Suchergebnisse

During the 13th Legislature of the Italian Republic the phenomenon of parliamentary mobility, that is of the passage of MPs and Senators from one political group to another, assumed significant dimensions in terms both of the number of representatives involved, and in terms of quality, in view of the creation of governments through the decisive contribution of deserter MPs, sometimes joined together in specially created groups. The aim of the work is to review the principles of political representation, retracing their genesis and their translation in the constitutional and legislative arena and in parliamentary regulations, testing the viability of the traditional reconstructions of the national representation of the parliamentarian.

Also in the last year the signs of decomposition of the political, economic and institutional world conceived at the end of the Second World War and definitively freed from the end of the cold war have multiplied. Meanwhile, the advent of Donald Trump as president of the United States has introduced an unprecedented tension between the US and the international order they themselves produced. More generally, the growth of China and the renewed assertiveness of Russia seem to herald a new phase of the reflux of Western impact on the rest of the world. Above all, a variegated dispute over legitimacy has affected the liberal orientation of the post-bipolar order, with ever more profound consequences for the holding of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence, international organizations and even the institutional set-up of individual states. The ISPI 2019 Report questions this upheaval, both in the political and economic dimensions. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context and its repercussions on Europe, while the second is addressed as usual to Italian foreign policy.

The book reconstructs the utopian tensions present in positivism, generally projected towards imaginary descriptions of the future, taking its cue from Comte's doctrine of political positivism in which he describes an ideal society based on collaboration between different classes. The temptation to describe the future in terms of achievement of perfection is a trait shared by many other writers that were close to positivism. Nevertheless, the book demonstrates how at times these operations of alternative history can nourish an image that is not confident, but on the contrary concerned about the repercussions on human qualities of a world overly grounded in technology and the tangible values of economic development.

This volume represents the natural development of the theoretical conclusions which the author arrived at in a previous publication, devoted to the passage from the mandate prohibition to the party mandate. The analysis of the provisions present in the Spanish system as regards parties and Parliamentary groups, and in particular those aimed at countering the phenomenon of Parliamentary transfuguismo or switching, effectively confirms that it is possible to draw from the traditional principles on political representation meanings that better fit the peculiar role that the parties play within the current representative democracies, without undermining their foundations. Hence the necessity to define solutions of various kinds - constitutional, legislative, regulatory, conventional - designed to guarantee that the elected member respects the party mandate received from the voters.

The history of the conceptualization & application of the notions of culture, political/civic culture, & social capital in politology, & comparative political science in particular, is traced, discussing: (1) treatments of the relationship between civic culture & democracy in classical works of sociology & political science (eg, Montesquieu, Guizot, Herder, or Tocqueville), (2) the pioneering study in Gabriel A. Almond & Sidney Verba's Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton U Press, 1963), (3) neglect of the notion of civic culture in the 1970s & 1980s, (4) civic culture as a dependent & independent variable, (5) J. Coleman's (1988) definition of social capital, (6) Robert D. Putnam's definition of social capital & its use in La tradizione civica nelle regioni italiane ([The Civic Tradition in Italian Regions] Milan: Mondadori, 1993) & Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), (7) the effectiveness of the concept of social capital as a descriptive-explanatory tool in comparative political science, & (8) the continued controversy & debate on this notion in contemporary politology. References. Z. Dubiel

On the centenary of Italian political scientist Vittorio Beonio-Brocchieri, a conference devoted to his life & work was held at the U of Pavia (where Beonio-Brocchieri taught from 1926 to 1978)). The conference was multidisciplinary, appropriate to commemorate a scholar of wide-ranging interests & expertise. Also honored was the scholar's late son, Paolo Beonio-Brocchieri, also a long-time professor at the university, & a prominent Asianist. A. Siegel

Il volume raccoglie le voci di un confronto ad ampio spettro sui diritti umani nel bacino del Mediterraneo e sulle attuali declinazioni della loro tutela in merito a migranti, donne, avvocati, detenute, richiedenti asilo. Il dialogo che ne risulta è solo uno dei tanti possibili, ma svela risvolti talora inediti, sempre ricchi di suggestioni cariche di pathos, sul nostro presente e soprattutto sul nostro futuro.

Attraverso il carteggio intercorso tra il noto storico Michele Amari (1806-1889) e l'archivista siciliano Raffaele Starrabba (1834-1906), il volume fornisce uno spaccato del panorama storiografico dell'Ottocento italiano nel periodo cruciale che seguì la nascita dello Stato unitario, restituendo al contempo il giusto peso al Barone Starrabba, che ebbe un ruolo fondamentale all'interno dell'amministrazione archivistica locale e fu il fondatore, con Isidoro Carini, della Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria e del suo periodico, l'«Archivio Storico Siciliano».

The growing importance of the external action of the European Union, also determined by the constant expansion of the Union's competences in this area, has led to a considerable downsizing of the international relations life of the Member States. In many areas of international law, the Union has gradually replaced its own states in managing relations with third countries. [.] The choice of the subject dealt with in this work arises therefore from two considerations, one of method, the other of merit. The first coincides with the warned need to attempt a reconstruction of the forms of interaction between Union law and international agreements of the member states according to a single scheme, which takes into due consideration the pertinent rules of international law. [.] As for the considerations of merit, it is now more evident than in the past that the increase in the competences attributed to the European Union, both internal and external, increasingly raises crucial profiles of coordination between Union activities and international obligations of Member States. The forms of interaction between the two sources are the most varied and pose application problems of significant complexity.

Nel corso dell'Ottocento il controllo poliziesco si profilò, per il continente europeo, prima come una delle componenti essenziali del sistema internazionale messo a punto da Metternich e poi come una funzione da rimodulare a fronte della crisi politica legata agli eventi del 1848. Nel Mezzogiorno, all'indomani del Decennio francese, la polizia fu al centro di un'intensa riflessione, incline a ripensarla al di fuori del modello napoleonico, il cui esito non era affatto scontato. I nodi problematici emersi in questo contesto riguardo alla natura e ai limiti del potere di polizia erano destinati a restare, nei decenni successivi, oggetto di un dibattito sviluppato nel più ampio quadro della penisola italiana. I fermenti rivoluzionari che attraversarono il Regno delle Due Sicilie, in particolare a seguito delle rivoluzioni quarantottesche, posero tuttavia in primo piano l'urgenza di dispiegare dispositivi e strumenti idonei in primo luogo a fare della difesa dello status quo il compito prevalente del controllo poliziesco. Inoltre, a fronte del respiro globale della minaccia liberal-democratica, la polizia borbonica riarticolò la sorveglianza politica in senso transnazionale, ricorrendo ad agenti segreti e spie, ma anche a consoli e diplomatici, sulle tracce di esuli e cospiratori in una dimensione europea e mediterranea.