Suchergebnisse

"The Südtiroler Volkspartei (SVP) ranks among the most successful autonomist parties in Europe (Holzer 1991; Holzer and Schwegler 1998; Pallaver 2005a; Pallaver 2006; Pallaver 2007a). Since its creation in 1945, it has occupied a hegemonic position in the province of Bolzano, where it has governed with an absolute majority since the first elections to the Provincial Assembly held in 1948. Also represented at the state-level since 1948, the SVP has often been a loyal ally for successive centre and centre-left governments. Since the mid 1990s, as different state-wide parties have struggled to command governing majorities within the Italian parliament, the SVP has been courted as a potential coalition partner by those on the left as well as on the right. At the European level, with one representative in the European Parliament since 1979, the SVP operates with the self-confidence of a national, rather than a regional, party. This chapter outlines and explains this successful lifespan, and identifies the ways in which the party's organisation and pursuit of goals has evolved as a result of different achievements at different territorial levels. It is argued that, contrary to other autonomist parties examined in this volume, organisational and goal change has been less due to crossing different thresholds - as these were achieved very early on in its lifetime - than due to other external factors, such as changes in the electoral system and the party competitive context. Moreover, with the party's autonomist goals largely achieved by the 1990s, the party has more recently focused on other, non-territorial, issues relating to the day-to-day governance of South Tyrol. To date, however, this shift from autonomist to domestic politics has not threatened the SVP's dominance of South Tyrol's political institutions, nor its monopoly on the representation of the province's interests within state and European arenas." (author's abstract)

"Unsere Analysen zur Genese rechtsextremer Orientierungen und Aktivitäten Jugendlicher gehen von der zentralen Annahme aus, daß diese u.a. auch als eine Facette jugendtypischer Devianz betrachtet werden müssen (Hagan, Merkens, Boehnke 1995). Ihr Ausleben hängt dabei in beträchtlichem Ausmaß von der Eingebundenheit Jugendlicher in deviante Peerkulturen ab. Die hier vorgestellte Arbeit will zeigen, welche Zusammenhänge zwischen sozialer Kontrolle und familialen Interaktionsmodi einerseits und dem Abdriften Jugendlicher in deviante Peerzusammenhänge andererseits bestehen. Die Datenbasis unserer Analyse bilden insgesamt fünf Teilstichproben aus Siegen (N=895), Chemnitz (N=789), Frankfurt/ Oder (N=798), Westberlin (N=736) und Ostberlin (N=820) die Ende 1994, Anfang 1995 erhoben wurden. Befragt wurden Schülerinnen und Schüler der Klassen 7 bis 10 aller relevanten Schulformen der Sekundarstufe I der betreffenden Bundesländer. Die Art der familialen Interaktion wurde mit einer Itembatterie von Parker, Tupling, Brown (1979) gemessen. Es ließen sich dabei vier verschiedene Erziehungsstile abbilden, die als konkret auf das Kind bezogene Verhalten der Eltern Aufschluß über die Interaktion zwischen Kindern und Eltern geben. Die Ergebnisse zeigen deutlich, daß die Art der familialen Interaktionsstruktur als Protektions- bzw. Risikofaktor, ein Abdriften Jugendlicher in deviante Freizeitsettings fördert bzw. hemmt. Relativ unabhängig davon hat auch das Ausmaß der formellen sozialen- Kontrolle (Monitoring) durch die Eltern entscheidenden Einfuß auf die Ausbildung devianter Peerzusammenhänge und auf jugendliche Gewalthandlungen. Die Ergebnisse weisen insgesamt darauf hin, daß die intergenerationale Transmission von Gewaltaffinität und fremdenfeindlichen Orientierungen nicht nur als Tradierung konkreter Einstellungen und Werthaltungen begriffen werden darf, sondern daß davon abstrahierend den sozialen Beziehungen und der familialen Interaktionsstruktur ein eigenständiger Erklärungswert zugestanden werden muß." (Autorenreferat)

"While nonviolent techniques have been widely used by single-interest groups such as trade unions and anti-nuclear, indigenous or environmentalist movements, this chapter refers primarily to nation-wide campaigns by identity or national groups who are challenging internal oppression or external aggression and occupation, and are seeking either self-determination or civil rights in a truly democratic and multicultural state. The chapter is structured as follows: section 2 defines the concept of nonviolent resistance, its aims and methods, and compares its main characteristics with those of other approaches to conflict transformation. It also provides a brief overview of a range of terms usually associated with nonviolence, and their implications for theory and practice. In this chapter, the term 'nonviolent resistance' (henceforth also NVR) refers both to the process of social change through active nonviolence and to a specific set of methods of action for effecting change. Section 3 addresses the conceptual and empirical developments in the field of nonviolent resistance. It draws a distinction between two types of arguments, the so-called 'principled' and 'pragmatic' trends, which are often handled as polar opposites in the literature, but are treated here as complementary. When combined, they present nonviolent action as both an ethical and efficient strategy to effect socio-political change. The most significant nonviolent campaigns since WWII are also briefly listed, as well as recent developments in NVR training and uses of nonviolent techniques for third-party conflict intervention. The remaining two sections of the chapter offer a closer analysis of two processes of constructive conflict transformation through NVR, arguing that nonviolent struggles might support the goals of peacemaking and peacebuilding by transforming unbalanced power relations in preparation for conflict negotiations (section 4), and by using self-limiting conflict strategies that reduce inter-party polarization and encourage democratic practices (section 5). Empirical illustrations of these dynamics are provided through a case study of the first Palestinian intifada against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip (1987-1993)" (excerpt)

"Some scholars have defined autonomist parties - as well as green and radical right parties - as `niche' parties (Meguid 2005; Adams et al. 2006). Niche parties exhibit three main characteristics: the absence of traditional politics, the novelty of the issues they espouse, and the politicisation of a restricted set of issues in electoral competition (Meguid 2005: 347-348). Although appealing, this categorisation is of limited utility for understanding autonomist parties. Some of these parties, for example, can be considered as mainstream parties, or as 'intrinsically catch-all parties' in the politicisation of issues and competitive dynamics (De Winter 1998: 223). Whether autonomist parties can be treated as 'niche' or 'mainstream' parties in their lifespan also depends on context and political opportunity structures. Many autonomist parties alternate between being niche and mainstream dynamics. For example, autonomist parties can behave as mainstream parties at the regional level of representation while they retain characteristics of niche parties at other levels of representation. Institutionalisation and 'normalisation' in party systems also involves many challenges and trade-offs. Some autonomist parties have been electorally very successful, and have managed to cross the thresholds of representation and relevance. However, achieving other goals, such as passing the threshold of government, may be more difficult, and may have significant implications for internal party dynamics. The Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG) is an interesting case for examining some of the tensions autonomist parties experience between being 'niche' and 'mainstream' parties at different stages of development and at different territorial levels. The BNG evolved from being a marginal antisystem force in the early 1980s to being a moderate coalition partner in the Galician government more than two decades later. Over a near thirty-year period, the BNG followed a linear trajectory that distanced the party from its ideological and organisational origins and gradually changed party internal dynamics and goals. The aim of this chapter is to examine this trajectory from marginality to party consolidation and eventually government, and to explain why and how the BNG evolved from its birth in 1982 to the present." (author's abstract)

The concept of Hungary as a Volksnation was reaffirmed by the Treaty of Trianon (1920) which left Hungary with the urgent need to redefine the concept of citizenship. To redefine the role of women in the new Hungary the conservative political elite revived the concept of 'cottage industry' as a possible solution for both the pressing economic needs of women to seek for employment and as a response to the concept of the independent, wage-earning 'New Woman'. The metaphor of Hungary as a sick mutilated body after 1920 opened up space for possible alternative definitions of women's role as healers for the first generations of university graduates. The example of women doctors shows the impossibility of harmonizing the rhetoric of employment with women's duties in the family. However, due to the Great Depression the concept of 'bread-winning woman' started to shed its ennobled connotation as wider social strata of women had to start some wage-earning activity. Those female professionals who were not satisfied with the neo-conservative vision of women's employment in cottage industry - employment till marriage if it did not threaten the male-bread-winner model - nor with the alternative version offered by the social democratic and the communist party, found empowerment in the rhetoric of exceptionalism: e.g., exceptional times not only allow but require a select stratum of women to enter the labour force. The rhetoric of women doctors about their profession proves that healing and caring was the self-image appropriated by the first generation of female professionals and that it necessarily pushed them to the extreme right. Analysis of the female membership of the Hungarian Nazi Party, the Arrow Cross Party, shows an over-representation of intellectual women among its members. In this chapter I aim to map varying trends that went to form the 'rhetoric of work' in the special context of the 'Trianon trauma', pointing out the factors which shifted the definition of women's work towards radically racialized body politics.

This chapter aims to summarise and analyse the project that involves the work of a group of experts whose ambition it is to help those who make the political decisions, the media and interested readers to understand the requirements of the EU and the situation in Croatia, to draw concrete conclusions and make recommendations for essential measures. Part one raises the question of whether the EU is fiction or reality, part two puts Croatia in the context of the EU, while the third part concentrates on macroeconomics, banking and finances, taxes, government aid, trade policy, power, agriculture, employment and unemployment, the legal system, the non-governmental sector and equality between men and women. Part four analyses key questions of
Croatia's accession to the EU – regulation within the EU itself, the normative and real harmonisation of Croatia and the EU, Croatian advantages and its points of vulnerability, and a comparison of Croatia with member countries and candidate countries. The chapter also offers a
number of recommendations for individual areas, while particular stress is placed upon recommendations that relate to the importance of the public administration and the independent agencies, the question of whether it is better to make adjustments at once or only when they are
essential, and the attitude to regional initiatives. The message of the paper is that most of the criteria of Maastricht, Copenhagen and the Stabilisation and Association Agreement are posed in such a way that they can only be of benefit to the country. Our goal ought to be to live in a society that meets as many of these criteria as possible, and whether Croatia will, in so doing, be a member of the EU or of some other association, or an association with some other name that will be relevant at the time Croatia has achieved all this is less important. The EU may help Croatia in its economic and social development, but only the citizens of Croatia can achieve economic development, institutions that are more efficient, and a society that is going to respect the laws and the rights of individuals.

"Der Beitrag skizziert am Beispiel der Urheberrechtsdiskussionen um die Musikin-dustrie und das wissenschaftliche Publizieren die sozialen Prozesse, in denen die Grenzen zwischen Märkten und Öffentlichkeiten, zwischen Recht, Wirtschaft, Technik und Kultur gezogen und verhandelt werden. Dies geschieht zur Zeit bei der Novellierung des Urheberrechts, aber auch in den globalen öffentlichen Debatten um Patente auf "Leben" oder auf Software, um Privatkopien und Piraterie. In Prozessen der Regulierung geistigen Eigentums handeln Wissensgesellschaften ihren Umgang mit den mutmaßlich zentralen Ressourcen Wissen, Kultur, Innovation und Innovativität aus. In der hier vertretenen Perspektive geht es darum, diese Prozesse nicht von vornherein als marktlich, als strukturiert durch Interessen und Eigentumsrechte zu begreifen. Wissenssoziologisch und sozialkonstruktivistisch betrachtet, spezifizieren die Akteure diese Ressourcen im Prozess der Aushandlung erst als solche – und sie spezifizieren nicht nur die Ressourcen, sondern unterschiedliche Akteure konfigurieren Ensembles aus Regulierungen und Praxen des Schaffens und Konsumierens aus sozialen und ökonomischen Tauschbeziehungen, aus Produkten, Diensten und Leistungen.
Die Diskussion um das geistige Eigentum wird dabei bislang nicht in erster Linie in den Sozialwissenschaften geführt. Damit befassen sich eher JuristInnen, Rechts- und WirtschaftswissenschaftlerInnen, aber auch AutorInnen aus den Informations- und Kommunikationswissenschaften (Kuhlen 1995; 2002a; 2002b; Grassmuck 2000; Lutterbeck 2002). In der Soziologie findet sich das Thema bislang verstreut. In der sozialwissenschaftlichen Wissenschafts- und Technikforschung gibt es eine Diskussion über "commodification of knowledge" (zum Beispiel die Beiträge in den Science Studies 2/2001, prokla 126; Nentwich 2003) in kritischer Abgrenzung zur These eines vernetzten und konextoffenen "mode 2" der Wissensproduktion (Gibbons u.a. 1994; Nowotny u.a. 2001). In der Untersuchung von Märkten, Institutionen und Governancebeziehungen um das Internet herum (Hofmann 2002; Lieckweg 2002) taucht es auf, in Untersuchungen von Interessen, Diskursen und Verhandlungsprozessen (Döbert/van den Daele 2002) und bei der Analyse wissens-intensiver Industrien (Giesecke 2001), in denen geistiges Eigentum zum Produkt wird.
Das hat zur Folge, dass diese Diskussion überwiegend in Begriffen von Gütern stattfindet, also von "Dingen", auf die sich dann Verfügungsrechte beziehen können. Die These dieses Beitrags ist dabei: "Die" public domain löst sich, soziologisch betrachtet, auf in heterogene Ensembles von marktlichen, staatlichen, zivilgesellschaftlichen und professionellen Akteuren, Praxen und Orientierungen. Wissen und Informationsgüter sind kontextuiert und situiert. Sie stellen einstweilige Resultate technisch-institutioneller Einklammerungen dar, die im Fluss von Wissen, Kultur und Sinn immer wieder de- und rekontextuiert werden. Geistige Eigentumsrechte bilden jedoch nicht einfach einen institutionellen Rahmen, sondern greifen tief in die Produktion und Nutzung von Wissen und Kultur ein. Die rechtliche und zu-nehmend technische Ausgestaltung geistiger Eigentumsrechte prämiert deutlich be-stimmte Strategien und Produktionsweisen auf Kosten anderer, macht bestimmte Nebenfolgen und Strukturbildungen wahrscheinlicher." (Textauszug)

The paper "Israel in the European neighborhood policy" attempts to explain the importance of the relation EU-Israel for the security of the European Union, but also for the global security. This task will be accomplished by analyzing basic documents vital for European political architecture, such as the European Security Strategy, Strategy Paper for Israel for the period 2007-2013, or EU/Israel Action Plan. The speeches of members of European Commission about the relation of EU with Israel are also important sources of the present paper, bringing valuable ideas who successfully complete the content of EU-Israel treaties. This paper attempts, also, to explain the functionning and the role of European neighborhood policy, its principles of action and objectives and, later on, to analyse the importance of Israel as a country found in the proximity of European Union. The reason for choosing Israel from all the other neighbors of the European Union, as subjects of European neighborhood policy, was the common values reflected in tradition and culture of the Jews from Israel and of the Europeans, enhanced by the European Jewry Heritage from Europe. We consider that the relationship between European Union and Israel is very normal and useful.
Among the priorities of action established by the two parts as a consequence of European Union-Israel treaties, we would like to point out the assignment to fight against anti-Semitism and against terrorist actions. The Jewish people are a people who passed through a lot of difficulties and inconveniences during history and through a great tragedy during the Holocaust. Israel represents the refuge they longed for centuries and democratic states do support Israeli aspiration towards having their own fatherland. Anti-Semitism increased now in the Arab world being the consequence of the conflicts between Palestinians and Israelites in the last decades. Some times it can take the form of terrorist action and hence the connection with terrorist networks. The fight against terrorism is not strictly connected with anti-Semitism; terrorist networks are acting more and more widely, including actions versus western civilization. So it is both in the interest of Europeans and Israel to act against the ones who put in danger the basic human values. Both Israel and European Union and United States also, have to reconsider their relation with Arab world whose aggression increased as being home for numerous extremist and terrorist Islamic movements. Terrorism is the present day threat and not a global war. But terrorism can cause much more damage than a war as affecting the entire world and mainly civilians. No place can be safe enough when confronting with such a threat. But the treaties between Israel and European Union have also economic, social, political, security related objectives. They have at their base the common values that Israel and European Union countries share: democracy, human rights and respect for fundamental freedoms. They wish to create more prosperous and secure countries. And they open European economy to Israeli participation. Strenghtening the economic ties between Israel and European Union, all sectors of cooperation will be strenghtened because economic interest is at the basis of long term relations. The method of work will be critical interpretation of the documents concerning European neighbourhood policy and its connection to Israel. The purpose is to understand the written base of EU and Israel relations as a precondition for further possible analysis of the diplomatic relations and politics of the two entities. Our position is to encourage the relationship between Israel and European Union. Israel and the European Union countries are united through historical ties as Jews from whole Europe contributed after 1948 to the creation and development of the Israelian state. Their relationship appears us very normal and an expected result.

Dass Rechtsradikalismus und damit verbundene Ausländerfeindlichkeit eine Wurzelin Familientraditionen hat, wurde immer wieder nachgewiesen. Zusätzlich findet sichin der Literatur häufig die Feststellung, dass es sich dabei um ein Peer-Group-Phänomen handle. Für diesen zweiten sozialisatorischen Zusammenhang finden sich in der empirischen Forschung aber kaum Belege. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird versucht, auf der Grundlage eines Längsschnittdatensatzes mit vier Erhebungswellen (N=2622 Jugendliche, N=839 Elternpaare, N=2351 Angaben von Freunden in der ersten Welle) die Frage des Einflusses von Eltern und Gleichaltrigen auf die Ausländerfeindlichkeit von Jugendlichen zu überprüfen. Eines der Probleme, die dabei auftauchen, besteht in der Frage, inwieweit Übereinstimmungen zwischen Eltern und Kindern und zwischen gleichaltrigen Freunden als Einflüsse gedeutet werden können. Im Falle der Eltern stellt sich zusätzlich die Frage, ob die Einflussrichtung nur von den Eltern zu den Kindern verläuft oder ob sich auch umgekehrte Einflüsse zeigen. Im Falle der Gleichaltrigen stellt sich die Frage, ob die Übereinstimmung durch Sozialisation, also durch Beeinflussungsprozesse in Freundschaftsbeziehungen, oder durch Selektion gleich gesinnter Freunde zu Stande kommt. Die Bearbeiter versuchen diese Fragen zu beantworten indem die Bearbeiter 1. querschnittlich prüfen, ob die Übereinstimmung durch Faktoren moderiert werden, die für Beeinflussungsprozesse sprechen (z.B. Kommunikation über Politik oder Enge der Beziehung), und indem wir 2. längsschnittlich Kreuzpfadmodelle berechnen, in denen Pfade von den Eltern auf die Kinder und von den Kindern auf die Eltern zugelassen werden. Im Falle der Freunde versuchen wir 3. ein Verfahren zu replizieren, das Denise Kandel für den Drogenkonsum zur Unterscheidung von Sozialisation und Selektion erprobt hat. Dabei wird die Übereinstimmung von im Längsschnitt stabilen Freundschaften mit der Übereinstimmungin abgebrochenen und in neu eingegangenen Freundschaften verglichen. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass zwischen Eltern und Kindern Beeinflussungen in beide Richtungen stattfinden. Auch in Bezug auf Freundschaftsbeziehungen ergeben sich Hinweise auf Beeinflussungsprozesse, allerdings nur in den querschnittlichen Analysen. Die längsschnittlichen Analysen legen den Schluss nahe, dass in Freundschaftsbeziehungen Selektionsprozesse überwiegen.

The first elections to which the Romanians from all the united historical provinces took part were the parliamentary elections of November 2-8, 1919. The elections were held on the basis of the articles of a new electoral law that introduced the universal vote in the electoral practice in Romania. Thus, the Romanian rural area has become an attractive electoral basin for the political parties. Subsequently, the extension of voting rights for women also made the rural area a constant provider of votes for the candidates of political parties in both parliamentary and local elections. The first election exercise under the conditions of an extended electoral space was the local elections of February-March 1930, which were held in stages. On February 5, 1930 elections were held at the county level, and between February 9 and March 16, 1930 at the level of communes. In the communes with several villages the elections for the local councils took place on the days of 9-12 February, in the ones with a single village between 9-12, 16-19, 23-26 February and 2-4 March, and in the cities and municipalities on March 14 and 16, 1930. On February 5, 1930 elections were held for the Cahul County Council. But, the results and the way of conducting the elections were contested. On February 21, 1930, the local review committee of Chișinau admitted the contest against the elections of February 5, 1930 of the Cahul County Council and invalidated the respective elections. The Minister of the Interior Theodor C. Marinescu by his telegram from April 30, 1930 ordered the Local Ministerial Director III Chisinau to comply with the order of the Ministry of Interior no. 1972 of April 2, 1930 and to dispose, according to art. 388 of Law 167/1929 "the convening of the electoral body for the election of the Cahul county council, whose election was invalidated, necessarily until June 1, 1930". In the circumstances created, the Local Ministerial Director III Chișinau ordered the summons of the voters from Cahul county on June 1, 1930, to conduct the county elections. At the new elections on June 1, 1930, only three electoral competitors entered the race, with one less than at the February 5 elections: the National Peasant Party with two lists and the Liberal Party with a list. On the electoral lists for the participation in the county elections of June 1, 1930, 40,403 voters were included in the 15 polling stations. 24,153 voters participated in the elections, which constitutes 59.78% of the total number of those included in the lists. A considerable number of votes - 1,050, were canceled, and 287 declared void. The number of legally cast votes was 22,816. In the result of the election the electoral competitors obtained the following results: The National-Peasant Party, on both lists - 17,903 votes or 78.47% of the legally expressed votes and the Liberal Party - 4,913 votes or 21.53% of the legally expressed votes. The elections of June 1 in the Cahul county council were held under the conditions that the National-Peasant Party had achieved an absolute victory in the other counties of the country - 81.77% of the county councilors' mandates. The meeting to establish the Cahul County Council took place on July 27, 1930. The Cahul County Council elected, for a period of 5 years, as president of the Delegation of the county council the lawyer S. Botezatu, who obtained 19 votes out of 30. Members of the delegation of the county council were elected councilors V.Uzun, C. Rădulescu, Gh. Chirciu and A. Sprînceană. With the validation of the county councilors and the legal constitution of the county council's governing bodies, we can consider that the epic of elections for the county council in 1930 were completed.

Divorce, common-law marriage and illegitimacy (irrespective of its forms) were, no matter the society typology as the phenomenon is approached, forms of social deviation that entailed the dilution of the family image and norms. We do not discuss here about a dilution of the traditional norms concerning family, as someone might misunderstand, it was an erosion of the idea of family in general. The "family" could acquire different forms as compared to the "official" one. Paradoxically, all these were not only the result of personal emancipation, when the youth broke from the traditional norms, which were strongly influenced by religious norms and values, and would have got involved in "dangerous and shameful relationships". The peasant "forgot" to marry his woman not out of emancipation. The theory of personal emancipation leading to the erosion of the idea of family through the dilution of traditional norms, which was valid from the urban perspective (here, due to the affirmation of modernity, the alterity of religious norms led to such relationships), was not supported in the peasant countryside.
The Church fought all these. In fact, the bishopric sent guidelines to priests to take steps against common-law marriages very often. Despite priests' endeavours, the results were not considerable. Few priests could boast (after the first recommendation) in their subsequent parish report to have significantly contributed to diminishing the number of common-law marriages in their parish. The Church faced another issue brought about by its long debate with the State to control the act of marriage. The marriage laws set out in 1894 were the most complex laws regulating the political-religious relations in the matrimonial field in the second half of the 19th century. Due to their clarity, they managed to put an end to the conflicts between the lay and church authorities. Moreover, the debate concerning matrimonial issues for different confessions ended, too, in favour of the State. The State managed to impose its authority in the matrimonial field. The Church was thus compelled to accept the increased competence of the State by introducing the civil documents. All these caused mutations that triggered very different behaviours. Nevertheless, the Church kept imposing religious marriage, divorce and re-marriage for all its parishioners. In such a situation, by analysing the evolution of common-law marriages from the perspective of the Church, we may notice that, on the level of the whole area we focused on, there was a greater easiness in approaching religious marriage after 1895, once the compulsory civil marriage was imposed. The perception of the divorce also changed when the civil matrimonial law was introduced at the end of 1894. Through a last effort, as the Church did not acknowledge lay divorce, they did not grant the right to a second marriage to the individuals. Moreover, from the perspective of the Church, the possible future marriage was considered as a mere common-law marriage, although the State approved of the divorce and the second marriage in which a divorced partner was involved.