Suchergebnisse

p. 4 ; columns 3–4 ; 17 ½ col. in. ; This article contains a history of the bill establishing the Territory of Utah. The Mormons are not legally capable of forming a government, and Congress should give large portions of their territory to California, New Mexico, and Oregon.

Di sebagian besar Negara Islam, masyarakatnya selalu di­dominasi kaum laki-lakinya. Hal ini disebabkan sistem patrilinial yang dianut masyarakatnya. Di dalam kehidupan masyarakat seperti ini, hak-hak perempuan, termasuk hak untuk ber­partisipasi dalam politik sangat sedikit sekali memberikan hak ini kepada perempuan sebagai pemilik sejatinya. Padahal kalau perempuan diberikan hak berpolitik ini mereka akan mampu ikut menentukan kehidupan masyarakat bahkan ke­hidup­an berbangsa dan bernegara. Tulisan ini mendiskusikan hak politik perempuan dalam pandang­an Hukum Islam. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa Islam sangat menjunjung tinggi hak-hak perempuan. Sebagai­mana patnernya kaum laki-laki, perempuan pun memiliki hak untuk memainkan peran public, termasuk dalam ranah politik.

Hernadi AffandiAbstrakThis paper highlights the regulation of political rights of civil servants (PNS) in Indonesia based on the 1945 Indonesian Constituions. Political rights are part of human rights that shall be guarded and protected by the State in the form of legislation ranging from constitution to its implementing regulations. The presence of regulation is substantial for safeguarding the existence and implementing political rights possessed by citizens, including civil servants. However, in practice there are restrictions by the lawmaker towards the political rights of the civil servants in Indonesia. In this regard, this paper attempts to highlight two issues: first, the position of civil servants in Indonesia in the 1945 Indonesian Constitution; second, the regulation of the political rights of civil servants in the implementing regulations of the 1945 Indonesian Constituion.Keywords: political rights, human rights, civil servants, 1945 Indonesian Constitution, implementing regulation. Pengaturan Hak Politik Pegawai Negeri Sipil di Indonesia AbstrakTulisan ini menyoroti pengaturan hak Pegawai Negeri Sipil (PNS) di Indonesia berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia tahun 1945 (UUD 1945). Hak politik merupakan bagian dari hak asasi manusia (HAM) yang harus dijaga dan dilindungi negara dalam bentuk pengaturan perundang-undangan mulai dari undang-undang dasar sampai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksananya. Kehadiran peraturan perundang-undangan tersebut menjadi penting agar keberadaan maupun pelaksanaan hak politik yang dimiliki warga negara, termasuk PNS, dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Dalam praktiknya, terdapat pembatasan yang dilakukan oleh pembentuk undang-undang terhadap hak politik PNS di Indonesia. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba menyoroti dua persoalan: pertama, kedudukan PNS di Indonesia dalam UUD 1945; kedua, pengaturan hak politik PNS dalam peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksana UUD 1945.Kata kunci: hak politik, hak asasi manusia, pegawai negeri sipil, UUD 1945, peraturan perundang-undangan. ; AbstractThis paper highlights the regulation of political rights of civil servants (PNS) in Indonesia based on the 1945 Indonesian Constitution. Political rights are part of human rights that shall be guarded and protected by the State in the form of legislation ranging from constitution to its implementing regulations. The presence of regulation is substantial for safeguarding the existence and implementing political rights possessed by citizens, including civil servants. However, in practice there are restrictions by the lawmaker towards the political rights of the civil servants in Indonesia. In this regard, this paper attempts to highlight two issues: first, the position of civil servants in Indonesia in the 1945 Indonesian Constitution; second, the regulation of the political rights of civil servants in the implementing regulations of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution.Keywords: political rights, human rights, civil servants, 1945 Indonesian Constitution, implementing regulation. Pengaturan Hak Politik Pegawai Negeri Sipil di IndonesiaAbstrakTulisan ini menyoroti pengaturan hak Pegawai Negeri Sipil (PNS) di Indonesia berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia tahun 1945 (UUD 1945). Hak politik merupakan bagian dari hak asasi manusia (HAM) yang harus dijaga dan dilindungi negara dalam bentuk pengaturan perundang-undangan mulai dari undang-undang dasar sampai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksananya. Kehadiran peraturan perundangundangan tersebut menjadi penting agar keberadaan maupun pelaksanaan hak politik yang dimiliki warga negara, termasuk PNS, dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Dalam praktiknya, terdapat pembatasan yang dilakukan oleh pembentuk undang-undang terhadap hak politik PNS di Indonesia. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba menyoroti dua persoalan: pertama, kedudukan PNS di Indonesia dalam UUD 1945; kedua, pengaturan hak politik PNS dalam peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksana UUD 1945.Kata Kunci: hak politik, hak asasi manusia, pegawai negeri sipil, UUD 1945, peraturan perundang-undangan. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v1n3.a6

This paper tests the implication of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem that capital-poor individuals prefer more trade openness in poor (capital-scarce) countries and less trade in rich (labor-scarce) countries, by using a broad panel of countries and new exogenous determinants of trade openness. According to the seminal work in Mayer (1984), capital-poor individuals prefer more trade openness in poor (capital-scarce) countries and less trade openness in rich (labor-scarce) countries. We use the level of political rights as a proxy for the relative capital labor endowment of the median voter so that an increase in political rights should have asymmetric effects in poor and rich countries: an increase in political rights should lead to more openness in capital poor countries and less openness in capital rich countries. Our results show that, while both income per capita and political rights are positively associated with import intensity, their interaction has a negative and very robust negative association with openness. Increases in political rights lead to sizeable decreases in import intensity after a given income per capita threshold has been surpassed. Our results are robust to the inclusion of structural, geography and cultural determinants of openness, different estimation methods and different proxies for country endowments. ; N/A

Parliamentary threshold or political party threshold to occupy the people's representatives in parliament is a provision that has been regulated in the law. Article 414 paragraph (1) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the existence of a parliamentary threshold. This means that the parliamentary threshold is legal. Especially based on legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3 / PUU-VII / 2009 and Constitutional Court Decision Number 20/PUU-XVI/2018, the parliamentary threshold is an open legal policy so that it can be said to be constitutional. But in reality the application of the parliamentary threshold limits political rights. The limitation of political rights occurs to participants and voters in the General Election

The interactions between legal and political system has been strengthened in recent years, especially through judicial review, with the transference to Courts of themes that define and divide a political system. In brazilian case, in the absence of legislative deliberation some of these discussions are forwarded Brazilian courts, who gave controversial decisions about "mega politics". So, the research´s question "" is the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (re) building electoral legislation, as a manifestation of judicial activism, interfering in mega politics?The study starts from a theoretical approach, with the deductive method, combined with a qualitative case analysis about courts´s decisions regarding party loyalty, coalition verticalizations, threshold clauses and the rights of legislative minorities, and political donations. Therefore, the research is supported by a bibliographical and documentary survey. Based on the methodological approach of Judicial Politcs, the legal protection of fundamental political rights and the structure of the Brazilian strong judicial system are described (Normative Theory), and evaluated the motivations of legal decisions, taking into account judicialization as exercise of a political activity (Positive Theory).

In the case of Ferreira v Levin NO, Justice Laurie Ackermann seemed to make the assumption that the political right to freedom is best explained, and its content therefore best determined, by the fact that all human beings have dignity. That is, he seemed to assume that dignity and the fact that human beings necessarily possess it provide the key to an understanding of the political right to freedom. This is, I think, an assumption made by many. The aim of this essay is to question its validity.

Support for industrial policy and protectionism are supposed to help the working class. Instead, these ideas elevate the already privileged.

Thesis (J.D.)--Univ. of California, May 1921. ; Bibliography. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Recent decades have seen the growth of various strands of rightwing populist political orientations, where populism and critique of immigration policies have been central. These ideological developments have caused concern for the legitimacy of social and political institutions. The question explored in this paper, based on Norwegian survey data, is 'Which types of right political orientations exist among young people, and how do these political attitudes affect trust in social and political institutions?' The results reveal the existence of both a populist 'new right' political orientation similar to the ideology of the Progress Party and a nativist ideology. The new right orientation contains two sets of variables: (i) economic liberalism/state scepticism and (ii) nationalist values. For trust in political institutions, the emerging picture is complex because the nationalist dimension of both the populist orientation and the nativist ideological orientation implies a high level of trust in political institutions. To the extent the new right political orientations causes mistrust, it seems to come from the liberal economic, anti-statist values included in this ideology. Based on these findings, future researchers should distinguish more clearly between the ideological dimensions going into populist political right orientations and the relationship between attitudes and more practical implications of such ideologies. ; acceptedVersion

In recent years, the Anglo-American media landscape has pondered over an old problem: that of German hegemony in Europe. At the heart of this debate lies the question of geopolitics. Is Germany, deliberately or by accident, a regional hegemon, and do its political elites seek to reorganize Berlin's neighbours into a pan-European architecture that prioritizes Germany's national interest? This question is not as straightforward as it may sound, not least because geopolitical thought was long a taboo in Germany, due to its influence on the formulation of National Socialist ideology in the 1920s. This article thus seeks to answer this question by focusing not on the often sanitized statements of political leaders but on the ideas of think-tankers, journalists, political advisers and public intellectuals, many of whom have had a significant influence on the formulation of German foreign policy. The article argues that, while geopolitical ideas were long confined to the right-wing margins of the political spectrum, they are now much more prevalent in the political mainstream. As Germany's relations with the United States and Russia have gradually soured, this new German geopolitics has once again become preoccupied by the notion of Germany as a central power.

The Matome Saito are edited popular topic threads of the Ni-Channel anonymous bulletin board. The information on the Matome Saito is efficiently and concisely edited for those who do not usually access the vast Ni-Channel forum. This paper overviews the state and mechanism of the Ni-Channel forum of Japan, the edited blogs of Ni-Channel called Matome Saito, and aggregation of Matome Saito in relation to online aggregation and politics, with a focus on Japan and the December 2012 election. This paper examines the tone argument of the Matome Saito aggregation by conducting a content analysis of 148 politically related threads from November 16, 2012 to December 20, 2012 spanning the time period following the dissolving of the Japanese government by Prime Minister Noda to five days after the election.

This special issue of the Journal of Alternative and Community Media presents five articles that examine right-wing alternative media from different countries and contexts: Brazil, the United States, Germany and Finland. They focus on different aspects of a phenomenon that has come to the forefront of public debate in recent years, due to the many apparently successful alternative media enterprises that can be characterised as conservative, libertarian, populist or far to extreme right wing on a political scale. While there has been much (and often heated) public debate about this, researchers tend to lag behind when it comes to new trends, and a transient and rapidly changing media landscape. The articles in this special issue are therefore especially valuable, since they all provide empirically grounded perspectives on specific cases that illustrate different parts of a large puzzle that is in much need of illumination. This special issue is of use not just to communication research, but also to the public debate on disinformation on the internet.

References included in "Notes" : p. 231-247. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Translation of Du contrat social. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.