Suchergebnisse

The text is a part of the project for the historical reconstruction of the Soviet regional sociology of religion in the late Soviet Middle Volga region. The process of the development of the discipline is studied primarily from the point of view of the interaction of the state-party apparatus and various groups of the scientific community. This approach is dominant in the study of the revival of sociology in the USSR. The weak side of the issue is its historiography that remains the problem at the regional level. The research is based mainly on the set of sociological data, on documents discovered by the author in historical archives, on the works of domestic and foreign researchers, and author's expert interview. The author's point of view is that, first of all, the development of the regional sociology of religion was influenced by the state-party order created by the need for scientific support of the Soviet atheistic campaigns. There was also a significant public demand for the services of the sociology of religion. The flip side of the CPSU's enthusiasm for sociology turned out to be ideological diktat over scientific activity. The ideological and corporate interests of various groups engaged in the ideological service of party politics hindered the institutionalization in the region of both sociological science in general and the sociology of religion as its particular discipline. The article describes various barriers to the institutionalization of regional sociological science at the union, regional and intra-university levels. Political fluctuations have negatively affected the development of discipline. Since the early 1970s in most republics and regions of the Middle Volga region, it is going through a stagnation period. ; В статье рассматриваются внешние факторы развития региональной социологии религии на материале позднесоветского Среднего Поволжья. Процесс развития дисциплины изучается в первую очередь под углом зрения взаимодействия власти и различных групп научного сообщества. Данный подход ...

The article makes an attempt to conceptualize the phenomenon of geopolitical orientations. For this, the author considered various perspectives of geopolitical analysis: infrastructural, sociocultural, actionalist, historical, structural, territorial/regional, network. As a result, the following indicators of geopolitical orientations are formulated: 1) an evaluation of the priority of cooperation with a geopolitical actor (general geopolitical openness); 2) an evaluation of the policy of the geopolitical actor towards to own state (the degree of productivity of the current geopolitical interaction); 3) an attitude to military cooperation with a geopolitical actor (geopolitical cooperation in the field of security); 4) an attitude to the intervention of a geopolitical actor in the politics of own state (the adoption of a geopolitical actor as a senior partner).The obtained concepts were used for an empirical analysis of the geopolitical orientations of the population of Ukraine toward to European Union and Russian Federation (sociological tests "EU-geopol" and "RU-geopol"). Corresponding results describe the population of Ukraine and the population of its separate macro-regions according to the following parameters: specific geopolitical orientations, geopolitical positions (negative, neutral, uncertain, ambivalent, positive), and a nomological network of political consciousness. To build a nomological network, in addition to geopolitical orientations, the attitudes toward Ukrainian democracy and the democracy of developed countries, authoritarian attitudes and attitudes toward civic activity were used (sociological test "Types of Political Culture-II").Conclusions are drawn about the possibilities of creating favorable conditions for cross-border cooperation with the European Union, the need to monitor geopolitical orientations in southeastern Ukraine, as well as its structural equidistance from European Union and Russian Federation. ; У статті здійснена спроба концептуального осмислення феномена геополітичних орієнтацій. Для цього автор розглянув різні перспективи геополітичного аналізу: інфраструктурну, соціокультурну, акціоналістську, історичну, структурну, територіально-регіональну, мережеву. У результаті сформульовано такі індикатори геополітичних орієнтацій: 1) оцінювання пріоритетності співробітництва з геополітичним актором (загальна геополітична відкритість); 2) оцінювання політики геополітичного актора щодо своєї держави (ступінь продуктивності поточної геополітичної взаємодії); 3) ставлення до військової співпраці з геополітичним актором (геополітична кооперація у сфері безпеки); 4) ставлення до втручання геополітичного актора в політику своєї держави (прийняття геополітичного актора як старшого партнера). ; У статті здійснена спроба концептуального осмислення феномена геополітичних орієнтацій. Для цього автор розглянув різні перспективи геополітичного аналізу: інфраструктурну, соціокультурну, акціоналістську, історичну, структурну, територіально-регіональну, мережеву. У результаті сформульовано такі індикатори геополітичних орієнтацій: 1) оцінювання пріоритетності співробітництва з геополітичним актором (загальна геополітична відкритість); 2) оцінювання політики геополітичного актора щодо своєї держави (ступінь продуктивності поточної геополітичної взаємодії); 3) став- лення до військової співпраці з геополітичним актором (геополітична кооперація у сфері безпеки); 4) ставлення до втручання геополітичного актора в політику своєї держави (прийняття геополітичного актора як старшого партнера).Отримані положення використано для емпіричного аналізу геополітичних орієнтацій населення України щодо Європейського Союзу та Російської Федерації (соціологічні тести «EU-geopol» і «RU-geopol»). Відповідні результати описують населення України й населення її окремих макро- регіонів за такими параметрами: конкретні геополітичні орієнтації, геополітичні позиції (негативна, нейтральна, невизначена, амбівалентна, позитивна), номологічна мережа політичної свідомості. Для побудови номологічної мережі, крім геополітичних орієнтацій, використано установки щодо української демократії та демократії розвинених країн, авторитарні установки й установки на громадянську активність (соціологічний тест «Типи політичної культури – II»). Зроблено висновки про можливості побудови сприятливих умов транскордонного співробітництва з Європейським Союзом, необхідність моніторингу геополітичних орієнтацій на південному сході України, а також його структурної рівновіддаленості від Європейського Союзу та Російської Федерації.

The article makes an attempt to conceptualize the phenomenon of geopolitical orientations. For this, the author considered various perspectives of geopolitical analysis: infrastructural, sociocultural, actionalist, historical, structural, territorial/regional, network. As a result, the following indicators of geopolitical orientations are formulated: 1) an evaluation of the priority of cooperation with a geopolitical actor (general geopolitical openness); 2) an evaluation of the policy of the geopolitical actor towards to own state (the degree of productivity of the current geopolitical interaction); 3) an attitude to military cooperation with a geopolitical actor (geopolitical cooperation in the field of security); 4) an attitude to the intervention of a geopolitical actor in the politics of own state (the adoption of a geopolitical actor as a senior partner).The obtained concepts were used for an empirical analysis of the geopolitical orientations of the population of Ukraine toward to European Union and Russian Federation (sociological tests "EU-geopol" and "RU-geopol"). Corresponding results describe the population of Ukraine and the population of its separate macro-regions according to the following parameters: specific geopolitical orientations, geopolitical positions (negative, neutral, uncertain, ambivalent, positive), and a nomological network of political consciousness. To build a nomological network, in addition to geopolitical orientations, the attitudes toward Ukrainian democracy and the democracy of developed countries, authoritarian attitudes and attitudes toward civic activity were used (sociological test "Types of Political Culture-II").Conclusions are drawn about the possibilities of creating favorable conditions for cross-border cooperation with the European Union, the need to monitor geopolitical orientations in southeastern Ukraine, as well as its structural equidistance from European Union and Russian Federation. ; У статті здійснена спроба концептуального осмислення феномена геополітичних орієнтацій. Для цього автор розглянув різні перспективи геополітичного аналізу: інфраструктурну, соціокультурну, акціоналістську, історичну, структурну, територіально-регіональну, мережеву. У результаті сформульовано такі індикатори геополітичних орієнтацій: 1) оцінювання пріоритетності співробітництва з геополітичним актором (загальна геополітична відкритість); 2) оцінювання політики геополітичного актора щодо своєї держави (ступінь продуктивності поточної геополітичної взаємодії); 3) ставлення до військової співпраці з геополітичним актором (геополітична кооперація у сфері безпеки); 4) ставлення до втручання геополітичного актора в політику своєї держави (прийняття геополітичного актора як старшого партнера). ; У статті здійснена спроба концептуального осмислення феномена геополітичних орієнтацій. Для цього автор розглянув різні перспективи геополітичного аналізу: інфраструктурну, соціокультурну, акціоналістську, історичну, структурну, територіально-регіональну, мережеву. У результаті сформульовано такі індикатори геополітичних орієнтацій: 1) оцінювання пріоритетності співробітництва з геополітичним актором (загальна геополітична відкритість); 2) оцінювання політики геополітичного актора щодо своєї держави (ступінь продуктивності поточної геополітичної взаємодії); 3) став- лення до військової співпраці з геополітичним актором (геополітична кооперація у сфері безпеки); 4) ставлення до втручання геополітичного актора в політику своєї держави (прийняття геополітичного актора як старшого партнера).Отримані положення використано для емпіричного аналізу геополітичних орієнтацій населення України щодо Європейського Союзу та Російської Федерації (соціологічні тести «EU-geopol» і «RU-geopol»). Відповідні результати описують населення України й населення її окремих макро- регіонів за такими параметрами: конкретні геополітичні орієнтації, геополітичні позиції (негативна, нейтральна, невизначена, амбівалентна, позитивна), номологічна мережа політичної свідомості. Для побудови номологічної мережі, крім геополітичних орієнтацій, використано установки щодо української демократії та демократії розвинених країн, авторитарні установки й установки на громадянську активність (соціологічний тест «Типи політичної культури – II»). Зроблено висновки про можливості побудови сприятливих умов транскордонного співробітництва з Європейським Союзом, необхідність моніторингу геополітичних орієнтацій на південному сході України, а також його структурної рівновіддаленості від Європейського Союзу та Російської Федерації.

There are various instances of local identity in modern Russia. However, vying with it, regional features of national identity must not contradict. At the same time, ethnic, confessional, symbolic, historical markers are being structured in local regional communities in a number of ways.

The main actors who are totally legitimate for building local identities in political discourse are regional political elites. By the identity politics of political actors, social space is structured and "typified", and own strategies are legitimized. "Leader - electorate" relationship still remains as the key factor which can be used to manipulate public opinion.

The article raises the issue of the current state of the political identity of the population of Volgograd Region. The results of the empirical analysis of the political identity structure are also presented. The authors conclude that the nature of the political identity of Volgograd Region population is determined mostly by its syntagmatic qualities being developed through the mismatch of ideological, electorate and personified levels of the political identity. Furthermore, key features of the political consciousness are inactivity and supineness of the people. Inhabitants prefer not to take part in policy decisions and take no responsibility.

The achievements and the problems on the way of seeking regional political identity originated from the peculiarities of the regional dynamics are also analyzed in the work. Despite the domination of the negative ideologemes in the regional political development, sense and images of historic victories of the country are still the main unifying forces for the separate ways of thinking of Volgograd population.

The article evaluates the fundamental social factors which influence the formation of the axiological component of Russian youth's political consciousness. The authors have set a goal to find out to what extent the traditional moral and spiritual values are rooted in the minds of young people. These values need to be cultivated in accordance with the goals set in National Security Strategy of Russia, approved by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation. Using the method of selective associations, the authors have identified the actual set of values, which form the stereotypes of political thinking of young citizens of the Volgograd region. It consists of such values as strong family, patriotism, strong state, love for neighbour, fortitude and faith. It's been found out that search for truth and collectivism, which once were the fundamental values for the spiritual life of the Russian people, ceased to be so for the young generation of Russian citizens. The authors point to the revival of the dualism of the concepts of patriotism and pride, which was dominant in the public consciousness of the Soviet people. Nihilistic and protest moods are peculiar of only a small share of youth (no more than 3 %). Many traditional moral and spiritual values remain rooted in the political consciousness of young people in Volgograd, and this is a positive factor of national security in the region. The authors have concluded that despite a number of negative societal factors that have a significant impact on the formation of value-semantic attitudes and stereotypes of political thinking of Russian youth, the traditional spiritual and moral values are still the important social regulators of political behavior.

V.N. Gulyaikhin describes the main traditional values of the Russian people and reveals a number of fundamental factors of public life that have a significant impact on the formation of values and stereotypes of the political thinking of Russian youth. E.V. Galkina gives an assessment of the ideological context of the document "The National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation" and formulates the initial thesis about the need to view the youth as an active subject of the national security system. O.E. Andryushchenko develops a questionnaire for a mass survey of representatives of two age groups of young people, makes a sample for a mass questionnaire, and carries out an empirical study of the value-semantic attitudes and stereotypes of political thinking in the two main age groups of the Volgograd youth. P.P. Fantrov carried out a comparative analysis of stereotypes of thinking of these age groups.

This article is devoted to one of the most important administrative and political actions initiated by Stalin's regime in the mid-1930s – campaigns on verification and exchange of party documents. The author made an attempt to examine the whole course of the campaign as much as possible in detail, from the preparation stage at the beginning of 1935 until its completion in the autumn of 1936 in a particular historical and geographical location – in the areas of the Upper Volga region. Documentary base of this research were, first of all, archival materials, introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In this article series on the basis of the evidence the author reveals the following provisions. Firstly, investigation of party documents represented a large-scale ideological and political examination covering all regions – intra-party filtering of communists for "political reliability". Secondly, the immediate aim of the campaign was to collect materials compromising the Communists and to make a list of the potentially repressed. One of the most important tools for carrying out the "ideological examination" of the Party and Soviet nomenclature used together with public security bodies in the territory of the Upper Volga region in the mid-1930s, was represented by the Party Control Commission (CPC) at the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) and its regional structure – Communist Party Collegium and later by the authorized representatives of the CPC of the Ivanovo and Yaroslavl regions. The author makes the general conclusion – campaign for the exchange and verification of party documents became the representative illustration of methodologically verified political technologies of the Stalin's regime, as evidenced by its course: organization; full control by the center by means of directives; efficiency manifested in revealing "socially alien elements" recorded statistically for CPC line.

Введение. На сегодняшний день активно обсуждается проблема соотношения политики и культуры, а также роли культуры в формировании политического сознания аудитории. Однако поставленные вопросы не получили однозначного ответа. Автор статьи предлагает рассмотреть систему культуры в призме универсальной теории систем Т. Парсонса. Цель исследования - вывести соотношение роли культуры и философии в формировании представлений индивида о мире, а также определить место научно-технического романтизма на их пересечении. Методы. Для анализа сущности классической культуры как системы, ориентированной на формирование политического сознания индивида, был выбран универсальный исследовательский инструмент – AGIL-схема Т. Парсонса. Также в работе были использованы методологические подходы ряда российских и западных исследователей, таких как М. Бунге, В. Межуев, Х. Ортега-и-Гассет и др. Анализ. В рамках исследования автор выделяет четыре функции, характерные для культуры как системы, формирующей политическое сознание: адаптации, интеграции, целеполагания, а также сохранения и фор- мирования не противоречащих уже существующим латентных образцов. Далее проводится исследование соотношения понятий «классическая культура», «традиционная культура», «массовая культура». Результаты. На основе выявленных свойств исследованных систем выделяются когнитивные методы и сущностные характеристики научно-технического романтизма как феномена, существующего на стыке философии и культуры.

The difference between non-Western and Western matrices of political identity has been attracting the attention of researchers since the end of the 19th century. This issue is located at the intersection of sociology and political science. The purpose of this article is to identify the specifics of political identity in Japan based on public data from the past 20 years, which is analyzed while taking into account the characteristics of the national political system and the political culture of this country. The authors focus on the idea of Japan's self-image, the most important tasks and preferred forms of governance, attitudes towards government institutions, as well as certain qualities of citizens in terms of their self-assessment as subjects. The article combines sociological methods for analyzing opinion polls with a historical and cultural approach, as well as the method of "deconstruction", which involves defining the basic concepts, narratives, myths and other forms of discourse that have been transformed into elements of political identity or which influence its formation. Opinion surveys show that traditional mental patterns continue to play a significant role in shaping the configuration of the political identity of the Japanese, identifying such features as a trust in the patronizing representatives of the political class, an urge for social protection from the authorities, a high degree of national unity, support from the state as the main political entity, and a low level of individual participation. In the context of nonlinear dynamics of socio-political transformations, such unique features derive from the desire to rely on patrimonialism and other traditions.

Current article analyzes the influence of Alain Touraine's ideas and theories on discourse on contemporary sociology and political sociology. How do structural transformations of society, processes of social fragmentation and atomization influence the essence of democracy, public consciousness, interaction between citizens and the state? Such global questions pose difficult tasks for scholars, who need to revise and renew the traditional approaches to be able to respond to challenges of our time. Controversial and deep heritage of Alain Touraine doesn't give answers to all questions, but it's able to generate new kinds of discourse in sociological community and this is the reason it's still valuable. ; В данной статье анализируется влияние идей и теорий французского социолога Алена Турена на поле дискурса современной социологии и политической социологии. Каким образом структурные трансформации общества, процессы социального дробления и атомизации влияют на природу демократии, общественное сознание, взаимодействие граждан с государством? Столь глобальные вопросы ставят непростые задачи перед исследователями, от которых требуются ревизия традиционных подходов и выработка обновленного научного инструментария, отвечающего вызовам времени. Противоречивое и глубокое наследие Алена Турена не дает ответов на все вопросы, но оно все еще способно генерировать новые виды дискурса в социологическом сообществе, в чем и заключается сегодня его ценность.

Introduction. In modern Russian society, understanding of elections as an important component of the country's social and political life in the context of differences in political orientations of the population is increasingly affirmed. This statement makes it possible to consider the geography of elections both in individual regions and in the country as a whole, as well as to conduct a deep historical analysis to better understand the current political processes in the country.

Methods. It seems most important to consider this problem in the context of the federal elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation using the statistical method. The comparative and cartographic methods contribute to a better understanding of geographical features of political preferences of the electorate.

Analysis. The study shows that the development of any process, including political one, is seriously influenced by the regional specificity of the territory, affecting all of its spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to single out the reasons for the nature of changes in electoral preferences of voters in the territory under study.

Results. The authors trace the dynamics of the electoral activity of the population of the Lower Volga mesoregion in the presidential elections. The researchers reveal the change of electoral preferences of voters for the period under review. The paper presents the territorial analysis of the political preferences of the population identified in the process of federal elections; marks their multidirectional nature. The authors identify the main reasons for the changes in electoral preferences of voters in the Lower Volga mesoregion at the presidential elections.

The article considers factors determining the peculiarities of the integration processes in Iraqi Kurdistan. The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan as a social-political community was determined by the growth of national consciousness of the population of the autonomy, and by accelerating processes of self-determination under the influence of a number of external and internal reasons. The national identity of the Iraqi Kurds as a part of the Kurdish people is based on the same historical background, language, and culture, on the mental attribution of the Kurds to the single group, which is explained not only by historical facts, but also by a specific worldview and myths sometimes divorced from reality but rooted in the collective representations. The external pressure of direct aggression and political enforcement to the assimilation plays a key role in the consolidation of the Iraqi Kurds and in the growth of their national self-determination: the resistance to the common enemy strengthens the national identity of the Iraqi Kurds. The author examines factors both general for all the Kurds and specific for Iraqi Kurdistan, i.e. the strengthening of the common form of language through the education, literature and media institutions, and the development of economic relations and civil and political institutions, which is due to the autonomy status of Iraqi Kurdistan. The article identifies and examines objective reasons preventing intensive integration processes in the community of Iraqi Kurds, which are, on the one hand, the influence of the external forces including neighbor states, transnational corporations, the authorities of Baghdad, and the growing military aggression of the armed terrorist groups; on the other hand, the slowdown of integration processes inside Iraqi Kurdistan are due to the internal contradictions in the autonomy determined by the features of the social and political structure of the Kurd society, such as tribalism, immaturity of the political system, and ethnic and religious diversity.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the digital infrastructure of civil and political participation of Russians, it shows the connections between the audiences of online network communities, reflecting markers of the attitude of Russian social media users to the current government and indicators of the involvement of Russian citizens in the implementation of social initiatives. To construct graphs, we used a tool for unloading information and modeling the infrastructure of social connections of graphs, created on the basis of the programming language R. Additionally, the vkR packages were used to unload information from the VKontakte social network, as well as the igraph and ggraph packages for working with graphs and arcdiagram for visualisation. To interpret the empirical data, the principles of the network approach and the methodology of smart search for digital markers of socio-political processes were applied. As a result of the study, indicators of the density of communications between digital groups of political and civil participation were revealed, and the intersection of their audiences was established. Segments of the infrastructure of connections are shown both for all socio-media communities (research cases) and for each block of communities classified on two grounds: orientation (loyal or critically oriented towards the authorities) and type of group (political or civil). The intersection of audiences of loyalist and oppositional online communities was revealed and reflected in the graphs. The disunity and distance between loyalist, conventional audiences of groups carrying out political communication from civil groups, who are also constructively disposed towards the authorities, are shown. Revealed and graphically interpreted the techniques of capturing the user audience in the activities of opposition online leaders. Risks of a low density of connections between audiences of loyal social media communities have been substantiated. A relatively high density of connections has been established between opposition political online groups aimed at forming unconventional, deconsolidating attitudes of Russian social media users. Basic measures have been formulated to overcome the danger of consolidating supporters of opposition digital groups and the risks of increasing the influence of critical online leaders among the loyalist audience.

Интервью посвящено предстоящему 75-летнему юбилею известного белорусского социолога, директора Центра социологических и политических исследований Белорусского государственного университета, доктора социологических наук, профессора Д. Г. Ротмана. Он размышляет о своем жизненном пути, роли социологии в обществе, рассказывает об исследовательских проектах, своих учителях и коллегах, рассуждает о проблемах, с которыми сталкиваются социологи. Разговор затрагивает тему методологии и методов социологии: междисциплинарность, сравнимость, сочетание и комбинирование методов рассматриваются как основные требования к современным исследованиям. Дискутируется вопрос развития и перспективных направлений отечественной социологии, совершенствования образования социологов. ; The interview is dedicated to the upcoming 75th anniversary of the famous Belarusian sociologist, director of the Centre of Sociological and Political Studies of the Belarusian State University, doctor of science (sociology), full professor David G. Rotman. He reflects on his life path, the role of sociology in society, research projects, his teachers and colleagues, and the problems which researchers face. The conversation touches on the topics: of methodology and methods of sociology; interdisciplinarity, comparability, conjunction and combination of methods are considered as basic requirements for contemporary research. The issues of the Belarusian sociology perspective directions and improving the sociological education is discussed.

The article considers the hierarchy of values of contemporary political consciousness. The first part of the study consisted of the content-analysis of Russian political parties' manifestos, in the second part, the same methodology was applied to investigate the social network content, and finally the approach of cultural sociology developed by Boltanski and Teveno was applied to discuss the public debates that followed the notorious 'square vs. cathedral' confrontation in Ekaterinburg in the spring-summer of 2019. The conclusion is made that the methodology proposed by Boltanski and Teveno is more sensitive to the context and finally normalizes the flexible, context-dependent structure of political consciousness, while content-analysis applied to the classical political domain has not confirmed our hypothesis about the presence of ideological struggle in the form of competing value systems.Key words: Russian political parties, values, consciousness, content-analysis, square, cathedral, Ekaterinburg, comparative cultural sociology, L. Boltanski, L. Thevenot. ; В статье представлены результаты исследования актуальной структуры политического сознания граждан современной России. Объектами контент-анализа стали программы политических партий накануне выборов в Государственную думу, а интервью и транскрибирование использованы при анализе аргументов участников «открытого микрофона» – открытой дискуссии о причинах и последствиях акции против строительства храма Св. Екатерины в Екатеринбурге (май 2019). Показано, что «социология градов» Болтански и Тевено в качестве методологической рамки исследования оказывается более чувствительной к контексту, в конечном итоге нормализуя образ «гибкого, ситуативно зависимого» политического сознания, тогда как контент-анализ программ партий, построенный на допущениях И. Валлерстайна о трех ведущих идеологиях современности, фиксирует отсутствие идеологической борьбы в форме конкуренции ценностных систем на классических политических площадках.