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This article argues that the Thai Monarchy has developed into the most important political institution of the country. It guarantees political stability & provides legitimacy in times of crisis. The King also serves as agenda setter & veto-player in certain policy arenas. The current political crisis shows that the dominant role of the King also has negative effects as political actors do not settle their conflicts without an active involvement of the King. Democratic institutions find it hard to consolidate. The lacking democratic political culture & growing legitimacy crisis demonstrate the weakness of the political system. References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines impact of democratization and political stability on economic development in sub-Saharan Africa; early 1990s.

In Marokko definiert der König nach wie vor den politischen Spielraum. Dabei legt der "Palast", eine gängige Chiffre für den König und sein Patronagenetzwerk, seinem stärk­sten Gegenspieler, der moderat islamistischen Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Entwicklung (PJD), immer mehr Steine in den Weg. Dies hat zuletzt die langwierige Regierungsbildung nach den Parlamentswahlen vom Oktober 2016 gezeigt. Auch der Druck auf zivilgesellschaftliche Kritiker steigt stetig. Indem das Versprechen politischer Reformen Schritt für Schritt durch ein Modernisierungsversprechen ersetzt wird, droht der rela­tiv inklusive Charakter des "marokkanischen Modells" verlorenzugehen - damit ent­fiele zugleich ein wichtiger Faktor für den inneren Frieden des Landes. Dass Marokko den Fortschritt nicht zurückdreht, der mit den Reformen der letzten Jahrzehnte erzielt wurde, liegt daher auch im Interesse europäischer Außenpolitik. (Autorenreferat)

Legitimization of leadership is an important precondition for political stability. Maximilian Felsch examines the failure of legitimization strategies of states in the Arab region that made the Arab Spring possible. At the same time he investigates attempts of post-revolutionary states to find new legitimacy bases. For him, the success of transformations is contingent on the ability of the new ruling powers -- whatever their colors might be -- to enhance the socioeconomic situation of the population and in doing so regain public support. Adapted from the source document

This article describes the characteristics of Eastern Europe as a political project. The author considers the genesis of Eastern Europe as a political region and identifies several periods in its history. The author analyses key features of sovereignization-desovereignization of the region and examines geopolitical projects of Intermarium. It is shown that Eastern Europe as such is an objective reality, whose history has not ended. At the same time, the author advances and proves the thesis that various "Baltic/Black Sea" cooperation models aimed at isolating Russia act against the interests of all participants of the political process. A number of methods, including the historical and structural functional analyses and the system approach are used in the study. The central hypothesis is that, as a political project, Intermarium reflects an important part of the systemic features of Eastern Europe as a political region. However, it is not identical to the region in terms of its geography or political regionalism. The anti-Russian sentiment of the Intermarium project is dominant. Yet, it is not immanent in this group of concepts. Reformatting the Intermarium concept in line with the new Moscow-Warsaw-Berlin cooperation model can be considered a feasible political task, which requires an adequate scientific solution. Moreover, Eastern Europe has reached the point of bifurcation. The region may become another new source of instability in Europe. Intermarium projects -a traditional object of research- have to be re-evaluated in the new political and economic conditions. This article is a step in this direction.

The following comments on the theses of Bertold Kuhn focused mainly on his thesis of relative political stability of the adaptation and adaptive Chinese governance model. This requires several reasons the differentiations. First, the governance skills are developed differently. They are heavily tailored to the goal of a dominant state capitalist, economic growth story and must be adapted to the different quality of tasks of the new period of development. Second, the tectonic power shifts associated with the reforms threaten the political stability. They are, at best, only as so-called dynamic stability due to a progressive crisis management conceivable that democratizing innovations calls. Thirdly, the forthcoming reforms are primarily economic and social reforms, but in the long term promote the democratization processes. Even if they remain below the threshold of the transition to multi-party democracy, they are changing the authoritarian character of the one-party state to a hybrid system, coexist cooperative and conflictive in the processes of democratization and authoritarian rule logic. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses failure of the reforms instituted in Israel in the 1990s to provide greater political stability; some focus on adoption of a direct election system for the office of Prime Minister and the regime of Binyamin Netanyahu, the first to be elected under it. Summary in English p. 1728.

Given China's huge population and its growing importance in the world, any political reform that may affect its long-term stability and its possible transition to democracy deserves the scrutiny of political scientists. The introduction of direct election in Chinese villages is one of such reforms. As Dr. Schubert points out, Chinese leaders seem to expect that this limited democratic reform will help improve governance and enhance stability in rural China, where over 70 percent of 1.3 billion Chinese reside. In addition, some reform-minded senior leaders also seem to expect that grassroots democracy may provide democratic training to the vast peasant population. In reality, of course, no reform only produces intended consequences.

Since the collapse of Communism, Poland has been very engaged on Ukraine's behalf. This is an expression of Warsaw's interest in economic & political stability in its neighborhood, historical-cultural ties, & geopolitical calculations. Ukraine was almost part of Polish raison d'etre. Warsaw saw it as its mission to lead Ukraine into NATO & the European Union. But the hurdles are high. In bilateral political & economic cooperation, the aspirations are greater than the results. Sobriety is spreading. Poland may remain Ukraine's advocate, but policy is becoming more pragmatic. Adapted from the source document.

"Der vorliegende Beitrag diskutiert die ökonomischen und institutionellen Hintergründe des Entstehens von Spartengewerkschaften und analysiert die Folgen von Gewerkschaftswettbewerb für das durch Flächentarifverträge dominierte deutsche Tarifsystem. Spartengewerkschaften bilden sich bislang im Gesundheits- und Verkehrssektor. Dort bestehen spezifische Marktstrukturen, die gut organisierten und interessenhomogenen Berufsgruppen in wirtschaftlichen Schlüsselstellungen eine hohe Durchsetzungsfähigkeit sichern. Die resultierenden Spartentarifverträge sind im Vergleich zu Flächentarifverträgen suboptimal, weil Spartengewerkschaften keiner Marktdisziplinierung unterliegen und externe Effekte weniger berücksichtigen als Branchengewerkschaften. Am Beispiel von Deutscher Lufthansa und Deutscher Bahn lässt sich zeigen, dass verschiedene Formen von Gewerkschaftswettbewerb zu sich aufschaukelnden Lohnforderungen führen. Dies würde auch nicht verhindert, wenn der Grundsatz der Tarifeinheit gesetzlich verankert würde. Notwendig wären flankierende Maßnahmen wie freiwillige Kooperationsabkommen zwischen konkurrierenden Gewerkschaften oder eine gesetzliche Tarifgemeinschaft." (Autorenreferat)

Migration und soziale Probleme als Folge von Wetterextremen: Zu den Folgen von Wetterextremen gehören die Zerstörung der Infrastruktur, die Gefährdung menschlicher Lebensbedingungen und die Vertreibung der betroffenen Bevölkerung. Während Stürme, Überschwemmungen und Erdrutsche meist lokal und in kurzen Zeiträumen erfolgen, wirken Trockenheit und Wassermangel eher regional und über längere Zeiträume. Die Auswirkungen können die Governance- und Anpassungskapazitäten betroffener Gesellschaften übertreffen, besonders in fragilen Staaten, wo Wetterextreme als Risikoverstärker wirken und die soziale und politische Stabilität untergraben können. Um Vertreibungen als Folge von Wetterextremen zu bewältigen, sind institutionelle Mechanismen und rechtlichen Regelungen zu schaffen, von der Vermeidung von Fluchtursachen über den humanitären Schutz betroffener Menschen bis zur internationalen Zusammenarbeit von Staaten und Zivilgesellschaften. Migration and social problems as a result of weather extremes: The consequences of weather extremes include the destruction of infrastructures, threats to human living conditions and the displacement of the affected population. While storms, floods and landslides usually occur locally and in short periods of time, droughts and water scarcity have regional implications over longer periods of time. The impacts can outweigh the governance and adaptive capacities of affected societies, especially in fragile states where weather extremes can act as a risk multipliers and undermine social and political stability. In order to manage migration as a result of extreme weather, institutional mechanisms and legal regulations are required, from avoiding the main causes over the humanitarian protection of affected people to international cooperation between states and civil societies.