Suchergebnisse

Chan Chi Ho. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-184). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Notes to the Readers --- p.ii ; Abstract --- p.iii ; Chinese Abstract --- p.iv ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One --- Imperial Cults as a Context of the Lukan Writings: Historical Preliminaries --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Imperial Cults or Emperor Cults as a Religion in the Roman Empire --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2 --- "The Lukan Perspective: Between the Author, the Literary Text, the Reader, and Their Historical Context" --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Authorship and Intended Readership of the Lukan Writings --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Time of Composition --- p.30 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Further Notes on Luke-Acts' Historical Situation --- p.37 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Lukan Perspective on the Roman Empire Rethought --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- A Contra-cultural Reformed Judaism Surpassing the Imperial Cult? Assessing Allen Brent's Interpretation of the Lukan Writings --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.49 ; Chapter 2.2 --- "An Overview of Brent's Interpretation of Luke's ""Political Theology""" --- p.53 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Contra-cultural Strategy and Social Reintegration into the Host Culture --- p.53 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Augustan Saeculum Aureum and Luke's Delayed Parousia --- p.54 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Latent Conflicts Remain --- p.57 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- "A ""Political Theology"" Doomed to Fail: Domitian and the Fiscus Iudaicus" --- p.57 ; Chapter 2.3 --- "An Evaluation of Brent's Interpretation of Luke's ""Political Theology""" --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Lukan vs. Imperial Eschatologies --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Jewish"" or Pagan Backcloth?" --- p.58 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Roman State Religion or Greek Imperial Cults? --- p.59 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Conclusion --- p.61 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- King Agrippa I Smitten by an Angel of the Lord: Acts 12:20-23 and the Lukan Attitude towards Emperor Worship --- p.63 ; Chapter 3.1 --- ...

Lo Suet-yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-153). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstracts --- p.i-iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- Emergence of Primary Science Education and the General Development of Science Curriculum in the World ; Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review of Development of Primary Science Curriculumin Hong Kong ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Organization of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Historical Review of the Hong Kong Primary School System and Major Research Concerns of This Study --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- "Historical Review of Primary Schooling and its Political, Social, and Economic Context" ; Chapter 2.2 --- Curriculum Decision-Making in Hong Kong Primary Schooling ; Chapter 2.3 --- Concluding Remarks ; Chapter 2.4 --- Major Research Concerns of This Study ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Literature Review --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Functionalist Theory ; Chapter 3.2 --- Conflict Theory ; Chapter 3.3 --- Institutionalist Theory ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Methodological Approach --- p.56 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Official Syllabi of Primary Science Curriculum ; Chapter 4.2 --- Government Document on Educational and Curricular Policies ; Chapter 4.3 --- Documentary Analysis ; Chapter 4.4 --- Limitations of My Study ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Historical Analysis of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong --- p.63 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Historical Review of Primary Science Curriculum in Hong Kong ; Chapter 5.2 --- Analysis of Educational Aims ; Chapter 5.3 --- Analysis of Pedagogy ; Chapter 5.4 --- Analysis of Educational Content ; Chapter 5.5 --- "Summary of the Evolving Pattern of Primary Science Curriculum: Aims, Pedagogy, and Educational Content" ; Chapter 5.6 --- Historical Changes of the Primary Science Curriculum and Assessment of Major Sociological Perspectives ; Chapter 5.7 --- Some Concluding Remarks ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- The Role of Government in the Development of ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

本研究發現一個地區的經濟發展水平與當地居民對中央政府的信任程度負相關。 ; 本研究包括定量和定性兩個部份。定量部份,普通最小二乘線性回歸(OLS)分析和雙層回歸分析的結果顯示:區域經濟發展水平與人們對中央政府的信任存在顯著的負相關關係。控制了個人因素變量,上述相關關係仍然顯著。定性分析部份討論了傳統文化與信息流通在發達地區和欠發達地區如何影響政府信任。這部份分析發現文化因素和信息因素是導致某一地區的民眾比另一地區民眾更不相信中央政府的重要因素,但必須與經濟發展因素相結合才能發揮顯著作用。文化與信息受當地的經濟發展水平影響:一個地區的經濟發展水平越高,傳統文化的影響力越弱,信息化程度越高;反之,經濟發展水平越低,傳統文化的影響力越強,信息化程度越低。定量分析與定性分析都支持研究假設。 ; 把上述靜態觀察納入動態視角,從長遠看,區域經濟發展將削弱公眾對中央政府的信任。具體來說,假定目前的局勢延續,隨著中國越來越多的地區經濟得到發展,當地民眾對中央政府的信任會相應降低。據此推測,中國人的政府信任可能會經歷一個由"中央高、地方低再變為"中央低、地方更低的過程。 ; This research shows that the level of economic development in a region has a negative correlation with local residents' trust in the central government. ; This study draws on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. In the quantitative section, both OLS regression and hierarchical linear modeling show that the level of regional economic development has a significant negative correlation with public trust in the central government, controlling for individual factors. Qualitative analysis suggests that traditional culture and the flow of political information affect people's trust in government when they interact with economic development. In places where economy is underdeveloped, traditional culture has a larger impact and the flow of political information is less free. By contrast, in places where economy is more developed, traditional culture has a weaker effect and the flow of political information is freer. ; Putting the finding of the cross-sectional analysis into a dynamic perspective, it is suggested that the development of local economy may in the long run weaken local residents' trust in the central government. More specifically, assuming that the present situation continues, as more and more regions experience economic growth, local residents may develop weaker confidence in the central government. The pattern of trust in government may then evolve from the current "high trust in the central government and lower trust in local government into "low trust in the central government and even lower trust in local government. ...

《基本法》雖然承諾香港循序漸進達致行政和立法機關雙普選,但回歸至今,民主政制不單停滯不前,更有倒退跡象。儘管制度沒有很大變遷,北京政府多次以不同理由拖延民主改革訴求,但親政府陣營卻逐漸擴大組織力量,降低反對派的挑戰可能,使選舉制度的競爭性降低。 ; 本文旨在探討,威權政府下舉行的選舉,究竟是促進、還是阻礙民主轉型。一般威權政府下的選舉並不穩定,反對派有可能透過不斷舉行的選舉挑戰政權,推動民主轉型。香港卻恰恰相反,反對派的不但分裂,動員能力亦逐漸降低。本文希望證明,威權主義下的選舉不一定對反對派有利,只要政權能夠鞏固選舉能力,籠絡不同社會界別孤立反對勢力,足以使反對派難以透過直接選舉推動民主。重複選舉亦不一定為反對派帶來好處,長年處於選舉威權,不但使反對派的動員能力降低,也會因策略分歧而導致路線之爭,形成轉型疲勞的局面。 ; 研究分為三部分,第一部分將檢視回歸以來選舉制度的變遷及結果,說明回歸後的選舉制度,越來越不利反對派生存。第二、三部分將探討回歸後親政府陣營及反對派的發展,當親政府陣營擴張及善理主從網絡,反對派則逐漸分裂,甚至因策略分歧互相攻訐,使反對派從選舉獲得的資源和挑戰政權的機會越來越少。 ; Basic Law has stipulated that Hong Kong will have universal suffrage gradually for legislative and executive branch. Despite that, after the handover from Britain, Chinese government has deferred democratization and suppressed opposition's urge. Besides, the pro-government coalition has established hegemony in electoral arena, which is impossible for opposition to compete with. The competitiveness of the stunned electoral politics has been further decreased. ; This article aimed to discuss whether the election hold under electoral authoritarianism is beneficial to democratization. According to hybrid regime researches, continuing elections, despite partially, create opportunities for oppositions to challenge the ruling coalition and install democratic virtues. Hong Kong is suffering from another way. Decreasing mobilization power, splitting opposition forces has shadowed democratic movement. The article aimed to suggest that provided the ruling coalition has ability to increase mobilization power and co-opting political elites, opposition loses opportunity structure to implement democratic process. They have to encounter demobilization and internal struggle within transition fatigue environment. ; There are three parts in the research. Firstly, I evaluate electoral reform and the result of repeating elections after handover. It is suggested that opposition becomes difficult to survive. The second and third sections would discuss the development of ruling elite and opposition from 1997-2012. When the ruling elite ...

Qin, Shuang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

本文以北朝戰爭書寫為題。記錄北朝戰爭的大多是正史等歷史文獻,這些並非全然客觀中立的書寫,而是包含官方意識形態、史家個人情懷等因素;甚至一些看似「客觀」的記錄,如兵力數字、氣候、地理,其實也有可能經過了史家有意的再創造。本文嘗試對歷史文本做進一步發掘,分析文本的內外關聯,如影響戰爭書寫的政治文化力量、史學內部傳統等,從而從側面增進對於古代戰爭的認識。 ; 本文匯集一些個案研究,分別討論北朝幾次戰爭記錄中的兵力數字、北周開國君主形象、北朝勝利和失敗的武將的書寫方式、胡族戰略戰術分析,以及記錄李淵建唐的《大唐創業起居注》等。 ; 本文嘗試指出,北朝戰爭書寫最為突出的特點,可歸結為「去胡化」,或者「由胡入漢」:北朝諸政權大多是胡族政權,但在東魏北齊以及唐初的史家筆下,這些北朝胡族政權的君主、將士,胡族色彩並不濃重,反而大多蒙上一層漢族文化的面紗;胡人的戰略戰術、戰爭過程的記錄都接近漢人的傳統方式。 ; This dissertation discusses the writing of warfare in the Northern Dynasties, Medieval China. Most of the records on the warfare are from official histories written in Northern Qi (550-577) and Tang Dynasty (618-907). These records, however, are under the influence of political and cultural powers, such as political struggles and orthodoxy. Even some of so called objective description, such as records of the place, time, figure and climate may be kind of recreation of the writers. This dissertation tries to analyze context of these records, including their political and cultural background, along with the development of historiography and other writing traditions. ; This dissertation is made up of several case studies, discussing respectively figures in battle, adventure of Yuwen Tai (the leader of the military group in Western Wei), the image of generals in the Northern Dynasties, the description of strategy and tactics of nomad people, and the historical record of Li Yuan, founder of Tang Dynasty. The principal conclusion is that in the official histories historians descript nomad people in traditional Chinese way. Sinicization of the nomad people is the most important characteristics of the writing of warfare in Northern Dynasties: the nomad leaders and generals are close to Chinese emperors and generals, the nomadic way of war is replaced by the Chinese way. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 雷仕偉. ; Parallel title from added title page. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. ; Includes ...

Chan Chun Chiu. ; Thesis (M.Div.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-65). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Title Page --- p.i ; English Abstracts --- p.ii ; Chinese Abstracts --- p.iv ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Statement of Thesis and its Motivation --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Theological Competence and Critical Theory --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Critical Theology as Revisionary Method of Correlation --- p.12 ; Chapter 2. --- The Critical Political Theology of Peukert --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- A Theory of Science: Communicability and Intersubjectivity --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.2 --- A Theory of Action --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3 --- A Hermeneutical Criterion and Ethical Response: Anamnestic Solidarity --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4. --- Peukert´ةs View on the Gospels and its Relation to His Critical Political Theology --- p.48 ; Chapter 3. --- An Evaluation of the Critical Theology --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Conclusions --- p.61 ; Bibliography --- p.63

Li Chi Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-80). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Unidimensional Scaling (UDS) --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Circular Unidimensional Scaling (CDS) --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.4 --- The Goodness of fit of models --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.5 --- The admissible transformations of the MDS configuration --- p.26 ; Chapter 2 --- "Computational Methods on MDS, UDS and CDS" --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Classical Scaling --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Guttman's updating algorithm and Pliner's smoothing algorithm --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Circular Unidimensional Scaling/Circumplex Model --- p.43 ; Chapter 3 --- A new algorithm for CDS --- p.45 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Method of choosing a good starting value in Guttman's updating algorithm and Pliner's smoothing algorithm --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.2 --- A new approach for circular unidimensional scaling --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Examples --- p.62 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Comparison of the new approach to existing method --- p.62 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Illustrations of application to political data --- p.64 ; Chapter 4 --- Conclusion and Extensions --- p.67 ; Chapter A --- Figures and Tables --- p.70 ; Chapter B --- References --- p.78

Tsui, Sing Yan Eric. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations ; Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations ; Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations ; Cipher State Models ; Guardian State Models ; Partisan State Models ; Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation ; Synarchy and Administrative Absorption ; Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics ; Overview ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network ; The Problem of Power ; Dahl and his Critics ; Power and Networks ; "Power, Brokerage and Closure" ; Centrality and Power ; Lessons from Social Capital Studies ; Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power ; Conclusions ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design ; Concepts of the Study ; Data Collection and Research Design ; Executive Council as Decision Making Network ; Measuring Social Linkages ; "Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power" ; Assessing the Business Community ; Comparing State and Business Power ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings ; The Network of Executive Councilors ; The Network of HSIC firms ; HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council ; Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business ; Summary of Findings ; Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; The Problem of Political Future ; Beijing-Business Relations ; Localization of the Business Community ; Impacts of the Events ; Impacts from the role of Sovereigns ; Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector ; Summary ; Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations ; Findings in the Period ; Events in the Period ; Changes in British Policy ; The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance ; Impacts of the Events ; The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies ; The Pulling ...

submitted by Li Jiehui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-126). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Abstract --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Tables and figures --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The research question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The research method --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- The legal and political scales --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- The adaptation of Page's method in China --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- The utilities of the two scales --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The research plan --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Central-local relations in China: an overview --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Major reforms in central-local relations --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Provinces under the economic cycle --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The case of Guangdong --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Legal assessment I: China --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The general legal framework --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Omni-competence --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Dual subordination --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.1.3 --- The role of the Party --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Legal documents and opportunities --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- National laws --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Administrative regulations --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Government/Party documents --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- Local legislation --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Assessing legal localism --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Legal assessment II: Guangdong --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Build up a legal framework: 1979-1988 --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Recession: 1989-1990 --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Legislation of interests: 1991 -now --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- The case of the regulation for property registration --- p.37 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Development of other provinces: a comparison --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Major findings --- p.43 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Political assessment I: China --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Page's methodology --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.2 --- The ...

The article points out that the current expansion of the semiotic focus from signs and texts to whole cultures needs the development of a coherent method. It therefore proposes to establish it through an application of the topological theory of fractals to the analysis of different kinds of symmetries in the semiosphere. Having defined fractals as resemblance between two topological structures, the article first dwells on what "resemblance" means in the comparison of both visual and conceptual patterns; it then proposes a typology of fractal similarities, based on the topological operations of rotation, translation, and reflection. Examples of each typology are given from the fields of cultural and political analysis. The article concludes by hypothesizing that cultural semiotics might evolve into a "pattern science", challenging the customary disciplinary barriers between the study of regularities in nature and in culture.

Over the summer of 2015, the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown worked to activate public spaces in Vancouver's Chinatown in an intergenerational, intercultural manner through a series of events: the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials. On the surface, our goal was simple: to bring back Chinatown's 熱鬧, or "yeet low" in Cantonese, – literally, "hot and noisy", or liveliness and energy. Below the surface, we had more complex goals of being able to bring a youth voice to planning processes about the future of Chinatown, and building up political and social capacity of young generations of Chinese Canadians. We decided that our approach to activating public space had several criteria. It needed to be visible. It needed to be collaborative. It needed to demonstrate a cohesive, coordinated effort undertaken by younger generations, with the ability to involve many others. It needed to be intercultural and multilingual. It needed to foster relationships between young and old. It needed to be feasible to implement within a very short time frame. It needed to involve no to low hard costs. And it needed to be possible with the resources and skills we could readily bring to the table, amongst our team of organizers. By temporarily activating a public space, there is an opportunity to both share and transform the stories that we tell ourselves and each other in relation to it, and to create spaces of belonging. Based on participant observation/action as a member of the Youth Collaborative for Chinatown, I describe the "Hot and Noisy" (熱鬧) Chinatown Mahjong Socials as a case study of a youth-driven, grassroots process in public space activation. I discuss lessons learned and the implications for planning, urban design and community organizing. ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate

本文通过比较的视角来探索中共政权对中国天主教会包括官方与地下教会的特殊控制及其原因。自中共建国后,对比与其同宗同源,同为近代外来宗教的基督新教,中国天主教会长期以来受到中共严厉的控制。同时,近三十年来,基督新教在中国发展迅猛,成为当代中国发展最快的宗教,而在晚清和国民党政权下,基督新教在中国的发展一直远远落后于天主教。本文试图对这两个特殊现象进行研究。 ; 对于中共的严厉控制,学界的普遍观点是将其归结为天主教会强大的外国背景和与梵蒂冈的关系; 而近三十年来基督新教在华迅猛发展的原因被认为是它改良的教义和积极的传教模式。然而,基督新教同样具有强大的外国背景,它改良的教义和传教模式自晚清起在中国并没有本质改变,为何只在中共政权下得到迅速发展?本文试图通过对比天主教与基督新教在教义与组织结构、在华传播模式与发展速度、在华对政治的参与等方面的差异,以及天主教会在中国与中共政权在意识形态与组织结构上的异同,来探索中共对天主教会的特殊对待是否存在更深层次的原因,并探讨两者之间是否存在不可调和的矛盾。 ; 笔者认为,作为一个意识形态与组织高度合一的政权,中共害怕任何有严密统一全国性组织的宗教,不管它是否有外国背景。而作为有全国性统一严密组织的宗教组织,天主教会在中国之所以没有像"一贯道"和"法轮功"一样被中共消灭掉,是因为其与梵蒂冈的关系。作为"国际性合法宗教",天主教得以在中国生存。与基督新教相比,天主教会在中国,作为一种保守的,不倾向于革命或改良的宗教组织,在主观上从未试图挑战政权,但是其政教合一的严密组织以及建立在儒家伦理和宗族(家族)基础上的稳定的网络结构,在客观上构成对中共政权的有力竞争与潜在威胁,因此受到中共严密控制。中共利用"自选自圣"的策略,保持天主教会在中国的分裂, 从而达到"分而治之"的目的。同时,中共保持天主教地下教会在中国有限度的存在,以维持其对中国天主教会的有效控制。 ; My research focuses on church-state relations in contemporary China, to explore whether or not the Catholic Church in China constitutes a threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. I am undertaking a comparative study of the CCP's religious control over the Catholic and Protestant churches in mainland China through the approach of state-society relations, as well as a macroscopic view of political science with quantitative and qualitative analysis. ; As they are both foreign-originated parts of Christianity, the Catholic Church has been subjected to much stricter controls from the mainland CCP since 1949 than the Protestant Churches. Furthermore, the Protestant churches have been the fastest growing religion in China in past three decades, but it had once grown relatively very slowly under late Qing and the KMT regimes, compared with the Catholicism. This research tries to explore these two strange phenomena, to study why the CCP has been so highly attentive towards the Catholic Church but has not eliminated it in mainland China. ; Through expounding the differences between the Catholic Church and the Protestant churches in religious doctrines, organizational structures, propagation models, as well as development ...