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Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1972 .K24. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, page: . Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1972.

William A. Welsh ; Mit dt. Zsfassung ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1980,2/5

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

The concept of a system has been identified in a large number of disciplines; biology, management science, economics, sociology, political science, theology, law, etc., have profited by the apparatus associated with general systems. Various authors [2,10,11,12], recognizing a common thread in the logic of various fields, have identified that core and christened it "General Systems Theory." It is hoped that by investigating properties common to all (appropriately designed) systems, applicationscan be made in the diverse disciplines.

There has been no systematic ethnology nor comparative history of public health. In fact, there has been a broad consensus that prior to the arrival of missionaries and colonial health authorities there was no indigenous public health. These assumptions apply to only some settings and do not reflect the general history of public health. The present study concerns public health in the first century of Alawi rule in Morocco, ca. 1670-1790. The early Alawi sultans undertook public health programs, most of which concerned the prevention and relief of mass starvation. Goals of the programs were consistent with other features of their public policies. Effectiveness of the programs was limited partly by technical and scientific factors, but more by political constraints, especially the sultans' higher priorities for political stability than public welfare and public health. These data provide important insights not only into Moroccan social and political history, but also into the more general problem of the political nature of public health.

"February 1968." ; "Prepared for the conference on Political Parties and the Search for Institutional Stability in Latin America, held at the State University of New York at Buffalo, March 21-22, 1968." ; Bibliography: leaves [51]-55. ; Mode of access: Internet.

After World War II the revival of the spirit of nationalism led to the emergence of many new states. Freed from the colonial domination, the new states were keenly interested in developing their societies as fast as possible. Many problems stand in the way of development. These problems are the problems of stability, unity, integration and socioeconomic problems. This study is concerned about the problems of political development in Bangladesh, which came into existence in 1971, as a result of the problems of of national integration in Pakistan. This study identifies some problems which stand in the way of political development in Bangladesh. These problems are: (1) the problems of integration, (2) the problems of unity and stability, (3) the lack of well-organized political parties, (4) the problems of bureaucracy, and (5) socio-economic problems. After the creation of Bangladesh it was assumed that there would be no problem of integration in Bangladesh. But an analysis of the political situations will show that problems of integration still remain, though in different character, such as the lack of integration between the elites and the mass, the lack of integrative ideology, the separatist tendency in the tribal people, etc. Absence of stability is creating problems in the effective undertaking of any developmental plan. The chief causes of instability are: factionalism, frustration of the people, threat of India, loss of charisma, etc. Too many political parties with too many ideologies stand in the way of creating a stable government. The parties do not have any organizational basis, and are based on the personality of the leader. The parties are not effective in aggregating the peoples' demands and grievances. The lack of balance in the role of the bureaucracy is also a problem. On the one hand, if the bureaucrats are given more power, they hinder the growth of political institutions. On the other hand, if they are given less power, they play an inactive role hindering the execution of policies. Bangladesh suffers from both the problems of bureaucracy. The most pre-dominant problems which hamper political development in Bangladesh are socio-economic problems. The population problem, food problem, and unemployment create mass frustrations causing instability and disunity within the country. The attachment to the traditional values hinders the way of change. This study analyzes in detail all these problems and how they stand in the way of political development.

The United States of America may well be the most attractive area for investment in the entire world. Foreign investment, although failing to play a dominant role in the American economy, has nevertheless enjoyed a substantial and significant growth in recent years. This contemporary acceleration may be attributed to a number of factors, including, for example: (a) America's enormous pool of skilled and well educated labor; (b) the narrowing of the gap between the cost of United States and foreign labor; (c) the abundance of domestic energy and other raw materials; and (d) the relative docility of the United States rate of inflation. But by far the most significant economic incentive is the overwhelming attraction of the American consumer market. It is the largest, most complex and most competitive market in the world; it is an integrated, coordinated market which is unified by a common language and a common legal accounting system. As Hans Schudel, president of a German-owned United States corporation, emphasized, [T]he U.S. market is the most attractive in the world. In terms of how liberally you can conduct your business. In terms of political stability and safety. In terms of return on your investment. In any terms you can name. Indeed, the United States has long had a history of political stability and a devoted respect for economic free enterprise. The first portion of this discussion shall endeavor to analyze the economic impact of foreign direct investment in the United States and the national policy of this Government with respect to international investment.

Introduction [partial] The problems of governing our nation's cities became major concerns during the 1960s. This has been apparent in the urban affairs literature and in concerns voiced by urban leaders throughout the country. Many of these problems can be attributed to the changing makeup of population in many cities. The successful city resident has become the suburban commuter. The economically less fortunate have migrated to the city in hopes of finding success through better employment. Consequently, the poor, the elderly, and the black citizens have gained majority status as the economically successful have left for the "better life" in the suburbs. These fundamental changes have created tremendous problems in the areas of housing, employment, and financial stability of city governments. Rather than approaching these problems directly, city officials have sought, in many instances, to weaken the impact of these problems in the city. The use of merger or annexation has been a means of doing this. Annexation has historically been a method of extending city services when growth has spread development beyond the city's boundaries. It has also been a method of obtaining vacant territory for a future city expansion. However, annexation recently has been used as a tool to preserve the "status quo" of those in power and to save the economically strained city. ; Master of Urban Affairs

n our era of rapidly diminishing impediments to the free flow of capital, goods, technology, and services between nations, transnational commercial activity has become extremely important to our national economy. New frontiers are being broken as raw materials and manufactured products move more freely between nations which have heretofore shared little in culture, history, religion, race, or economic and political philosophy. Certainly, governmental initiatives designed to eliminate trade inhibitions are responsible for much of this growth. Tariff walls are crumbling. The world economy is prospering. The interdependencies that flourish between members of the world community as a result of bilateral and multilateral trade agreements enhance the possibility of achieving long-term political stability, economic growth, and global peace. It has become the position of the United States that increased international economic cooperation will inevitably lead to increased political toleration and peaceful coexistence.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

The conflict in the Middle East is a turbulent situation of great significance to the entire world. This study examines the internal political scene of Israel and its affect on the overall Middle East situation. It focuses on ideology, structure, and policy within Israel as components of that scene. The ideology of Zionism provided the justification for the creation of Israel and continues to form the basis for governmental decision making there. An analysis of the principles of Zionism and of the statements, writings, and actions of Zionist leaders showed that the ideology could reasonably be interpreted as racist and expansionist. More important than the ideas of Zionism is the actual implementation of those ideas through government policy. Israeli policy in regard to citizenship, immigration, security, economics, labor, land, and political representation is examined. Important characteristics of Israel's economy are its dependence on foreign capital and assistance and its continuing attempts to attain self-sufficiency. The study shows clearly that discrimination against Arabs and Jews of Asian and African descent living in Israel is widespread and that the rights, benefits, and opportunities for these groups are not equal to those of European and American Jewish immigrants. More significantly, it is indicates that government policy is partly responsible for these inequalities. and has worked to place Western Jews in a superior position in Israeli society. Another part of Israel's implementation of Zionism has been its action concerning Jewish control of land. From the time of early Jewish immigration to the present, Zionists have attempted to increase the territory inhabited and controlled by Jews. The methods used to accomplish this have included purchase, acquisition of abandoned land, expropriation of inhabited land through expropriation and force, and military invasion of other nations. Israeli expansionism is related to the Zionist principles that Jews should establish a state with boundaries similar to those of ancient Israel and that all Jews should be gathered into that state. Adherence to these ideas requires territorial expansion and Israeli policy has clearly shown expansionist tendencies. One of the most significant determinants of policy in any country is political structure. In Israel, structure is dominated by political parties. Israel is a multi-party, parliamentary system in which no party has ever gained a majority in the legislature. Rule by coalition has meant that major policy changes have been difficult to achieve. The Labor Party and its views dominated Israel for thirty years, tempered by the need for negotiations with and concessions to the other parties. In Israel's centralized structure, local government, interest groups, and public opinion are relatively insignificant. In a system with these characteristics and Israel's strong ideological commitment, it could be anticipated that a high degree of policy consistency would exist. This has proven to be true in Israel. Although Begin's Likud government has a different public position on major issues and uses stronger rhetoric, the substance of its actions are similar. It has returned the same land Labor was willing to return and has generally followed Labor's plans for establishing settlements in the occupied territories. Israel's system of multiple parties, parliamentary government, rule by coalition, and centralized government makes policy consistency a significant feature of its politics. Also contributing to this policy inertia is the nature of leadership in Israel. The structural features mentioned above, the superior position of Western Jews, the historical necessity for Jews to operate secretly, and the limited access to important information in Israeli society have created an elitist system of leadership. The characteristics and views of this elite, and in fact the specific individuals in the elite group, have not changed much in Israel's history. The ideology of Zionism and the translation of its principles into social structure and government policy has had a tremendous impact on the conflict in the Middle East. It has worked against the creation of good relations between people, cultures, and nations there and prevents a lasting solution to the Palestinian question. Israel can not grant equal rights to Arabs within its borders without compromising Jewish control and it can not allow Palestinian self-determination withou giving up territory it needs to accomodate more Jewish immigration to Israel. The country's political structure and the nature of its leadership have contributed to its policy consistency and make major changes unlikely in the future. The most successful force in creating any policy change has been external pressures, particularly from the United States. This is most dramatically illustrated by the Camp David Accords which were a direct result of U.S. mediation efforts. However, Camp David did not succeed in extracting major concessions from Israel or in setting adequate groundwork for a solution to the Palestinian problem. Flexibility on policy questions by Israel is necessary to achieve a fair and permanent solution to Middle East problems. The ideology of Zionism, Israel's political system, and its elite leadership severely restrict Israel's ability to be flexible. Internal change in Israel is a necessary ingredient in the achievement of Middle East peace and stability.

One of the recent growth industries in our political life is in the field of constitutional proposals. From the government side we have had among others the Theron Commission, the Parliamentary Select Committee on the Constitution, and three President's Council reports. An election in 1977 was ostensibly fought at least in part, over the merits of the National Party constitutional proposals. Much of 1982 was dominated by news of the government's new constitutional proposals which precipitated a National Party split and then absorbed most of the efforts of its four provincial party congresses. Outside of government considerable attention has also been paid to constitutional matters. In 1978 a major conference was held in Pietermaritzburg to examine the then constitutional proposals of the National Party and several other constitutional conferences and workshops have subsequently taken place. Indeed the theme of the most recent meeting of the Political Science Association of South Africa was constitutional reform and political stability. In KwaZulu Chief Buthelezi appointed a constitutional commission while the Coloured Persons Representative Council produced its own constitutional proposals before it was disbanded. The opposition parties too have paid more attention to constitutional issues than in the past and both the PFP and the NRP have specific and carefully worked out proposals. Clearly however, the proposals with the greatest political significance are those of the National Party and the Buthelezi Commission, because they are the products of the two largest political groupings in South Africa; the Afrikaners and the Zulus. This review article will therefore be devoted to an analysis of these two reports.

Mexico has sustained unusual rates of real income growth (6.4 % of average annual GDP growth between 19 50 and 1970) by following an economic policy giving first priority to manufacturing industries. Import substitution has been the dominating trade strategy since the late 1940s with only cautious steps to a more export oriented strategy since the mid-1960s. Mexico has not been spared the well known problems of regional and sectoral imbalances, a skewed personal income distribution and unemployment accompanying the industrialization of other developing countries. Beginning with the presidentship of Diaz Ordaz (1966-70) the attenuation of imbalances and inequities is proclaimed as a specific policy goal in plan documents, while employment creation is added to the list in the Echeverrîa administration. Although based on another stratum of the Mexican political economy the stepwise execution of a massive land reform has obvious complementary effects to the industrial policy. The agricultural sector absorbs much of the fast growing labor force which cannot be employed in the more capital-intensive industries under socially acceptable conditions. The land reform allows for a minimum wage and a working conditions policy in urban regions without increasing the urban unemployment to a level where it would disrupt the political system. Land reform and minimum wages help to keep political stability despite the social strains created by rapid industrialization as well as population growth.

So much has been done in the name of nuclear deterrence, so much destructive power built by ourselves and the Russians that it may seem rather late in the day, not to say absurd, to wonder whether or not mutual deterrence really occurs and ask what evidence can be adduced to prove it. Yet such a question may be essential to an understanding of international nuclear politics. The problems thus posed are difficult, however, and cannot be solved by direct means. What one needs to do is to establish empirically whether the conditions necessary for deterrence to be taking place are present. A brief review of the reasons why this should be so ought to, on the other hand, give us some clues as to alternate paths we would need to take in seeking our answers.