. Lungo tale direttrice, l'indagine si sofferma in particolare sul ruolo che dovrebbero assumere il requisito della necessità e le presunzioni normative di legittimità della reazione. Con riferimento al caso dell'eccesso, poi, si prospettano i criteri rilevatori del grave turbamento e delle condizioni di minorata difesa a cui si ricollegano effetti scusanti. La terza ed ultima parte dell'elaborato, infine, tratta l'istituto in una prospettiva de iure condendo; nello specifico, prendendo le mosse dai risultati raggiunti attraverso l'indagine realizzata, si è provato ad avanzare una proposta di risistemazione della causa di giustificazione che si articola in tre passaggi, idealmente collegati tra loro. Secondo tale ipotesi di lavoro, l'art. 52 c.p. guadagnerebbe in razionalità ed efficacia se, anzitutto, fossero eliminati i commi disciplinanti la legittima difesa domiciliare attualmente in vigore; inoltre, alla disposizione di cui al c. 1 dell'art. 52 c.p. dovrebbe affiancarsi una scusante legata allo stato di turbamento emotivo vissuto dall'aggredito, applicabile alla fattispecie generale per i casi di eccesso e di errore sulla legittima difesa; infine, si potrebbe prevedere una presunzione iuris tantum di pericolo attuale per la sola incolumità dei presenti in caso di aggressione perpetrata all'interno del domicilio e dell'esercizio commerciale. La compresenza di tali proposte modificative sembrerebbe in grado di conferire un rinnovato equilibrio alla causa di giustificazione, da una parte dando voce e riconoscimento alle istanze diffuse, dall'altra rispettando i principi e i valori di cui la Costituzione e la Convezione europea dei diritti dell'uomo sono espressione, dall'altra ancora imprimendo una spinta contraria rispetto all'attuale tendenza antistatalista, se non addirittura anticostituzionale, di cui le due recenti riforme in materia si sono rese portavoce. ; The thesis deals with the delicate issue of self defence exercised in the home, which has been the subject of two reforms in the last fifteen years – first in 2006, then in 2019 –, arousing widespread criticism and conflicting opinions regarding its exact scope. The great public attention for the institute and the two legislative interventions have stimulated the interest and the desire to investigate the origin, the ratio and the evolution of the justification regulated by art. 52 c.p. The purpose of this survey is twofold: on the one hand, an attempt has been made to understand the needs underlying the reforms and, more generally, the foundation of the need so well rooted in contemporary society for a differentiation of treatment for attacks perpetrated inside the house; on the other hand, starting from the study of the discipline currently in force and the concrete application of the same by jurisprudence, an attempt has been made to find a more satisfactory balance between the widespread needs and compliance with the Constitutional Charter and the European Convention of human rights, in short a "sustainable counter-reform". The thesis is divided into three parts, of which the first is dedicated to the historical-comparative analysis of the justification. In particular, the study traces the origins of the institute starting from Roman law up to the present day, trying to highlight the historical precedents capable of explaining the current predisposition of a special figure of self defence in favour of anyone who is attacked in private places, where individuals boasts an ius excludendi alios against the aggressor. The historical research is accompanied by a comparative survey, also set in a historical perspective, which broadens the gaze to the choices made on the subject by the main European systems – notably the French and English ones –, as well as by the US federal system. The second part of the thesis concerns the internal law in force; in particular, the paper first deals with law no. 59 of 13 February 2006 and then the law n. 36 of 26 April 2019, i.e. the reforms that have given prominence to the special figure of home self defence. To this end, both the criminal political context that marked its origin and the content of the reforms in the light of the jurisprudence of legitimacy are considered; in fact, a study was carried out on all the rulings issued by the Court of Cassation regarding home self defence from 1 January 2000 until 1 January 2021. Thanks to this research, it emerged on the one hand how the first reform is substantially devoid of concrete repercussions and, on the other hand, how the second legislative intervention, if not subjected to a corrective interpretation in the light of constitutional and conventional guidelines, is dangerous for system tightness. Along this line, the investigation focuses in particular on the role that the requirement of necessity and the normative presumptions of legitimacy of the reaction should assume. With reference to the case of excess, then, are presented the criteria for detecting the serious disturbance and the conditions of impaired defence to which excuse effects are linked. Finally, the third and last part of the paper deals with the institution from a de iure condendo perspective; specifically, starting from the results achieved through the survey carried out, an attempt was made to put forward a proposal for reorganization of the justification which is divided into three steps, ideally connected to each other. According to this working hypothesis, art. 52 c.p. would gain rationality and effectiveness if, first of all, the paragraphs governing home self defence currently in force were eliminated; furthermore, beside the provision referred to art. 52 c. 1 c.p., there should be an excuse linked to the state of emotional disturbance experienced by the attacked, applicable in cases of excess and error in self defence; finally, an iuris tantum presumption of current danger could be envisaged for the sole safety of those present in the event of aggression perpetrated within the home and business. The coexistence of these amending proposals would seem capable of giving a renewed balance to the justification, first of all giving voice and recognition to the widespread requests, furthermore respecting the principles and values of which the Constitution and the European Convention of human rights are an expression, and lastly still giving a push contrary to the current anti-statist tendency, if not even anti-constitutional, of which the two recent reforms on the subject have become spokesmen.

My PhD thesis focuses on the role urban planning can play in the management of diversity in the city. In European countries, migration policies have failed to create a common and shared space to deal with the numerous questions raised by the so called "migration crisis" creating informal, legal, passive or active boundaries for foreigners. However, even when absent at the level of government we can nevertheless observe informal practices that are put in place by migrants to give an answer to their immediate needs and that can be used as a magnifying glass of more deeply rooted socio-political needs. I argue that these dynamics can be observed in same particular space as multiethnic markets in the city where informal practices could be looked as clues in order to suggest new policies. Urban planning has a crucial role to play in these policies, enhancing the creation of new forms of 'living the city' and a renewed form of urban citizenship can represent a pivotal point to commit urban planning in the quest for spatial and social justice (Sandercook, 1996). Notions of formal citizenship have changed within the context of contemporary massive urban migration (Penninx et al., 2004).The search for new models of integration has been the priority of States concerned by both the problem of the second generation without legal rights, and new incoming groups. Better integration of migrant groups and guarantees of security have been the leitmotiv in the European political discourses in this search. However, the gap between the policies defined at the national level and the implemented policies on the ground increased, because local experiences do not resonate with the abstract frame of the national policy directives. This gap leads to a further growing apart of formal and informal practices of citizenship. Usually these conflicts show themselves in sensitive urban space like squares, ethnic streets or suburbs. However, before their final outbreaks, these conflicts are informal and can be observed in shared and everyday urban space as streets, squares and markets. I suggest that these practices are insurgent (Holston,1996) that means they are a direct response to some gap into the management policies of the multicultural issue in the market and as a consequence in the city. These practices show the weakness or the failures of policies when national or local governments decided to rationalize, restrict and underestimate the relevant role of the space in the integration policies. In fact, the neglected part of the policies is the power of diversion (Olivier de Sardan, 2008) that those subjected to certain policies exert as an option strategy. This means that people can sometimes act in open contrast with policies that seemingly stimulate integration while they increase cultural, economic or political segregation. These dynamics reveal some problems entangled in the national policies that can be listed as follows:– A misunderstanding of the importance of cultural differences, and of the fact that they are not fixed in a time or in a space but adjustable, flexible and dynamic; – Misinterpretation of the practices that immigrants bring with them that could be seen as illegal or could be in contrast with the customary and formal understanding of a space;– Unawareness or underestimation of the asymmetrical local power relations and their consequences on the everyday life and on the relation with the policies themselves. This includes the overcoming of the concept of a single public interest in favour of a wider view of several public interests, sometimes struggling against each other;– The fear of more forward-looking policies that need an upturning of the present fixed idea of national identity;– Underestimation of the potential of multicultural planning in improving public, multicultural and accessible space in the city I conclude the dissertation with a deep rethinking of the notion of citizenship that has to take into account the needs behind the everyday informal practices as a core objective for more encompassing integration policies. I push forward the notion of metrozenship made by Oren Yiftachel and using it as a tool for a new social impact assessment aimed at foreseeing the possible consequences of a policy before its implementation. The very last part of the dissertation is dedicated to the theorical analysis of the market space as an heterotopia (Foucault, 1974). I argue that this comparison can open and widen the possibility for the urban planning to think at such space and to use it as a microcosm in which experiment new forms of living the diversity. ; Ma thèse de doctorat porte sur le rôle que l'urbanisme peut jouer dans la gestion de la diversité dans la ville. Dans les pays européens, les politiques migratoires n'ont pas réussi à créer un espace commun et partagé pour répondre aux nombreuses questions soulevées par la crise des migrations créant des frontières informelles, légales, passives ou actives pour les étrangers. Cependant, même en l'absence du gouvernement, nous pouvons néanmoins observer des pratiques informelles mises en place par les migrants pour répondre à leurs besoins immédiats et qui peuvent être utilisées comme une loupe de besoins sociopolitiques plus enracinés. Je soutiens que ces dynamiques peuvent être observées dans des espaces particuliers comme les marchés multiethniques dans la ville où les pratiques informelles pourraient être considérées comme des indices pour suggérer de nouvelles politiques.La planification urbaine a un rôle crucial à jouer dans ces politiques, l'amélioration de la création de nouvelles formes de «vivre la ville» et une forme renouvelée de citoyenneté urbaine peuvent représenter un point essentiel pour engager l'urbanisme dans la recherche de la justice spatiale et sociale (Sandercook, 1996). Les notions de citoyenneté formelle ont changé dans le contexte de la migration urbaine massive contemporaine(Penninx et al., 2004). La recherche de nouveaux modèles d'intégration a été la priorité des États concernés tant par le problème de la deuxième génération sans droits légaux que par les nouveaux groupes entrants. Une meilleure intégration des groupes de migrants et des garanties de sécurité ont été le leitmotiv dans les discours politiques européens dans cette recherche. Toutefois, l'écart entre les politiques définies au niveau national et les politiques mises en œuvre sur le terrain a augmenté, car les expériences locales ne sont pas en accord avec le cadre abstrait des directives de politique nationale. Cet écart conduit à une plus grande différenciation des pratiques formelles et informelles de la citoyenneté. Habituellement ces conflits se manifestent dans l'espace urbain sensible comme les places, les rues ethniques ou les banlieues. Cependant, avant leur éclosion finale, ces conflits sont informels et peuvent être observés dans l'espace urbain partagé et quotidien comme les rues, les places et les marchés.Je suggère que ces pratiques sont insurgées ("insurgent", Holston, 1996) qui signifie qu'elles sont une réponse directe à un certain écart dans les politiques de gestion de la question multiculturelle sur le marché et, par conséquent, dans la ville. Ces pratiques montrent la faiblesse ou parfois les échecs des politiques lorsque les gouvernements nationaux ou locaux ont décidé de rationaliser, de restreindre et de sous-estimer le rôle pertinent de l'espace dans les politiques d'intégration. En fait, la partie négligée des politiques est le pouvoir de détournement (Olivier de Sardan, 2008) que ceux soumis à certaines politiques exercent comme une stratégie d'option. Cela signifie que les gens peuvent parfois s'opposer ouvertement à des politiques qui semblent stimuler l'intégration tout en augmentant la ségrégation culturelle, économique ou politique. Ces dynamiques révèlent certains problèmes qui se retrouvent dans les politiques nationales qui peuvent être énumérées comme suit:– Une méconnaissance de l'importance des différences culturelles et du fait qu'elles ne sont pas fixées dans un temps ou dans un espace mais réglables, flexibles et dynamiques;–Une interprétation erronée des pratiques que les immigrants apportent avec eux, qui pourrait être considérée comme illégale ou pourrait être en contraste avec la compréhension habituelle et formelle d'un espace;– Incapacité ou sous-estimation des relations asymétriques de pouvoir local et de leurs conséquences sur la vie quotidienne et sur la relation avec les politiques elles-mêmes. Cela comprend la suppression du concept d'intérêt public unique en faveur d'une vision plus large de plusieurs intérêts publics, parfois en lutte les uns contre les autres;–La crainte de politiques plus tournées vers l'avenir qui ont besoin d'un renversement de l'idée fixe actuelle de l'identité nationale;– Sous-estimation du potentiel de la planification multiculturelle dans l'amélioration de l'espace public, multiculturel et accessible dans la villeJe termine la thèse par une réflexion approfondie sur la notion de citoyenneté qui doit tenir compte des besoins qui sous-tendent les pratiques informelles quotidiennes comme un objectif essentiel pour des politiques d'intégration plus globales. Je fais avancer la notion de métrozenship faite par Oren Yiftachel (Yiftachel, 2014) et en l'utilisant comme un outil pour une nouvelle étude d'impact social visant à prévoir les conséquences possibles d'une politique avant sa mise en œuvre. La dernière partie de la dissertation est consacrée à l'analyse théorique de l'espace du marché comme une hétérotopie (Foucault, 1974). Je prétends que cette comparaison peut ouvrir et élargir la possibilité pour l'urbanisme de penser à tel espace et de l'utiliser comme un microcosme dans lequel expérimenter de nouvelles formes de vivre la diversité.

THE TITLE OF MY THESIS IS THE ROLE OF THE IDEAS AND THEIR CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE UNDER A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AIM OF MY WORK IS TO CARRY OUT A RESEARCH MODELLED ON THE CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY. IT FOCUSES ON THE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF IDEAS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLICY MAKING BY MEANS OF EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES, THINK TANKS AND VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS THAT MAY HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DIFFERENT PATHS. FROM MY POINT OF VIEW IDEAS CONSTITUTE A PRIORITY RESEARCH FIELD WHICH IS WORTH ANALYSING SINCE THEIR ROLE IN POLICY MAKING PROCESSES HAS BEEN TRADITIONALLY RATHER UNEXPLORED. IN THIS CONTEXT AND WITH THE AIM OF DEVELOPING A RESEARCH STRAND BASED ON THE ROLE OF IDEAS, I INTEND TO CARRY ON MY STUDY UNDER THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHANGE. DEPENDING ON THE DATA AND INFORMATION THAT I COLLECTED I EVALUATED THE WEIGHT OF EACH OF THESE VARIABLES AND MAYBE OTHERS SUCH AS THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS, WHICH MAY HAVE INFLUENCED THE FORMATION OF THE POLICY MAKING PROCESSES. UNDER THIS LIGHT, I PLANNED TO ADOPT THE QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH WHICH I BELIEVE TO BE VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST THE MORE DIFFICULT AND POSSIBLY REDUCTIVE APPLICATION OF QUANTITIVE DATA SETS. I RECKON THEREFORE THAT THE MOST APPROPRIATE TOOLS FOR INFORMATION PROCESSING INCLUDE CONTENT ANALYSIS, AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS TO PERSONALITIES OF THE POLITICAL PANORAMA (ÉLITE OR NOT) WHO HAVE PARTICIPATED IN THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY. THE TWO CASES TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION SURELY SET AN EXAMPLE OF RADICAL REFORM PROCESSES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN QUITE DIFFERENT CONTEXTS DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THE TRAITS OF THE ÉLITE. IN NEW ZEALAND THE DESCRIBED PROCESS HAS TAKEN PLACE WITH A STEADY PACE AND A GOOD GRADE OF CONSEQUANTIALITY, IN LINE WTH THE REFORMS IN OTHER STATE DIVISIONS DRIVEN BY THE IDEAS OF THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. CONTRARILY IN ENGLAND THE REFORMATIVE ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER HAS ACQUIRED A VERY RADICAL CONNOTATION AS IT HAS BROUGHT INTO THE AMBIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY CONCEPTS LIKE EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE, RATIONALIZATION THAT WOULD CONTRAST WITH THE GENERALISTIC AND MASS-ORIENTED IDEAS THAT WERE FASHIONABLE DURING THE SEVENTIES. THE MISSION I INTEND TO ACCOMPLISH THORUGHOUT MY RESEARCH IS TO INVESTIGATE AND ANALYSE INTO MORE DEPTH THE DIFFERENCES THAT SEEM TO EMERGE FROM TWO CONTEXTS WHICH MOST OF THE LITERATURE REGARDS AS A SINGLE MODEL: THE ANGLO-SAXON MODEL. UNDER THIS LIGHT, THE DENSE ANALYSIS OF POLICY PROCESSES ALLOWED TO BRING OUT BOTH THE CONTROVERSIAL AND CONTRASTING ASPECTS OF THE TWO REALITIES COMPARED, AND THE ROLE AND WEIGHT OF VARIABLES SUCH AS IDEAS (MAIN VARIABLE), INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS AND INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS ACTING IN EACH CONTEXT. THE CASES I MEAN TO ATTEND PRESENT PECULIAR ASPECTS WORTH DEVELOPING AN IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS, AN OUTLINE OF WHICH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THIS ABSTRACT. ENGLAND THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT, SINCE 1981, INTRODUCED RADICAL CHANGES IN THE SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION: FIRST CUTTING DOWN ON STATE FUNDINGS AND THEN WITH THE CREATION OF AN INSTITUTION FOR THE PLANNING AND LEADERSHIP OF THE POLYTECHNICS (NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR). AFTERWARDS THE SCHOOL REFORM BY MARGARET THATCHER IN 1988 RAISED TO A GREAT STIR ALL OVER EUROPE DUE TO BOTH ITS CONSIDERABLE INNOVATIVE IMPRINT AND THE STRONG ATTACK AGAINST THE PEDAGOGY OF THE 'ACTIVE' SCHOOLING AND PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, UNTIL THEN RECOGNIZED AS A MERIT OF THE BRITISH PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN THE AMBIT OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION THIS REFORM, TOGETHER WITH SIMILAR MEASURES BROUGHT IN DURING 1992, PUT INTO PRACTICE THE CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES THROUGH A SERIES OF ACTIONS THAT INCLUDED: THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRREMOVABILITY PRINCIPLE FOR UNIVERSITY TEACHERS; THE INTRODUCTION OF STUDENT LOANS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS AND THE CANCELLATION OF THE CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES AND POLYTECHNICS. THE POLICIES OF THE LABOUR MAJORITY OF MR BLAIR DID NOT QUITE DIVERGE FROM THE CONSERVATIVES' POSITION. IN 2003 BLAIR'S CABINET RISKED TO BECOME A MINORITY RIGHT ON THE OCCASION OF AN IMPORTANT UNIVERSITY REFORM PROPOSAL. THIS PROPOSAL WOULD FORESEE THE AUTONOMY FOR THE UNIVERSITIES TO RAISE UP TO 3.000 POUNDS THE ENROLMENT FEES FOR STUDENTS (WHILE FORMERLY THE CEILING WAS 1.125 POUNDS). BLAIR HAD TO FACE INTERNAL OPPOSITION WITHIN HIS OWN PARTY IN RELATION TO A MEASURE THAT, ACCORDING TO THE 150 MPS PROMOTERS OF AN ADVERSE MOTION, HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED IN THE ELECTORAL PROGRAMME AND WOULD RISK CREATING INCOME-BASED DISCRIMINATION AMONG STUDENTS. AS A MATTER OF FACT THE BILL FOCUSED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VERY LOW-INTEREST STUDENT LOANS TO BE SETTLED ONLY WHEN THE STUDENT WOULD HAVE FOUND A REMUNERATED OCCUPATION (A SYSTEM ALREADY PROVIDED FOR BY THE AUSTRALIAN LEGISLATION). NEW ZEALAND CONTRARILY TO MANY OTHER COUNTRIES, NEW ZEALAND HAS ADOPTED A VERY WIDE VISION OF THE TERTIARY EDUCATION. IT INCLUDES IN FACT THE FULL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME THAT IS INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED AS THE POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION. SHOULD WE SPOTLIGHT A PECULIARITY OF THE NEW ZEALAND TERTIARY EDUCATION POLICY THEN IT WOULD BE 'CHANGE'. LOOKING AT THE REFORM HISTORY RELATED TO THE TERTIARY EDUCATION SYSTEM, WE CAN CLEARLY IDENTIFY FOUR 'SUB-PERIODS' FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: 1. BEFORE THE 80S': AN ELITARIAN SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY LOW PARTICIPATION RATES. 2. BETWEEN MID AND LATE 80S': A TREND TOWARDS THE ENLARGEMENT OF PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATED TO A GREATER COMPETITION. 3. 1990-1999: A FUTHER STEP TOWARDS A COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM. 4. FROM 2000 TO TODAY: A CONTINUOUS EVOLUTION TOWARDS A MORE COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM TOGETHER WITH A GROWING ATTENTION TO STATE CONTROL FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION. AT PRESENT THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ZEALAND OPERATES TO STRENGHTHEN THIS PROCESS, PRIMARILY IN RELATION TO THE ROLE OF TERTIARY EDUCATION AS A STEADY FACTOR OF NATIONAL WALFARE, WHERE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONTRIBUTES ACTIVELY TO THE GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM5. THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND ARE THE FOCUS OF AN IN-DEPTH INVESTIGATION THAT STARTS FROM AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF EACH NATION AND DEVELOP INTO A COMPARATIVE STUDY. AT THIS POINT I ATTEMPT TO DRAW SOME PRELIMINARY IMPRESSIONS ON THE FACTS ESSENTIALLY DECRIBED ABOVE. THE UNIVERSITY POLICIES IN ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND HAVE BOTH UNDERGONE A SIGNIFICANT REFORMATORY PROCESS SINCE THE EARLY EIGHTIES; IN BOTH CONTEXTS THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEAS THAT CONSTITUTED THE BASE OF POLITICS UNTIL 1980 WAS QUITE RELEVANT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, IN BOTH CASES THE PRE-REFORM POLICIES WERE INSPIRED BY EGALITARIANISM AND EXPANSION OF THE STUDENT POPULATION WHILE THOSE BROUGHT IN BY THE REFORM WOULD PURSUE EFFICIENCY, QUALITY AND COMPETITIVENESS. UNDOUBTEDLY, IN LINE WITH THIS GENERAL TENDENCY THAT REFLECTS THE HYPOTHESIS PROPOSED, THE TWO UNIVERSITY SYSTEMS PRESENT SEVERAL DIFFERENCES. THE UNIVERSITY SYSTEM IN NEW ZEALAND PROCEEDED STEADILY TOWARDS THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A MANAGERIAL CONCEPTION OF TERTIARY EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY FROM 1996 ONWARDS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFORMATORY PROCESS OF THE WHOLE PUBLIC SECTOR. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, AS IN THE REST OF EUROPE, THE NEW APPROACH TO UNIVERSITY POLICY-MAKING HAD TO CONFRONT A DEEP-ROOTED TRADITION OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE IDEA OF EDUCATION EXPANSION THAT IN FACT DOMINATED UNTIL THE EIGHTIES. FROM THIS VIEW POINT THE GOVERNING ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER GAVE RISE TO A RADICAL CHANGE THAT REVOLUTIONIZED THE OBJECTIVES AND KEY VALUES OF THE WHOLE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, IN PARTICULAR IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR. IDEAS AS EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE AND CONTROL OF THE PERFORMANCE BECAME DECISIVE. THE LABOUR CABINETS OF BLAIR DEVELOPED IN THE WAKE OF CONSERVATIVE REFORMS. THIS APPEARS TO BE A FOCAL POINT OF THIS STUDY THAT OBSERVES HOW ALSO IN NEW ZEALAND THE REFORMING PROCESS OCCURRED TRANSVERSELY DURING PROGRESSIVE AND CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATIONS. THE PRELIMINARY IMPRESSION IS THEREFORE THAT IDEAS DEEPLY MARK THE REFORMATIVE PROCESSES: THE AIM OF MY RESEARCH IS TO VERIFY TO WHICH EXTENT THIS STATEMENT IS TRUE. IN ORDER TO BUILD A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYLIS, FURTHER SIGNIFICANT FACTORS WILL HAVE TO BE INVESTIGATED: THE WAY IDEAS ARE PERCEIVED AND IMPLEMENTED BY THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ELITES; HOW THE VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS INFLUENCE THE REFORMATIVE PROCESS; HOW THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES CONDITION THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES; WHETHER INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS PLAY A ROLE AND, IF YES, TO WHICH EXTENT.

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man's characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine's (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli's (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler's (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger's (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general 'Economy Rule' of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person's arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the "village foolâ€, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the 'social comic' as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann's work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue's The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker's Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper's Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher's Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author's restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his "specific weightâ€, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law's penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a 'social' comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its 'chapters' —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O'Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure's function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a 'culture in common'. There is no way for a 'culture in common' to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more 'connected' we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Yukarı Dicle bölgesi, Güneydoğu Anadolu dağ sistemi içerisinde önemli bir alanı temsil etmekte olup, söz konusu özellik Mezopotamya çukur bölgesini hem kuzey hem de doğu Anadolu alanlarına bağlayan bir rol oynamasına imkan sağlayan coğrafi konumu ile ilişkilidir. Dicle nehrinin yukarı çığırında son otuz yılda gerçekleştirilen arkeolojik araştırmalar sayesinde, yerel bir kültürel sistemin tanımlanmasını sağlayacak yeni önemli göstergelere ek olarak, gerek bölge içerisinde gerekse ötesinde zamandizinsel ayrımlar ve eşzamanlılıklara açıklık getirmekte kullanılabilecek kapsamlı bir veri bütüncesi de elde edilmiştir. Bu kitap, Erken ve Orta Tunç Çağı'nın son kısmına ilişkin yakın dönemde yürütülen arkeolojik etkinliklerin sonuçlarını araştırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Yayımlanan verilerin ayrıntılı bir çözümlemesinden başlayarak yerleşkeler, stratigrafi, mimari, çanak çömlekler, bölgesel bağlantılar ve zamandizine ilişkin temel konular ele alınmıştır. Ṭūr ʿAbdīn tepelerinin kuzeyinde, yüksek Güneydoğu Torosların eteklerinde yer alan Yukarı Dicle bölgesi, arkeolojik bulgular açısından tutarlı ve uyumlu bir görüntü çizmektedir. Yürütülen araştırma ve kazılar, vadideki kayda değer bir yerleşim döneminin, ufak boyutlu yerleşimlerin Dicle taşkın ovası kenarındaki akarsu taraçalarında ve ana akarsu kolları boyunca kurulma eğilimi içerisinde oldukları M.Ö. III. binyılın sonu ile M.Ö. II. binyılın ilk yarısı arasında tarihlendirilmesi gerektiğini belgelemektedir. Bunların çoğu, iri yapılar ya da yapı bütünleri ile komşu bölgelerdeki eşzamanlı seramik geleneklerinden farklı nitelikteki yerel bir seramik topluluğu tarafından karakterize edilmektedir. Ağırlıklı olarak kırmızı-kahverengi astarlı ve boyalı çömleklerden oluşan seramik topluluğu, yerel sistemin tanımlanması ve Yukarı Dicle bölgesindeki sahalararası kültürel bağlantıların belirlenmesi açısından önem taşımaktadır. Alanda ele geçirdiğimiz buluntuların büyük kısmını teşkil eden çanak çömlek parçalarının yaygın olarak yer alışı, halihazırda araştırmaların temelini oluşturmalarını sağlamaktadır. Özellikle son dönemdeki araştırmaların üzerinde yoğunlaştığı Yukarı Dicle bölgesinde ele geçirilen çanak çömlekler, diğer buluntu kategorileri ve alandaki varlıklarına kıyasla, yalnızca farklı katman bağlamları dahilinde değil aynı zamanda henüz kazılmamış alanların yüzeylerinde de dikkat çekici nitelikte olup; bu belirgin coğrafi alandaki maddi üretimin belirleyici özelliklerini saptamak ve Yukarı Dicle bölgesindeki kültürel gelişimi daha geniş bir yelpazede yorumlayabilmek adına en güvenilir araçlardan biri olma özelliğine sahiptir. Coğrafi ve tarihi nitelikli kısa önsöz hariç (Bölüm 1), kitabın esas içeriğini bölgede yürütülan arkeolojik araştırmalar ve çözümlemeleri olusturmaktadır (Bölüm 2 & 4). İkinci bölümün konusu, araştırılan alanlar ve kazılan verleşimler olup (Bölüm 2); söz konusu alanlar, bugün itibarıyla sahip olduğumuz arkeolojik bilgilerin en üst seviyesine ışık tutmaktadır. Bu konuda bir diğer önemli katkı sunan Hirbermerdon Tepe'deki kazılar kitabın üçüncü bölümünün ana konusunu teşkil etmekte ve yerleşim evreleri ve ilgili çömlek buluntularını (3.4) da içeren arkeolojik bağlam (3.2) üzerine çoğunluğu yayımlanmamış akla yatkın önermelerde de bulunulmaktadır. Çanak çömlek parçalarının gerek teknolojik gerekse biçimsel açıdan sınıflandırılması (3.3) ile, alandaki varlıklarının mekansal ve zamansal devamlılık özellikleri ve çanak çömlek çeşitlerinin analizine geniş yer ayrılmıştır. Ayrıca temel küçük buluntular da gerek bölgesel gerekse zamandizinsel çerçeve açısından yorumlanmış ve ilgili ögelerle birlikte değerlendirilmiştir (3.5). Seramik buluntularının ayrıntılı bir analizini gerçekleştirebilmek adına yararlandığımız temel bilgi kaynağı Hirbemerdon Tepe höyüğünde gün ışığına çıkarılan yapılar bütünü olmakla birlikte, yerleşimde açılan sondajlardan elde edilen bulgulardan da yararlanılmıştır. Dicle nehrinin sağ kıyısında yer alan Hirbermerdon Tepe'de gerçekleştirilen ilk kazı dönemi (2005-2007), yararlı arkeolojik verileri göz önüne sermenin ötesinde, çoğunluğu M.Ö II. binyılın ilk kısmına tarihlendirilen bol miktarda çanak çömlek buluntusu ve buluntu elde edilmesini de sağlamıştır. Farklı katmanlara ait yeni veriler sunan Hirbermerdon Tepe, böylece Yukarı Dicle vadisinin kültürel profilini belirlemek adına önemli bir katkıda bulunmaktadır. Kazılar, her biri form ve teknolojik özellikleri sayesinde belirlenen üç ana seramik evresi sıralamasını gün ışığına çıkarmıştır (3.6). Yaklaşık olarak Erken Tunç Çağı'nın sonlarına, yani Erken Tunç Çağı III-IV'e (Erken Cezire III-V'in sonu) tarihlendirilen erken evre (1. Evre), kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çanak çömlekler (RBWW) ve koyu turuncu ağızlı çanaklar (DROB) tarafından; Orta Tunç Çağı'na tarihlendirilen orta evre (2. Evre), çoğunlukla kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çanak çömlekler ve şerit boyama çömlekler (band painted ware) tarafından karakterize edilmektedir. Son evre ise (3. Evre) Orta Tunç Çağı ile kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çömleklerden oluşan karmaşık bir repertuvarı gözler önüne sermekte ve Geç Tunç Çağı'na tarihlendirilen Habur ile Nuzi çömlek parçalarını da içermektedir. Hirbemerdon'da Geç Tunç Çağı'na ait kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çömlek bulunup bulunmadığı henüz kesinlik kazanmamıştır. Seramik repertuvarının teknolojik ve biçimsel özellikleri kapsamında tartışılması ve bölgesel bir bağlama yerleştirilmesine ayrıca bir bölüm ayrılmış (3.7) olup; yerel seramik sistemi ile komşu bölgelerdekiler arasındaki ilişkinin altını çizebilmek adına, eldeki veriler diğer sit alanları ve bölgelerden elde edilenlerle karşılaştırılmıştır. Bölümün sonunda ise, bölgesel dönemlendirmeye ilişkin yorumlar yer almakta ve repertuvar için bir tarihlendirme önerisi sunulmaktadır. Bölüm 4, Yukarı Dicle bölgesindeki yerleşim düzeninin gelişimi, yapılar ile elde edilen çanak çömlekler ve önemli küçük buluntulara ilişkin bazı genel yorumlar sunmaktadır. Halihazırda yayımlanmış ve mevcut veriler ile Hirbemerdon Tepe'den elde edilen bulgulara dayanan bu araştırmanın sonuçlarına göre, yerel Orta Tunç Çağı kültürünün yükselişinin M.Ö. III. ile II. binyıl arasındaki geçiş dönemine tarihlendirilmesi gerekmektedir. Yukarı Dicle topluluklarının en etkin oldukları dönemin ise M.Ö. 19. ile 17. yüzyıllar arasına tarihlendirilmesi gerekmekte olup, söz konusu dönem kırmızı kahverengi astarlı/ boyalı çömleklerin ana üretim dönemiyle örtüşmektedir. Yukarı Dicle bölgesine özgü ortak bir seramik repertuvarı tespit edilebilmekte ve özellikle kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çömlekler (RBWW), kırmızı-kahverengi perdahlı çömlekler (RBBW), koyu turuncu ağızlı çanaklar (DROB/DROW) ve çömleğin yüzünü tamamen ya da kısmen örtmek ve dekore etmek amacıyla kullanılan kırmızı-kahverengi astarların karakterize ettiği şerit boyama çömleklerin (BD) varlığı dikkat çekmektedir. Çömlek şekillerinin münferit parçalarını ile paralellik gösteren unsurlara Anadolu ve Suriye'deki Yukarı Fırat bölgesi, Belih Vadisi, Yukarı Habur ve Kuzey Irak düzlük arazileri ve bazen yüksek Anadolu arazilerini de içine alan yaygın bir coğrafyada rastlanmak olsa da, çanak çömleklerin maruz kaldığı yüzey işlemlerinin kendine özgü yerel bir özellik taşıması nedeniyle Dicle vadisi kültürünün belirgin bir ifadesi olarak kabul edilmesi gerekmektedir. Kırmızı-kahverengi astarlı ve boyalı çömleklerin hayli yüksek bir yüzdeye sahip oluşu, Güneydoğu Toros sıradağları ile Van dağ sırasının güneybatısında yer alan Ṭūr ʿAbdīn yüksek arazileri arasında yerel geleneğe yakından bağlı kalmış kendine özgü bir seramik bölgesinin varlığını ileri sürer niteliktedir. Kırmızı-kahverengi çömlekler (DROB/DROW, RBWW, BD), Dicle nehri bölgesindeki aynı imalat geleneğinin ürünleridir. Büyük olasılıkla koyu turuncu ağızlı çanaklar (DROB) M.Ö. II. binyılın başlarında bazı sınırlı istisnalar hariç kullanımdan kalkmış olduğu halde, kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çömlekler (RBWW) ise Orta Tunç Çağı'nın tamamı boyunca ve muhtemelen Geç Tunç Çağı'nın başlarına kadar var olmaya devam etmiştir. Dicle çanak çömlek seçkisi, Fırat bölgesinden Cezire'ye kadar uzanan farklı akımlardan etkilenmiş olup; etkileşimin bazı dönemlerle oldukça yoğun, bazen ise daha seyrek nitelikte olduğu belirlenmiştir. Sonuç kısmını teşkil eden Bölüm 5'te ise, türdeşliğin Dicle Bölgesi'ndeki maddi kültür bağlamında toplumsal ve kültürel değeri araştırılmakta ve belki de siyasi oluşumlarla ilintili bir genel örgütlenmenin varlığına ilişkin görüşler ileri sürülmektedir. Kırmızı-kahverengi seramik tarafından karakterize edilen sit alanları, Erken ve Orta Tunç Çağı arasındaki kültürel devamlılığa dair kanıtlar sunmaktadır. Verilerden hareketle, yerel toplumsal ve siyasi düzenin bir noktada değişime uğradığı ve çok işlevli yapılar barındıran küçük yerleşkeler etrafında odaklanan yeni bir yerleşim düzenine geçildiği ve bu değişimin başta kırmızı-kahverengi boya astarlı çömlekler (RBWW) ve koyu turuncu ağızlı çanaklar (DROB) olmak üzere, kırmızı-kahverengi çömlek gruplarının üretildiği yerleşim alanlarının gelişimiyle özdeşleştirilebileceği varsayımında bulunmak mümkündür. Erken Tunç Çağı dönemine dair fazla bir yorumda bulunmak mümkün değildir. M.Ö III. binyılın ikinci yarısına ait ya da son yüzyıllarına tarihlendirilen buluntular ve katmanlar, birkaç sit alanında gün ışığına çıkartılmasına rağmen, hiçbiri açık bir stratigrafik sıralama ya da nispeten bütünlüklü bir bağlamlar topluluğu sunmamaktadır. Kalıntılar, bir sonraki dönem olan Orta Tunç Çağı'ndakilere kıyasla cılız kalmakta ve sit alanının kenar noktalarında yer almaktadır. Vadi bu dönemde önemli yerleşimlerden neredeyse tamamen yoksun olup, bunun nedeni muhtemelen yerleşim düzeninin Orta Tunç Çağı'ndakinden hayli farklı ve/veya arkeolojik açıdan kolayca tespit edilemez nitelikte oluşudur. Bazı sit alanlarından oldukça seyrek bulgular elde edilmiş (gömütler, duvar ve zeminlerin bazı bölümleri, çanak çömlek parçaları), fakat bugün itibarıyla kayda değer herhangi bir katmana rastlanmamıştır. Gel gelelim ince katmanların kısa ve aralıklı yerleşim dönemlerine işaret etmesi mümkündür. Elbette bazı ana höyüklerin altında henüz gün ışığına çıkartılmamış kayde değer M. Ö III. binyıl yerleşimlerinin yer alma olasılığı bulunmakla birlikte, henüz bu yönde somut herhangi bir kanıt ele geçirilmemiş, Pornak ve Pir Hüseyin'deki olası geniş yerleşke buluntuları da nehir boyunca ilerleyen vadi bağlamında neredeyse fark edilmeyecek kadar ufak yerleşkelerden ibaret kırsal bir arazi şeklinde beliren genel görüntüyü değiştirecek nitelikte değildir. Muhtemelen M.Ö III. ile II. binyıl arasında geçiş döneminde vadideki yerleşke ve topluluklar, yerleşim alanlarının artması suretiyle bir yeniden yapılanma süreci yaşamış; söz konusu süreç, Yukarı Dicle bölgesinde yaşayan gerek yerleşik gerekse yerel toplumun parçası olan hareketli grupların toplumsal karmaşıklığının gelişmesini tetikleyen ve bu sayede topluluklar arasında yeni etkileşim, kontrol ve idare yöntemleri meydana getiren, niteliği henüz belirsiz fakat önemli bazı değişiklikleri takiben hayata geçmiştir. Bu dönemde, muhtemelen M.Ö III. binyıl sosyopolitik düzeninin belirgin özelliği olan gevşek köy örgütlenmelerine kıyasla daha karmaşık bir toplumsal yapı geliştirilmiştir. Örneğin Giricano, Salat Tepe, Hirbemerdon Tepe'de bulunan ve Orta Tunç Çağı'na tarihlendirilen yapılara ve birleşik mimari komplekslere ait bölümler ile benzer mimari özellikler taşıyan Kavuşan ve Üçtepe kalıntıları, muhtemelen üretim kaynakları üzerinde belirli denetim yöntemlerinin uygulandığı bir toplum planlaması düzenine ya da yerel ekonomik yaşantı yapılanmasına işaret etmekle birlikte, merkezi bir güce biat edildiğini ima etmek için yeterli bir karmaşıklık seviyesinde olmadığı görülmektedir. Yapı ve buluntular elit bir sınıfın varlığını doğrulamamakta olup, yerel ekonomi yönetimini mütevazı ölçekte organize eden ufak toplulukların varlığını ortaya koymaktadır. Söz konusu sitler arasında bir hiyerarşi olduğunu iddia etmeye yetecek bulguya sahip olmamamıza rağmen, eşgüdüm bağlamında önemli bir rol üstlendiklerini ve toplulukları kendilerine çeken, üretilen ürünlerin işlendiği, hayvancılık, tarım, avcılık ve dağlar arası ticaretten elde edilen malların depolandığı ve aynı zamanda toplumsal ve dini nitelikli eylemlerin gerçekleştirildiği önemli birer merkez teşkil ettikleri görülmektedir. Yerleşim yoğunluğundaki artış, yöreye özgü grupların sosyoekonomik anlamdaki yeniden yapılanmasının göstergesi olarak kabul edilebilir. Bu yenilenme süreci, ticari bir ağın kurulmasına ve/veya temel geçim etkinlikleri arasındaki dengede meydana gelen bir değişime ya da bölgeye yeni toplulukların gelişi gibi diğer dış etkenlere de bağlantılandırılabilir. Aynı şekilde önemli olabilecek bir başka faktör ise, aynı grup veya kabile içerisindeki iki farklı kesim, diğer bir deyişle yerleşikler (çoğunlukla çiftçi) ve seyyar (yaylacı çobanlar ve göçebeler) arasındaki ilişkinin değişmesi ve bu sayede bütünleşik bir ekonomi ile genişlemiş bir sosyo-politik düzenin gelişmesine neden olmasıdır. Şimdilik yerli toplumun gelişiminin olası nedenleri üzerine tahmin yürütmekle yetinmek zorundayız. Söz konusu iki kesim, yani aynı grup ya da kabile içerisindeki yerleşikler ve seyyarlar arasındaki ilişki ve bu ilişkinin yol açtığı bütünleşik bir ekonomi ile genişlemiş bir sosyopolitik düzenin gelişmesi olguları, Yukarı Dicle bölgesinde M.Ö III. binyılda hayat bulan yeni bir toplum yapısının temellerini teşkil etmekteydi. Daha karmaşık bir süreci basite indirgemek suretiyle zihnimizde bir senaryo canlandırmak gerekirse, bu bölgede yaşadıkları antik metinler ve modern araştırmalarca doğrulanan göçebe ya da yarı göçebe çoban gruplarının farklı gerekçelerle tarımsal etkinlikler ve köy yaşantısına geçmeye karar verdiklerini ve bu amaçla dağlar, vadiler ve stepler arasında önceleri yüzyıllar boyunca mevsimlik göç ve yaylacılık çerçevesinde yararlandıkları alanlardan birine yerleşmeyi seçtiklerini; grubun diğer kısmının ise sürülerle geleneksel rotaları izleyerek ilerledikleri ve yerleşik topluluklarla etkileşime devam ettiklerini düşünmek mümkündür. Eldeki mevcut yazılı belgeler yetersiz olup, güney şehir devletleriyle etkileşim ve ticaret ağlarına katılım yöntemlerinin belirlenmesine henüz imkan sağlamamaktadır. Yerel toplulukların sosyal ve ekonomik yapılarının yeniden düzenlenmesi olgusu Orta Tunç Çağı toplumlarının belirgin bir özelliği olarak öne çıkmakta; nitekim söz konusu toplumların önce M.Ö II. binyıl ve takiben M.Ö I. binyıl boyunca yerel niteliklerine sıkıca bağlı kaldıkları ya da güney imparatorluklarının sabit sömürgeleştirme girişimleri ve baskılarına rağmen, zaman zaman Anadolu'nun doğusuna yöneldikleri görülmektedir. Bu durumun toplumsal ve tarihsel değerinin önemli çıkarımlarından birine, yerel toplumun farklı unsurları ve üyelerinin bu arkeolojik arazi kapsamında üstlendikleri roller üzerinden ulaşmak mümkündür. Oluşturduğumuz taslak doğru ise, M.Ö III. binyıla tarihlendirilen sitlerin azlığı ya da başka bir ifadeyle bu yerleşim alanlarının sınırlı görünürlükte oluşlarının, dengesiz bir yerleşme düzenine işaret ediyor olabilir. Zira nüfusun büyük bir kısmı, bölge şartlarına en iyi uyum gösterme yöntemi olarak seyyar, yarı göçmen ya da göçmen bir yaşam tarzını tercih etmiştir. Yukarı Dicle vadisi örneğinde ise, sistemin karmaşıklaşması ve yerel toplumdaki dönüşümün tetiklenmesinde ticaret ağlarının mı yoksa yerel gruplar arasındaki belki de Akkadların bölgedeki etkilerini artırmaları sonucu doğan dinamiklerin mi etkili olduğunu sorgulamamız mümkündür. Vadi, maddi kültürü ve özellikle de çanak çömlek geleneği açısından kendisini çevreleyen diğer bölgelerden ayrılan bir niteliğe sahiptir. Aslında Dicle kültürünün kendine has ve özel konumu, birçok yüzyıl boyunca metinsel herhangi bir ize rastlanmaması, Mezopotamyalıların bölgeyi kontrol altına almakta yaşadıkları zorluklar ve maddi kalıntıların özellikleri, bu alanın iyi tanımlanmış ve belirgin bir kültürel ve belki de siyasi oluşuma ev sahipliği yaptığını düşündürmekte ve bunun bağlantılı olarak, kırmızı-kahverengi seramiklerin varlığı ile karakterize edilen yerleşkelerin gelişiminden de anlaşıldığı üzere, M.Ö III. binyılda gerçekleşen değişimlere de yön verdiği ihtimalini güçlendirmektedir. Yukarı Dicle'deki kazılarda gün ışığına çıkartılan kalıntıların Hurri medeniyetinin doğrudan bir ifadesi olarak kabul edilip edilemeyeceği ise, şimdilik ilginç fakat metinsel kanıtların yokluğunda ispat edilemeyecek bir varsayımın ötesine geçememektedir. Ancak Yukarı Dicle bölgesinde yakın dönemde yürütülen araştırmalar, M.Ö. III. binyılın sonu ile M.Ö. II. binyılın başı arasında Anadolu'nun güneydoğusunda yaşayan ve Antik Yakın Doğu'nun tarihsel arka planı kapsamında henüz tam anlamıyla belirlenememiş de olsa önemli bir rol oynayan toplulukların daha iyi tanımlanabilmeleri adına yeni ve önemli bazı kanıtlar elde edilmesini sağlamıştır. ; La regione attraversata dal corso superiore del fiume Tigri, in Turchia sud-orientale, è stata per molto tempo un'area poco conosciuta dal punto di vista archeologico. L'intensificarsi delle ricerche sul campo, a partire dagli anni novanta del secolo scorso, ha prodotto le evidenze su cui basare una prima ricostruzione della storia dell'insediamento e della cultura materiale di questi territori, tra le alte terre anatolico-orientali e le pianure mesopotamiche. I risultati degli scavi e le ricognizioni indicano che tra la fine del Bronzo Antico e l'inizio del Bronzo Medio giunge a maturazione un processo di trasformazione e riorganizzazione delle comunità locali. La comparsa di ampi complessi architettonici ed edifici in siti di medio-piccole dimensioni, caratterizzati da un particolare repertorio di oggetti e da ceramiche rosso-brune, potrebbe nascondere la formazione di realtà socio-politiche più strutturate rispetto a quelle del periodo precedente ed essere espressione di quel mondo khurrita che avrebbe avuto proprio nella regione del Tigri, secondo le ricostruzioni storiche, una delle zone di insediamento principale. ; The Upper Tigris region represents an important area within the mountainous system of south-eastern Anatolia and its relevance is related to its geographical position that plays a role in connecting the Mesopotamian lowlands to both northern and eastern Anatolian areas. Archaeological researches carried out during the last thirty years along the upper course of the Tigris river have provided new important evidence for the definition of a local cultural horizon and a large corpus of data that may be used to clarify chronological divisions and synchronism within the region itself and beyond. The aim of this book is to investigate the results of the recent archaeological activities concerning the final part of the Early and the Middle Bronze Age. Starting from a detailed analysis of the published data, central issues concerning settlements, stratigraphy, architecture, pottery, regional links, and chronology have been treated. The region of the Upper Tigris river, north of the Ṭūr ʿAbdīn hills and at the foot of the high south-eastern Anatolian mountains, show a coherent picture in terms of archaeological evidence. Surveys and excavations have documented that an important occupational period of the valley should be dated back to the end of the 3rd and the first half of the 2nd millennium BC, when mainly small sized settlements tend to be established on the river terraces on the edge of the Tigris floodplain and along the main river tributaries. Many of them are characterized by large buildings or architectural complexes and the presence of a typical ceramic assemblage which appears to be distinct from the other contemporaneous ceramic traditions of the neighbouring regions. The assemblage of pottery, mainly red-brown slipped and painted wares, is important for the definition of a local horizon and for the identification of intersite cultural connections in the upper Tigris region. The ubiquity of pots sherds, essentially representing the bulk of what we found in the field, make them currently the basis of this investigation. In the particular case of the Upper Tigris, area of recent investigation, the pottery is remarkable when compared with other categories of finds and their presence, not only in stratified contexts but also on the surface of non-excavated sites, makes one of the most reliable tools for characterizing the material production of this specific geographical area and interpreting wider features of the cultural development in the Upper Tigris. A part a brief geographical and historical introduction (Chapter 1), the core of the book is represented by the results of the archaeological researches in the region and their analysis (Chapters 2 and 4). Surveyed areas and the excavated sites are the subjects of the second chapter (Chapter 2) that provides also the current state of the art for our archaeological knowledge. An important contribution is offered by the excavations at Hirbemerdon Tepe and to this site is dedicated the Chapter 3 where is reasoned argument of the archaeological context (3.2) with its phases of occupation and associated pottery (3.4), mainly unpublished. Much space is given to the classification of pottery sherds (3.3) both in technological and morphological terms and the analysis of spatial and diachronic occurrence of wares and types. Also main small findings are interpreted and contextualized in the regional and chronological frameworks (3.5). Our primary source of information for a detailed analysis of the pottery is the architectural complex, discovered on the mound of Hirbemerdon Tepe but also the evidence from other soundings opened on the site. The first excavations campaigns (2005-2007) carried out at Hirbermerdon Tepe, on the right bank of Tigris river, yielded good archaeological contexts and a conspicuous amount of pottery and artefacts mainly dating back to the first part of the 2nd millennium BC. Providing a new set of stratified data, Hirbemerdon Tepe offers an important contribution to defining the cultural profile of the Upper Tigris valley area. The excavations provided us with a sequence of three main ceramic phases, each individuated by morphological and technological attributes (3.6). The early phase (Fase 1), dating to the end of the Early Bronze Age, approximately to Early Bronze Age III-IV (end of Early Jazirah III-V), is characterized by the presence of an early version of RBWW and DROB; the middle phase (Fase 2), dated to the Middle Bronze Age, is characterized mainly by RBWW and band painted ware. The last phase (Fase 3) comprises a mixed assemblage with RBWW types of MBA date and others in common ware together with some Khabur and Nuzi sherds of Late Bronze Age date. It is not ascertained that at Hirbemerdon exists RBWW of LBA date. A section is dedicated to discuss the pottery repertoire, its technological and morphological characteristics, and in the regional context (3.7), comparing data with those from other sites and regions in order to underline the relationship between the local ceramic horizon and those of the neighbours. The end of the chapter concerns remarks on the regional periodization and propose a date for the repertoire. Chapter 4 offers general remarks about the settlement developments, architecture, pottery and significative small finds recovered in the Upper Tigris region. According to the results of this study, based on the published data currently available and the evidence from Hirbemerdon Tepe, the rise of the local Middle Bronze Age culture has to be dated to the passage between the 3rd and the 2nd millennium. The floruit of the Upper Tigris communities has to be dated to the period between the 19th and 17th centuries that coincides with the main phase of production of the red-brown slipped/painted pottery. A common pottery horizon is widely recognizable in the Upper Tigris region, marked specifically by the presence of categories known as Red Brown Wash Ware (RBWW), Red Brown Burnished Ware (RBBW), Dark Rimmed Orange Bowls/Ware (DROB/DROW) and Band Painted Ware (BD) which are characterized by a layer of red/brown slips used to cover, entirely or partially, the surface of the pot and to decorate it. Parallels of single components of the pottery shape are geographically widespread, encompassing the Upper Euphrates in Anatolia and Syria, the Balikh area, the Upper Khabur and the northern Iraqi lowlands, sometimes the Anatolian highlands, but the particular surface treatment is a specific local characteristic and has to be considered as a distinctive expression of the Tigris valley culture. The high percentage of red-brown slipped and painted wares suggests that a proper ceramic region existed between the South-Eastern Taurus fringes and the Ṭūr ʿAbdīn uplands, south-west of the Van mountain system, resting firmly within a local tradition. Red-brown wares (DROB/DROW, RBWW, BD) are products of the same manufacturing tradition, centred on the Tigris river area. It is likely that the DROB were out of use at the beginning of 2nd millennium, a part some marginal exceptions, whereas the RBWW continued for the entire span of the Middle Bronze Age and probably until the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. The Tigris pottery assemblage experienced the effects of different influxes, from the Euphrates area and to the Jazirah, with a period of major interaction and others of less intensive contacts. In conclusion, Chapter 5 explores the social and cultural value of the homogeneity in material culture within the Tigris region, suggesting the existence of a communal organization maybe connected with political entities. The sites characterised by red-brown wares represent evidence of cultural continuity between the Early and Middle Bronze Ages. It may be assumed that at a certain point a transformation of the local social and political system occurres, with the conversion to a new settlement pattern organized around little sites with multifunctional buildings and this change is also identified by the growth of settled sites producing red-brown pottery, like DROBs and principally RBWW. Not much can be said as regards the end of the Early Bronze Age period. Findings and strata of the second half of 3rd millennium or dating to the last centuries have been exposed at few sites but none provides a clear stratigraphic sequence or fairly well articulated contexts. In general, the remains are poor compared with those of the following Middle Bronze Age and cover marginal areas of the site. The valley was almost devoid of significant settlements during this period, probably because the settlement pattern was substantially different from the Middle Bronze Age pattern and/or not easily recognizable archeologically. Some sites produced very sparse evidence (tombs, portion of walls and floors, pot-sherds) but no substantial layers have been found up to now. In fact the thin layers could indicate brief and intermittent periods of occupation. Of course there might have been considerable 3rd millennium sites not yet excavated beneath some of the major and important mounds but as yet there is no evidence for them and the possible finding of large settlements in Pornak and Pir Hüseyin do not change the general picture of a rural landscape with evanescent presence of very small sites, as for the valley along the river. Probably during the passage between the 3rd and 2nd millennium there was a reorganization of settlements and populations in the valley with an increase of settled sites, after important but unclear changes in the whole region that stimulated the growth of the social complexity among the groups inhabiting the Upper Tigris, both sedentary and mobile segments of local society, producing new forms of interaction between the communities, control and management of the resources. In this period a social structure more complex than loose village organizations that probably characterized the sociopolitical landscape of the 3rd millennium was developed. The portions of buildings and composite architectural complexes, dating to the Middle Bronze Age, found for example at Giricano, Salat Tepe, Hirbemerdon Tepe, but also the remains of Kavuşan and Üçtepe showing similar architectural features, suggest a community planning with the possible existence of a form of control over productive resources or organization of the local economic life, but not a level of complexity implying the subordination to a centralizing power. Architecture and artifacts do not confirm the presence of elites but indicate small communities organizing the management of local economy on a modest scale. We do not have elements to recognize a hierarchy between these sites yet but it seems that these played a role of coordination and were centers of attraction for populations; for processing products and storing commodities coming from herds, agriculture, hunting and intermountain trade as well as for communal and ritual performances. The growing of settlement density can be considered as an indicator of a socio-economic reorganization of indigenous groups. This regenerative process can be linked to the establishment of a commercial network and/or to a change in the balance between main subsistence activities or to other external stimuli as the arrival of newcomers. Not less important could have been the changing relation between the two segments, settled (mainly farmers) and mobile (transhumant shepherds and nomads) of the same group or tribe, developing an integrated economy and an enlarged socio-political system, At present we can only speculate about what the development of the indigenous society holds. The relation between these two segments, settled and mobile of the same group or tribe, developing an integrated economy and an enlarged socio-political system, was at the base of a new society inaugurated at the end of the 3rd millennium in the Upper Tigris. It is possible to imagine a scenario, simplifying a more complex process, where groups of shepherds, nomadic or semi-nomadic, who have lived in this area as ancient texts and modern studies confirm, decided to convert to agricultural activities and village life, for different motives, settling in one of the areas that for centuries they had used during the seasonal migrations and transhumance between mountains, valleys and steppes; whereas the other part of the group continued to bring herds along traditional routes interacting with the sedentary communities. The available textual documentation is meager and does not permit to establish yet the modalities of interaction with the southern city states as well as the involvement within commercial circuits. This new organization of the social and economic structure of the local community is a trait of the Middle Bronze Age society that in the course of the 2nd millennium and then during the 1st millennium, will keep firmly a local character or will be occasionally oriented towards eastern Anatolia in spite of the pressure and attempts at stable colonization by southern empires. An important implication of social and historical significance is involved in the role assumed by the different components and members of the local society in this archaeological landscape. If this outline is correct, the scarcity of sites dated to the 3rd millennium or otherwise, the low visibility of these settlements, might point to unstable occupation: a mobile, semi-nomadic or nomadic style of life was for most of the population the best adaptation to the surrounding regional environment. We can question if in the case of the Upper Tigris river valley it has been the trade network to generate the rise of complexity or dynamics internal to local groups (maybe stimulated after the Akkadians established their influence over the region) have had been more effective to prompt the transformation of local society. The valley represents a distinct unit from the surrounding regions with regard to its material culture and particularly its pottery tradition. Actually, the particular setting of Tigris culture, the lack of textual records for several centuries, the difficulties met by Mesopotamians to control these territories, and the characteristics of the material remains could suggest that the area was a place of a well-defined cultural and maybe political entity and resulting in the changes at the end of 3rd millennium that we can recognize in the growth of the settlements characterized by the presence of red-brown ceramics. If the archaeological remains emerged through the excavation in the Upper Tigris have to be considered direct expression of the Khurrian world is at the moment an intriguing hypothesis that in absence of textual evidence cannot be demonstrated. However the results of the recent research in the Upper Tigris provide new fundamental evidence for a better definition of the communities inhabiting the south-eastern Anatolia between the end of 3rd and the beginning of 2nd mill. BC that played an important, yet poorly defined role within the historical scenario of the Ancient Near East.

La presente ricerca si è proposta di evidenziare le strategie di integrazione ovvero le pratiche di cittadinanza adottate in favore di un particolare segmento dei fenomeni migratori internazionali attuali: quello dei minori stranieri che soli varcano le frontiere del nostro paese alla ricerca di generiche migliori condizioni di vita. La conoscenza del loro patrimonio culturale e l'analisi delle procedure di accoglienza e di integrazione adottate nelle società di accoglienza, rappresentano una sfida stimolante nella prospettiva della disciplina antropologica, da sempre considerata la scienza 'dell'altro' e della 'differenza culturale' (Callari Galli, 2005). In generale, l'importanza di tale studio è resa evidente certamente dai numeri sempre più consistenti di minori stranieri non accompagnati presenti nel nostro paese, ma ancor più dalla necessità di ridefinire le strategie dell'integrazione sociale complessive se non si vuole alimentare quella che già dagli anni 70 è stata definita da alcuni criminologi come una "una bomba sociale a scoppio ritardato" (Bovenkerk 1973, cit. in Barbagli 2002, p. 31); tanto è la posta in gioco. Sebbene la letteratura sulle seconde generazioni e in particolare quella sui minori stranieri non accompagnati sia ormai cospicua tanto in Italia quanto a livello internazionale, mancano ancora monografie antropologiche su singole nazionalità immigrate soprattutto che siano capaci di accedere, investigare ed indagare il controverso universo emozionale dei minori. La presente ricerca nasce dall'esigenza di colmare questo gap esperienziale assumendo come protagonisti una frangia specifica della categoria minorile: i giovani di origine marocchina che si innescano su uno specifico segmento delle attuali tratte migratorie transnazionali, l'asse Khourigba – Roma. In accordo con le recenti acquisizioni degli studi antropologici (Persichetti, 2003; Riccio; 2007; Capello, 2008) si è ritenuto inoltre opportuno procedere con uno studio multisituato capace di ricomprendere al suo interno i due aspetti del binomio migratorio: il contesto di partenza e quello di arrivo dei giovani migranti. "Prima di diventare un immigrato, il migrante è sempre innanzitutto un emigrato" scrive il sociologo algerino Abdelmalek Sayad (2002) intendendo con tale affermazione che emigrazione ed immigrazione sono due facce della stessa realtà. Uno studio dei fenomeni migratori cioè dimentico delle condizioni di origine si condanna ad offrire degli stessi solo una versione parziale e connotata etnocentricamente. L'etnografia, iniziata nel 2006 e terminata nel 2008, è stata quindi integrata da due viaggi in Marocco con l'intenzione appunto di cogliere quella parte di vissuto fatto anche di suoni, colori, immagini altrimenti non "accessibile" e non "trasmissibile" nel solo contesto di accoglienza. Chiaramente si è fatto largo uso di metodologie qualitative (osservazione partecipante, focus group, interviste in profondità) in quanto maggiormente adatte ad indagare in profondità le complesse dinamiche caratterizzanti i vissuti esperienziali; a cogliere le sfumature di contesto e di restituire per queste stesse ragioni un quadro vivo e frastagliato fuori da logiche pre- costituite. La restituzione delle testimonianze raccolte - grazie a un capillare lavoro di conoscenza della realtà romana dell'immigrazione e a un 'patto' etnografico molto forte intrattenuto con i giovani testimoni nonché con gli operatori che in molte occasioni se ne fanno carico - fa risaltare gli aspetti non solo politico-culturali della questione, ma anche l'intreccio di emotività e fragilità che si cela al centro della loro condizione di minori non accompagnati. La particolare condizione di vulnerabilità di cui sono vittima deriva certamente da una condizione giuridica fortemente "incerta", ma anche dal doppio ruolo sociale che il minore straniero non accompagnato assume su di sé: come "minore" è soggetto di un tradizionale percorso pedagogico, come "straniero" è un pericolo per l'ordine pubblico. La tutela "naturale" viene in questo modo costantemente infranta o finisce per dissolversi in uno spazio che non può essere indirizzato o controllato su logiche o prassi proprie dell'ordine nazionale. Soggetto "anomalo" e "sovversivo"quindi, il minore straniero non accompagnato, spesso relegato negli ambiti bui e marginali delle metropoli odierne, con la sua stessa presenza pone seri interrogativi rispetto alla capacità della nostre società di accoglienza di produrre coesione sociale e di riformulare le regole del gioco di un sistema che sia realmente inclusivo delle parti. Adolescenti (e) immigrati la cui vita si svolge su rotte transnazionali. Il loro percorso è intessuto di piccole casualità - incontri, parole, piccoli gesti - che ne determinano l'intrigo. Sono storie fatte di alternanza di successi e sbandamenti, integrazione e devianza, intreccio di trame che si snodano sul confine tra ciò che è lecito e ciò che non lo è. Minori al "bivio", dunque, qualcuno dice, "tra integrazione e rimpatrio". Questi giovani, figli di una diaspora migratoria che ha tessuto legami sociali internazionali in vari continenti, tendono a pensarsi come cittadini del mondo e possono immaginare il loro futuro in Italia, nel paese d'origine, così come in un altro luogo, conoscono la fatica dell'adattamento, e stanno imparando a gestirlo; sanno che la loro "differenza", le loro conoscenze di un'altra lingua, cultura e religione, il loro aspetto, le loro esperienze non sempre facili di socializzazione, potranno rivelarsi un limite o una risorsa. E' questa nuova consapevolezza che si sta faticosamente facendo strada oggi tra le coscienze a far sperare oggi in un destino per loro diverso da quello vissuto dai loro coetanei delle banlieues francesi o delle inner cities britanniche, dove l'essere cresciuti in quartieri in cui problemi sociali e esistenziali simili tendono a sovrapporsi, ha portato molti giovani a sentirsi collettivamente parte di una generazione tradita e sacrificata, maturando così rancore sociale e desiderio di imporsi, attraverso un'identità fiera o desiderosa di ricreare una sua purezza. La scommessa di una integrazione sociale riuscita per i giovani stranieri cresciuti nel nostro paese, ma ancora più per i minori stranieri non accompagnati, si gioca essenzialmente quindi nelle reti dell'assistenza sociale e quindi nella scuola. Tale scelta pur essendo molto lontana dal conseguimento degli obiettivi economici, e quindi dall'ottemperamento del mandato migratorio, consente di rivendicare principi e ragioni di "somiglianza – uguaglianza" con i compagni di scuola autoctoni; confronto prima pressoché impossibile data la clandestinità cui sono di sovente costretti i minori stranieri non accompagnati e la peculiarità del tipo di lavoro svolto dai marocchini, quello ambulante, per sua natura itinerante e fortemente stigmatizzato dall'opinione comune. Nonostante le evidenti lacerazioni che questa scelta comporta in termini di: rottura con vecchi schemi di comportamento; ridefinizione dei ruoli all'interno della famiglia, nell'ambito societario di arrivo, così come in quello di appartenenza; riapporpiazione della propria identità, questa strada sembra a tutt'oggi l'unica in grado di preservare questi giovani migranti o di stornarli dal destino di devianza e marginalità che spesso si apre loro come scelta obbligata. La ricerca consta di due parti: la prima rende conto della letteratura in materia di seconde generazioni e la seconda restituisce i risultati dell'etnografia. In particolare il primo capitolo affronta i termini generali della questione con l'intenzione di chiarire i diversi misunderstanding che costellano il dibattito in materia di immigrazione attraverso una lettura critica della letteratura nazionale e internazionale. Il secondo e il terzo capitolo si occupano rispettivamente della normativa europea e italiana. Quanto al primo contesto sono evidenziate le diverse pratiche adottate in materia di ingresso dei minori stranieri non accompagnati all'interno dei confini di alcuni Paesi membri di vecchia e nuova immigrazione (Francia, Inghilterra, Germania, Belgio e Spagna) e posti in luce i gaps presenti così come le falle del sistema; quanto al contesto italiano, si mettono in rilievo le criticità che gli apparati giuridici presentano rispetto a una realtà concreta del fenomeno caratterizzata, come è ovvio, da straordinaria fluttuanza e informalità. Il quarto capitolo è stato dedicato alla scuola in quanto considerata la vera fucina del cambiamento sociale per la sua capacità di rappresentare l'occasione primaria di formazione linguistica, di costruzione di reti interne al Paese di accoglienza, di apprendimento di concetti e modalità didattiche ad esso omogenee; un paragrafo a parte è stato riservato all'inserimento lavorativo essendo questo il principale movente della migrazione di questi giovani. Infine il quinto capitolo si è prefisso di indagare il contesto di provenienza dei minori intervistati, il Marocco, ricostruendo l'eredità del passato coloniale, le scelte economiche del Marocco Indipendente, i fattori di push and pull dietro i flussi migratori di ieri e di oggi. Il quadro finale ha permesso di sondare la salute del sistema. Riconoscere diritto di parola e di ascolto dell'infanzia e dell'adolescenza ha significato fare un passo importante in avanti nella comprensione della loro soggettività, consentendo di fare emergere tutti quegli aspetti di conformità, progressivo adattamento ovvero di riottosità rispetto tanto alla propria comunità di appartenenza quanto alla società di arrivo. Considerare i minori come "soggetti di diritto" ha significato in altre parole ripensare sotto un altro punto di vista l'organizzazione e le strutture profonde che quella società regolano con il merito di porre in luce aspetti e problemi inediti, frizioni interne al gruppo normalmente sfuggevoli e molto riposte ed elementi di scarto rispetto a un modello omogeneo e granitico di una data cultura. Occorre sobriamente riconoscere che non si danno più né immigrati né emigrati, ma "pari" cittadini (o spiranti tali) che tessono relazioni effettivamente ed affettivamente collegate in un unico destino interdipendente. La consapevolezza di questo richiede competenza, intelligenza, impegno e determinazione nelle scelte operative da intraprendere; l'altra faccia della medaglia è solo devianza ed emarginazione. ; The following research is aimed to underline the strategies of integration and the practices of citizenship utilized in favor of a particular segment of the actual international migratory phenomenon: the one about foreign minors who alone pass the borders of our country to search for better conditions of life. The knowledge of their cultural background and the analysis of the procedures of the ways in which one is welcomed and the integration adopted by the receiving countries represent a stimulating challenge from the anthropological perspective, always considered the science of "cultural differences" (Callari Galli, 2005). The importance of this study is obviously given forth by the increasing numbers of "separated" minors in our country, but moreover by the necessity to re-define the strategies of social integration tout court if we don't want to feed what has, since 1970, been defined by some criminologists as a real "time bomb" (Bovenkerk 1973, cit. in Barbagli 2002, p. 31). Although nowadays both of the international and Italian literature, about the second generation and in particular those that talk of separated minors are conspicuous, we are still missing anthropological monographs on single nationalities of immigrants able to access, investigate and inquire into the complex emotional world of these minors. The following research was born from the necessity to fill in this experiential gap assuming as its subject a specific part of the category of minors: youth of Moroccan origin that are situated on a particular segment of the transnational migratory trades, the axis Khourigba- Rome. According to the recent anthropological acquisition (Persichetti, 2003; Riccio; 2007; Capello, 2008) it became appropriate to proceed with a multi-situated study able to embrace both of the aspects of the migrants lives: the context of origin and the context of arrival of the young migrants. "Before becoming an immigrant, the migrant is always an emigrant" wrote the Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad (2002), intending by this affirmation that immigration and emigration are both faces of the same reality. A study of the migrant phenomenon that forgets or leaves behind the condition of origin of immigrants people is condemned to offer only a partial and ethnocentric version of this phenomenon. The ethnography, started in 2006 and finished in 2008, has been integrated by two journeys in Morocco with the purpose to investigate those part of lives – made principally also by sounds, colors and images - not "accessible" and "communicable" in the receiving countries. Clearly the research has required a large use of qualitative methodologies (participant observation, focus group, interview in depth, etc) because of their characteristic to be more adapted to investigate the complex dynamics typical of the lived experience; to catch the shades of content and to give back, for these same reasons, a lively and unusual picture out of rules and schemes prior established. The feedback from the gathered stories – by a meticulous work which consisted in the knowledge of the Roman immigrants reality and a strong ethnographical "pact" with the minors on one hand and the social operators on the other – has brought to light not only the political and cultural aspects of the phenomenon, but moreover the tangle of sensitiveness and fragility hidden behind their condition of separated minors. The particular condition of vulnerability of which they are victims firstly came from an "uncertain" juridical condition, but more so by the double rule that the separated minor assumes on himself: as a "minor" he is subject to a traditional pedagogic approach and as a "stranger" he is considered dangerous to the public order. The natural guardianship which they should enjoy is continuously breached and threatened and dissolves in vague promises and empty rituals. Separated minors are "anomalous" and "subversive" subjects who too often are relegated to the dark and marginal spheres of the actual metropolis. Furthermore, their own presence, even if it is made invisible by the viewpoint of the system, impose serious and urgent questions to contemporary society; in respect of our capacity to produce social cohesion and re-formulate the rules of a game which has to be really inclusive in all its parts. It compromises the global issues of our society. Adolescents (and) immigrants who are living their lives on transnational routes. Their course is woven together by many little causalities - encounters, words and simple gestures that determine its outcome. These are stories made up of alternations of successes and disbandment, integration and deviance, a tangle of plots that lie on the border of what is licit and what is not. Minors on a "crossroad", some say, between "integration and repatriation". These young, son of numerous migratory diasporas that have banded together into international social links in many continents, tend to think themselves as citizens of the world and are able to imagine their future in Italy, in their own country or everywhere. They have lived the fatigue of adaptation and are learning to manage it. They know that their "difference" - the knowledge of another tongue, culture, religion, their physical appearance, their experiences of socialization, not always so simple and immediate - can be either a limit or a resource. Is this new consciousness - that nowadays is hardly rousing our consciences - to leave us the hope in a different destiny from that lived by their residing in the French banlieues or in Britain's inner cities. These communities, where to be brought up in districts in which social and existential problems tend to overlap, has brought many young persons to feel part of a generation betrayed and sacrificed and to foster social resentment and wishes of revenge through an identity that is proud and intent on recreating its original purity. The bet of a successful social integration for the young people growing up in our country, but moreover for the separated minors, is played on the circuits of social assistance and then on the capacity of school to create cohesion as an agency of socialization. This choice, though it is really far away from the fulfillment of their economic objectives and then from the attainment of the migratory cause, allows them to claim principles and reasons of " similarity – equality" with their coetaneous friends of school. This is a kind of comparison that was impossible before because of the irregular condition to which separated minors are often obliged and the peculiar characteristics of the type of job done by Moroccan people, usually pitchmen, from its nature an itinerant job hardly stigmatized by common opinion. Although the evident lacerations that this choice implies in terms of breaking old schemes of behaviours; redefinition of rules in the family, in the society of arrival (as well as in the society of origin); re-appropriation of one's own identity; this road appears uniquely to be able to preserve these young migrants from the solitude of a destiny otherwise made up of deviance and marginality. The research consists of two parts: the first one proposes a general framework about second generation literature and the second one provides the results of the ethnography. In particular, the first chapter copes with these questions in general terms with the intent to clarify the different misunderstandings in the debate about immigration, through a critical reading of national and international literature. The second and third chapters talk respectively of the European laws concerning separated minors and the Italian ones. In regard to the first context, it underlines the different practices adopted about the entry of separated minors in the territories of several old and new European immigration countries (such as France, Britain, Germany, Belgium and Spain) and point out the gaps and problems of these systems. As regards the Italian context, instead, emphasize is put on the critical points of the actual juridical systems in respect to a reality of the phenomenon characterized, as obviously it is, by remarkable unbalance and changeability. The fourth chapter has been dedicated to the school because it is considered the real forge of the social changing in its capacity to represent the primary occasion of: linguistic training, constructing of intern links in the receiving countries, learning of concepts and didactic modalities homogenous to it. A specific paragraph has been reserved to the introduction to the working environment because it is the main reason of the migration of these young people. The fifth chapter is aimed to investigate the context of provenience of minors interviewed, the Moroccan Country, reconstructing the heredity of the colonial past, the economic choices of the Independent Morocco, and the factors of push and pull behind the migratory flows of yesterday and today. The final picture is used to verify the health of the system. Recognizing the right of "speech" and "listening" to infancy and adolescence has meant to make an important step forward in the knowledge of their individuality, making arise all aspects of conformity and progressive adaptation or, on the contrary, their rebelliousness to their own culture as well as to the receiving society. In other worlds, considering minors "subjects of right" has meant rethinking the organization and obscure structures that manage the same societies in which they live, with the merit to point out aspects and elements of forsaking respect to a homogenous and given model of a culture. Nowadays more than ever it is necessary to admit that there are no more immigrants or emigrants, but "equal" citizens (or aspirant ones) who weave together elements of every type in a unique interdependent destiny. The consciousness of this claim calls for competence, intelligence, dedication and determination in the choice to engage; the rest is made by deviance, frustration, marginalization. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Tutela e Promozione dei Diritti dell'Infanzia (XXII ciclo)

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.