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The author looks into one of the most important concepts in the last decade of comparative research: social capital. The concept of social capital was originally developed in sociology, where it denotes potential benefits that individuals enjoy, derived from their involvement in various social networks. This concept was fully utilized in the field of comparative politics into which it was "introduced" by Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, in which he presents the results of his research in which he establishes a positive link between social capital -- embodied in the norms of generalized reciprocity, horizontal networks, & trust -- & higher levels of democratic efficiency. In the last decade, the concept has been used in a number of studies in comparative politics, the starting point of which was the thesis that spatial & temporal differences in the levels of political efficiency may, at least partly, be explained by the level of social capital of a community. By comparing the concepts of political culture & social capital, the author concludes that social capital is a major conceptual innovation in comparative politics & represents a revival of social/cultural variables in comparative analysis. 63 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into one of the most important concepts in the last decade of comparative research: social capital. The concept of social capital was originally developed in sociology, where it denotes potential benefits that individuals enjoy, derived from their involvement in various social networks. This concept was fully utilized in the field of comparative politics into which it was "introduced" by Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, in which he presents the results of his research in which he establishes a positive link between social capital -- embodied in the norms of generalized reciprocity, horizontal networks, & trust -- & higher levels of democratic efficiency. In the last decade, the concept has been used in a number of studies in comparative politics, the starting point of which was the thesis that spatial & temporal differences in the levels of political efficiency may, at least partly, be explained by the level of social capital of a community. By comparing the concepts of political culture & social capital, the author concludes that social capital is a major conceptual innovation in comparative politics & represents a revival of social/cultural variables in comparative analysis. 63 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the political, historical, & intellectual beginnings of the debate about liberalism & communitarianism in the US from the standpoint of sociology. Then he goes on to describe its reception in Europe & finally to depict in greater detail its course in Germany. The purpose of the whole analysis may be reduced to the investigation of the possibilities for a transfer of theoretical & political debates from one into another national & social & political hermeneutical situation. On the one hand, the author is skeptical towards such transfers since they are at the same time very courageous transformations, while on the other this points to the common economic & political characteristics of contemporary industrial societies of the West that enable such transfers & make them understandable. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se razdobljem pozitivizma u Poljskoj koje je trajalo od 1863. do 1890. godine. U radu se opisuje društveno-politička situacija u Europi i njezin utjecaj na Poljsku koja je još 1795. bila podijeljena na austrijski, pruski i ruski dio. Objašnjavaju se zatim temeljni pojmovi programa poljskog pozitivizma. Osim društveno-političke scene, riječ je i o pozitivizmu u poljskoj književnosti, o vrstama književnosti kao što su tendenciozna i agitacijska književnost, te o cenzuri. Pozitivizam u sociologiji utemeljio je Auguste Comte u svome djelu "Zakon triju stadija". Poljski pozitivisti preuzeli su neke vrijednosti i prilagodili pozitivizam svojim potrebama. Promjene u Europi potaknule su politička previranja u Poljskoj: želju za asimilacijom Židova, ali i rast antisemitizma te emancipacija žena i seljaka. Prikazani su također problemi društvenih skupina koje nisu imale status poljskog plemstva. ; This graduate thesis deals with the period of positivism in Poland (1863 – 1890). The theisis addresses the socio-political situation in Europe and its impact in Poland, which was divided in 1795 into Austrian, Prussian and Russian part. The basic concepts of the Polish positivism program are explained. Apart from the socio-political scene, it is also about positivism in Polish literature, about types of literature such as tendentious and agitational literature, and about censorship. Positivism in sociology was founded by Auguste Comte in his work "The Law of the Three Stages". Polish positivists have taken on some values and adapted positivism to their needs. Changes in Europe have fueled political turmoil in Poland: the desire to assimilate Jews, but also the rise of anti-Semitism and the emancipation of women and peasants. Problems of social groups that did not have the status of Polish nobility are also presented.

Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.

Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.

Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.

The first part of the article gives a summary account of the basic concepts of general or meta/structural theory of modern society: metastructure, structure, system. In a critical confrontation with Marx & Habermas, the author starts by explaining his main theoretical innovation -- the concept of metastructure, as the most general supposition & a trait of the modern epoch in which the official watchword of liberty-equality-rationality vaguely & gradually comes to the fore: it is the watchword of public sociability which is, in the final instance, determined by the norms of the common word, in which all participate as equals. This discursive immediacy necessarily becomes manifest through a double mediation: of economic understanding (market/organization) & of legal-political reason (interindividual & central contractuality). In that sense, metastructure is the set supposition for the modern class structure; it is not its basis, but its referential fiction. However, it inevitably turns into its opposite -- into exploitation, domination, alienation -- in the society which calls itself 'capitalist.' The structure of such a society reveals a double bipolarity, a division into a ruling class & a ruled class, but also a division within the ruling class itself into the market pole as the first class factor (proprietors) & the pole of organization as the second class factor (managers & ones who are competent). The subordinated class is no mere multitude of passive "ruled ones." It is the "fundamental class" as a positive political actor. As opposed to class structure, which necessarily exists in a state-nation, it is characteristic of the world-system that it constantly impairs the metastructural supposition, distorting the modernness of the state-nation: the barbarism of centers in relation to peripheries is imminent to the centers themselves. The inevitable result of this historical tendency is the world-state. It abolishes neither the state-nations nor the world-system, & it is already appearing on the horizon as the final geopolitical realization of this social logic of modernity. In the second part of the article, the author briefly shows how the metastructural hypothesis is developed in his more recent & concrete research into the areas of history (the emergence of the modern form of society starting from the 13th-century Cities-states in Italy), sociology & politics (relation between social classes & political parties), & culture (general theory of ideologies). These analyses show that structure is key to the world-system, & not vice versa, in the sense where the whole would explain the part: the system (state-nation) can be adequately understood only from the starting point of (class) structure. Since the capitalist totality cannot be metastructurally organized in one go, it could not emerge as a space which is brought together, like an empire, by one institutionally unified will, but only as a plural whole, a systemic plurality of state-nations. Adapted from the source document.

e-Glasovanje u radu je definirano prema Oostveen i Besselaar (2004:61) koji definiraju internet glasovanje (ili elektroničko glasovanje, online glasovanje) kao "način glasovanja koji koristi enkripciju kako bi omogućio glasaču sigurno i tajno glasovanje putem interneta". Ovaj oblik glasovanja prije svega je praktičan zbog toga što omogućuje glasovanje bez odlaska na tradicionalno biralište, a obzirom da se odvija putem interneta, neki autori predviđaju mogućnost veće izlaznosti i političke participacije mladih kao dobne skupine koja se svakodnevno koristi računalnom tehnologijom i internetom (Mellon et al., 2016) i pokazuje relativno nisku razinu izlaznosti na političke izbore (Allan et al., 2012; Dictson i Ray, 2000 prema Besselaar i Oostveen, 2004). Cilj rada je na uzorku od 133 ispitanika u dobi od 18-25 godina kvantitativno tj. putem online ankete i koristeći teorijsku podlogu Modela prihvaćanja novih tehnologija, Teorije difuzije inovacija, Ujedinjene teorije prihvaćanja i korištenja tehnologija te nekih modela povjerenja i sigurnosti ispitati faktore koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su faktori koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja povjerenje u vladu i internet, točnost, povjerljivost, vjerojatnost napada na sustav, percipirana korisnost i očekivana učinkovitost. Nalazi o mogućnosti veće participacije mladih u slučaju uvođenja e-glasovanja nisu statistički značajni. ; e-Voting (or electronic voting, online voting) is defined by Oostveen and Besselaar (2004: 61) as a "voting manner that uses encryption to enable the voter to securely and secretly vote via the internet." This form of voting is first and foremost practical because it allows voting without going to the traditional polling station, and considering that it is obtained via the internet, some authors anticipate the possibility of greater turnout and political participation of young people as an age group which uses computer technology and the internet on a daily basis ...

Rad smjera pokazati značaj i relevantnost poststrukturalnog pogleda na ekonomiju kako trasiranjem sada već općih konceptualnih mjesta tog pristupa tako i prakticiranjem te teorijske pozicije u konkretnoj analizi zaduženosti financijskog sustava. Kratkotrajna i lokalizirana, ali značajna tradicija poststrukturalnog problematiziranja kategorije ekonomije ovdje se prezentira preko tri ključne discipline – governmentality studies, ekonomske sociologije i međunarodne političke ekonomije. Nakon opisa dometa i ograničenja tih disciplina ulazimo u drugi dio rada gdje analiziramo aparaturu standardifikacije i validacije kreditnog rizika kod banaka, točnije Basel kapitalne uvjete i prakse sekuritizacije. Pružanjem genealogije tih tehnika interpretiramo domenu financija kao diskurzivni prostor (re)artikuliran preko skupa normaliziranih mehanizama i praksi koji zajednički tvore racionalnost vladanja. Na taj način ukazujemo na važnost performativnih, simboličkih, relacijskih, decentriranih i kontingentnih momenata u kritičkom poimanju (financijske) ekonomije, odnosno pokazujemo da kritika ekonomije ne mora nužno biti organizirana i provedena kroz matricu kapital – klasa – ideologija. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual commonplaces of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital – class – ideology matrix.

Ovaj rad bavi se analizom položaja Makedonije koja kroz kritičke leće europskog odnosno eurocentričnog pogleda i geopolitičku kontekstualnost na području Balkana ima značajke subdrugosti. Uzimajući u obzir dosege postkolonijalnih teorija i moguću primjenu određenih koncepata (drugost, hibridnost, mimikrija, ambivalencija, egzotizacija, samokolonizacija, itd.) u analizi položaja Makedonije kao dijela postsocijalističkog prostora, rad posebno istražuje načine na koji se tijekom zadnja dva desetljeća uspostavlja i održava identitetska razlika Makedonije u odnosu na europski prostor i druge države Balkana. Posebni fokus je stavljen na istraživanje suvremenih diskurzivnih praksi kojima se Europska unija koristi pri održavanju identitetske razlike Republike Makedonije pri čemu se historijska diskurzivna analiza (Wodak, 2011) pokazala prikladnom metodom. U tom cilju napravljena je analiza medijskih članaka s Internet stranica EUObserver i EURACTIV za vrijeme političke krize (od listopada 2016. do lipnja 2017.) uslijed nepriznavanja rezultata parlamentarnih izbora u Makedoniji. Ovaj rad donosi zaključak o paralelnom koloniziranju Makedonije kroz proces europeizacije, i to putem delegitimiranja identitetskih značajki njezinog nacionalnog identiteta od strane Europske unije i od strane njezinih susjeda. Zaključno, analizom se došlo do dvije razine europskog pogleda – prva je definirana problemima vezanima za proces pristupanja Makedonije Europskoj uniji, dok je druga definirana diskursom o nedostatku demokratičnosti kao zalogom dugoročne drugosti. ; This paper deals with the analysis of the position of Macedonia, which displays characteristics of subalternity through the critical lens of a European or Eurocentric view and geopolitical contextuality in the Balkans. Taking into account the scope of postcolonial theories and possible applications of its particular concepts (subalternity, hybridity, mimicry, ambivalence, exoticisation, self-colonisation, etc.) in the analysis of the position of Macedonia as a part of a post-socialist space, the main focus of the paper is the research of ways in which the identity difference of Macedonia in relation to Europe and other Balkan states during the last two decades is established and maintained. Special focus is placed on the research of modern discursive practices which the European Union uses in the reproduction of identity differences of Macedonia, where historical discursive analysis (Wodak, 2011) proved as an appropriate method. Analysis of media articles from the EUobserver and EURACTIV websites during the political crisis (October 2016 to June 2017) due to recognition of parliamentary election results in Macedonia has been conducted. This paper offers conclusions about the parallel colonisation of Macedonia through the process of Europeanisation, by means of delegitimizing identity characteristics of its national identity by the European Union and its neighbours. In conclusion, the analysis reached two European worldviews – the first is defined by problems related to the process of entering the European Union, while the other is defined by a discourse about the lack of democracy as collateral for long-term subalternity even after entering the EU.

Politika izolacionizma koju su Sjedinjene Američke Države vodile sve do sredine 20. stoljeća naglo se izmjenila nakon napada Japanaca na Pearl Harbor. Krajem 1941. godine SAD su se aktivno uključile u Drugi svjetski rat. Prije toga su u ratu sudjelovali neaktivno, odnosno kroz razne programe kojima su Europi slali materijalnu i financijsku pomoć. Uskoro su slijedili sastanci i mirovne konferencije saveznika – Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Sovjetskog Saveza i Velike Britanije, koji su se borili protiv sila Trojnog pakta. Na konferencijama se raspravljalo o budućnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Izmeu ostalog, dogovoreno je osnivanje organizacije Ujedinjeni narodi, koja će u budućnosti brinuti za sigurnost i mir u svijetu. Velike nesuglasice izmeu Saveznika sa zapada i Sovjetskog Saveza rezultirale su zahladnjenjem odnosa i započeo je period Hladnog rata. Hladni rat označava krizno razdoblje izmeu dva bloka u kojem su se velike sile svijeta natjecale u naoružanju i borbi za interesna područja. Usporedno s početkom Hladnog rata u Europi započinje integracija europskih zemalja. Najveći utjecaj na to imale su upravo Sjedinjene Američke Države koje su od kraja rata pomagale europskim državama u obnovi i razvoju. Novom američkom politikom, nazvanom Trumanova doktrina, političari Sjedinjenih Američkih Država odlučnije su se krenuli boriti protiv sovjetskog ekspanzionizma. Marshallovim planom ponudili su Europljanima ogromnu količinu novca kako bi se uz gospodarstvo, podigao i demokratski standard zemalja. Američkim poticajem, 1949. godine osnovan je Sjevernoatlantski savez koji je u slučaju rata trebao štiti europske zemlje od Sovjetskog Saveza i njihovih satelita. Time je započelo čvršće vezanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i europskih zemalja te je označilo direktan ulaz Amerikanaca u europsku politiku. ; Political isolationism which was led by the United States before the middle of 20th century, significantly changed after Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the end of 1941. year, United States joined the World War ...