Suchergebnisse

Politička stabilnost u velikoj mjeri djeluje na ekonomske performanse određene zemlje. U ovom će se radu primjenom panel-modela sa slučajnim efektom pokazati da politička stabilnost ima znatan utjecaj na produktivnost rada mjerenu BDP-om po zaposlenom. Pritom će se politička stabilnost određene zemlje procjenjivati s pomoću indikatora političke stabilnosti i izostanka nasilja/terorizma, rizika državnog udara i indikatora državne legitimnosti. U uzorak je odabrano 11 postsocijalističkih zemlja Europske unije od 2000. do 2017. godine. Provedena analiza pokazuje da politička stabilnost ima bitan utjecaj na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkim europskim zemljama te je robusnost rezultata dodatno potvrđena provođenjem analize pri alternativnim specifikacijama. S obzirom na to da se u postojećim radovima većinom nastojalo otkriti uzroke političke nestabilnosti i kako ih spriječiti, ovaj rad stavlja naglasak na posljedice političke nestabilnosti na produktivnost i gospodarstvo u cjelini. ; Economic performance of a specific country is, to a large extent, affected by political stability. The aim of this paper is to show that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity measured by GDP per person employed. An analysis has been made using the random-effects model on three different measures for estimating political stability of a specific country: political stability and absence of violence/terrorism, risk of coup, and state legitimacy. The sample consists of 11 post-socialist EU countries for the period between 2000 and 2017. The results indicate that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity in post-socialist European countries. The robustness of results has been further conferment by alternative model specification. Given the fact that the majority of existing literature focuses on the causes of political instability and the measures of preventing them, this paper primarily points out the consequences of political instability on labour productivity and the economy.

- The area of the GCC is bigger than West Europe. They are one of the major poles of international economy, especially in finance and banking domains. They are the most determining factor in the oil market, not only because of mass production, but also for the reason of their rich resources. - They are newly established countries. Their social-tribal structure and their cultural behavior are not fitting the modern governance. This contrast made and makes a lot of problems that will continue. Their location is one of the most strategic. - Their developments have more external origin than internal, especially from the Arab world: Arab nationalism and Nasserism, the 67 and 73 wars, the 1960's and 70's religious and political developments in Egypt, the Islamic revolution in Iran, the military intervention of US in Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq war, Kuwait occupation, 11/9, 2003 war, and Arab Spring. And also rise of oil prices, flowage of foreign manpower, vast presence of US military, and rapid modernization. - All these factors strongly affected their cultural and religious attitude. The most Islamic sacred places lie in this region. This reality along with desert and tribal culture caused different reactions since the late 70's. Al-Uteibi and al-Qaeda are good examples, but a large number of their population became extremists and they are now enjoying a great political and financial influence. Certainly, modern communications played a big role. This reality made a new situation in the Arab and Muslim world and even on the international scene. I tried to explain briefly all these developments, including the socio-political stability. It can be done through a clear comprehension of Islamic culture and civilization, Arab peculiarities and their experiences in the modern time, and history of the Arabian Peninsula.

This paper investigates the empirical properties of simple interest rate rules that embed either "backward" or "forward" interest rate smoothing. Such interest rate rules can be rationalized as the operative reaction functions used by central banks pursuing monetary policy and financial stability targets. We explicitly consider the implications of banks' risk management practices for monetary policy and we derive interest rate rules by modeling the desire of the central bank to stabilize different definitions of the "basis" risk as a contribution to financial stability. ; This paper investigates the empirical properties of simple interest rate rules that embed either "backward" or "forward" interest rate smoothing. Such interest rate rules can be rationalized as the operative reaction functions used by central banks pursuing monetary policy and financial stability targets. We explicitly consider the implications of banks' risk management practices for monetary policy and we derive interest rate rules by modeling the desire of the central bank to stabilize different definitions of the "basis" risk as a contribution to financial stability. ; Invited Submissions

Examines political developments under Helmut Kohl's chancellorship; rise of the Green party, forging two different systems into one following reunification, political stability, and other issues. Summary in English.

Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.

The breakdown of non-democratic regimes unveils a paradox: they stabilize quickly once some internal control over the oppositions is established, and the access to the political power is denied, but they eventually have to face disruptive crises. Why? Non-democratic regimes are identified through a conceptual sketch of the democracy as opposite regime, and three approaches to the study of political stability are identified; The political culture approach addressed to the investigation of the beliefs and sources of legitimacy of a given regime; The socio-centered approach drew attention to the distribution of the social and economic resources; Finally, the institutional approach focused on the institutional and organizational control of the social and political mobilization. The political culture and the socio-centered approaches point out the "social factors", while the "institutional" approach focuses on "regime factors" which may stabilize a non-democracy. A hypothetical model is developed and applied to the recent cases of authoritarian breakdown in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, and it is argued that although "social factors" do have a role in political crises, "regime factors" are the key variables explaining the durability of non-democratic regimes and their capacity to delay the breakdown. Adapted from the source document.

In examining Augustine's contribution to the Christian doctrine of bellum iustum, this article sheds light on some extremely interesting pages, from which it is possible to reconstruct how Augustine conceived the relationship between the Christian religion and the Empire. Rejecting the accusations according to which the Christian religion would be an "enemy of the State," he affirms instead that, if it were given the attention it deserves, it would give Rome "a foundation and a consecration" which it never knew during its history. Moreover, Augustine's considerations do not only concern the military sphere, but every aspect of civil life, recognizing Christianity as an element of maximum guarantee for the stability of institutions and of the entire society.

This monographic section questions the concept of domesticity, and some of its concrete developments, both as a principle of order and as a device through which historically and culturally variable differences and meanings are articulated – starting with those associated with it from the very beginning, namely the values of stability, solidity and centredness. The essays collected here challenge the idea of a separation between domestic and political space, which is made to coincide tout court with that between private and public space. For a long time, this dichotomy relegated domesticity to a politically irrelevant dimension. Instead, it is the home as a political form that is here investigated and questioned. ; Questa sezione monografica interroga il concetto di domesticità, e alcuni suoi sviluppi concreti, sia come principio d'ordine, sia come dispositivo grazie al quale vengono articolate differenze e significati storicamente e culturalmente variabili – a partire da quelli ad essa associati fin dalle origini, ovvero i valori di stabilità, solidità, centratura. I saggi qui raccolti contestano l'idea di una separazione tra spazio domestico e spazio politico fatta coincidere tout court con quella tra spazio privato e spazio pubblico che a lungo ha relegato la domesticità a dimensione politicamente irrilevante. A essere indagata e interrogata è invece la casa come forma politica.

This article aims to examine the stability of Venice's constitutional and political system during the late Middle Ages, by considering the question from a new perspective. The analysis of the documents relative to Marino Falier's conspiracy (1355), has elucidated three factors of political, economic, and cultural nature that helped overcome the subsequent impasse: the immediate reaction of the institutions, the attention to the economic framework, the good management of the image and the memory of the episode. These three factors were ever-present, and are also evident in the other two serious political crises that occurred during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, although with a different intensity and quality. ; Il saggio intende esaminare la tenuta del sistema politico-costituzionale veneziano nel tardomedioevo, cercando di porre la questione in una nuova prospettiva. Contando sul caso-studio della congiura di Marino Falier del 1355, l'analisi dei documenti ha proposto tre fattori di tipo politico, economico e culturale rivelatisi fondamentali per il superamento del momento di stallo: prontezza degli organismi giudiziari, attenzione al tessuto economico, gestione dell'immagine e della memoria. Fattori, questi, sempre operanti e che è possibile rintracciare anche durante le altre due gravi crisi politico-costituzionali nel Tre e Quattrocento, sebbene con una intensità e qualità differente.

Stability is defined as an international system with the same distribution of power for a long period of time. World order is defined as a governance anchored to the promotion of four steady values (the units of measurement) in each arena of international relations: democracy (political), market (economic), peace (military), national self-determination leading to single-nation states (cultural). Multipolar and bipolar systems were stable, but disordered, as values promoted by the main powers were not steady. Change periods were/ are unstable: from 1915 to 1945 and after 1989. In the 1990s there was an attempt to consolidate both order and stability, through the concert of powers; as pluri-national states prevailed after 1989, it was only a 'near order'. Since 2001, there has been neither stability (both unipolarism and multipolarism failed), nor order, as the promotion of those values has been weakened by the West (especially by Obama and Trump) because of the objections of Islamic fundamentalist groups (and in part by China, Russia, Venezuela). A "disordered stability" and the return to the conservative diplomacies of 'real-politik' (with the West promoting 'lesser evil' authoritarian regimes and waging wars to fight Islamic fundamentalism) has not re-emerged yet. The Usa are not a great power anymore, as both Obama and Trump were/are shy and uncertain in foreign policy. An "unstable order" would be anchored to the promotion of single-nation (only Shiite or only Sunni, Palestinian, Kurd) states. ; La stabilità di un sistema internazionale è collegata alla stessa distribuzione del potere per un lungo periodo di tempo. L'ordine mondiale può essere definito come quella forma di governance che viene ancorata alla promozione di alcuni valori costanti (le unità di misura) in ogni arena delle relazioni internazionali: democrazia (politica), mercato (economica), pace (militare) e auto-determinazione nazionale che porta a stati mono-nazionali (culturale). I sistemi multipolari e bipolari sono stati stabili, ma disordinati, perché i valori promossi dalle maggiori potenze non erano costanti. I periodi di cambiamento sono di solito instabili: dal 1915 al 1945 e dopo l'89. Negli anni '90 c'è stato un tentativo di consolidare sia l'ordine che la stabilità, attraverso il concerto delle potenze, ma siccome gli stati pluri-nazionali hanno prevalso, c'è stato solo un ordine "zoppo". Dopo il 2001, non c'è stata né stabilità perché sia l'unipolarismo che il multipolarismo sono falliti, né ordine, perché l'Occidente (soprattutto con Obama e Trump) ha indebolito la promozione di quei tre valori di fronte alle obiezioni dei gruppi islamici fondamentalisti, e (in parte) di Cina, Russia, Venezuela. Non è ancora riemersa una "stabilità disordinata" e il ritorno alle diplomazie conservatrici della real-politik, con l'Occidente che promuove regimi autoritari considerati "mali minori" e che scatena guerre per combattere i fondamentalisti islamici. Gli Usa non sono più una grande potenza, a causa della politica estera timida e incerta di Obama e Trump. Un "ordine instabile" sarebbe collegato alla promozione di stati mono-nazionali: uno palestinese, uno curdo, ed entità con cittadini solo sciiti o solo sunniti.

U radu se, na temelju podataka prikupljenih u istraživanjima koja je u osam vremenskih točaka u proteklih dvadeset godina na reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatskih građana proveo Fakultet političkih znanosti, analizira stanje institucionalnog povjerenja u Hrvatskoj. Oslanjajući se na teorijske koncepte Davida Eastona i Pippe Norris te uvažavajući prethodne studije o institucionalnom povjerenju u Hrvatskoj, rad donosi i neke nove elemente. Dok većina prethodnih radova obuhvaća najviše tri točke mjerenja u kratkom vremenskom rasponu i analizi latentne strukture institucionalnog povjerenja pristupa kroz eksploratorni pristup, ovaj se rad temelji na analizi osam vremenskih točaka i analizira prikladnost postojećih teorijskih modela. Usto, analiza fluktuacija u razinama institucionalnog povjerenja temelji se na utvrđivanju invarijantnosti mjerenja, što je važan metodološki doprinos rada. Osnovni rezultati studije mogu se podijeliti u tri grupe. Prvo, na deskriptivnoj razini utvrdili smo da je povjerenje građana u pojedine institucije najčešće ispod srednje vrijednosti na ljestvici od 1 do 5, osim u slučajevima vojske i policije. Drugo, analiza pokazuje da hrvatski građani razlikuju dva tipa institucionalnog povjerenja – povjerenje u predstavničke institucije i povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti. Treće, analiza je pokazala kako se u razdoblju od 1999. do 2020. povjerenje građana u predstavničke institucije smanjilo, dok je povjerenje u institucije sigurnosti ostalo izrazito stabilno. Na temelju toga moguće je izvesti dva važna zaključka. Ponajprije, korištenje invarijantnosti mjerenja trebalo bi postati standardom za buduća istraživanja povjerenja u kojima se uspoređuju različite vremenske točke. Potom, niska razina povjerenja u predstavničke institucije sugerira otuđenost građana od tih institucija i predstavlja problem funkcioniranju predstavničke demokracije u Hrvatskoj. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative ...

Il lavoro cerca di valutare il possibile ruolo della Comunità Energetica del Sud Est Europa quale fattore di stabilita' nell'area Balcanica. Il Trattato fondativo della Comunita' assegna a questa l'obiettivo di condurre una cooperazione in campo energetico al fine diffondere istituzioni e normative condivise, quali elementi di superamento del conflitto: tuttavia, sono molti gli ostacoli posti su questo cammino sia di natura interna alla regione che esterna, per l'influenza di fattori e poteri internazionali interessati all'area. Il processo di transizione in molti dei paesi del quadrante non e' ancora concluso e molti sono i nodi politici successivi ai processi di disgregazione della Federazione Jugoslava ancora presenti e non risolti. I progetti di corridoi energetici portati avanti dall'Unione Europea, Stati Uniti e Russia, concentrano sui Balcani un interesse sempre alto e tali attenzioni potrebbero influire sui processi d'area e sulle scelte politiche da compiersi. Sullo sfondo di tutto cio' un altro importante fattore contribuisce alle dinamiche in corso: la crisi economica ha fatto sentire la sua presenza anche nella regione balcanica e questo crea importanti squilibri che devono essere valutati alla luce di processi di cooperazione quale quello della Comunita' Energetica. ; The aim of my thesis is to evaluate the possible role of the Energy Community South East Europe as a factor of stability in the Balkans. The founding Treaty gives to the Community the goal to create and improve the cooperation in energy field to promote shared norms and institutions, as elements to overcome the conflict period: however, there are many obstacles on this path since domestic and external factors, due to the influence of international powers interested in the area. Many Countries in the region have not concluded the transition process yet and there are many political problems following the processes of disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the European Union, United States and Russia, energy corridor projects planned in the region are focusing on the Balkans important interests on geo political point of view. These dynamics could affect the processes and policy choices in the area. The background of the whole scenario is another important factor that is contributing to the dynamics in progress: the economic crisis has shown its presence even in the Balkan region and this creates significant imbalances that need to be evaluated on the light of processes of cooperation such as the Energy Community .

In March 2018, the National People's Congress of China adopted of the fifth amendment to the current constitutional text. In the five years prior to the vote, the CCP and state organs published a series of speeches and documents in order to reaffirm the centrality of the Constitution in the country's political life. The Constitution hence became one of the keywords of political discourse and one central topic in news production by national and international media. After the adoption of the amendment, the flow of media communication on the topic spread rapidly into the realm of Chinese cultural and creative industry. This paper will map how the amendment adopted in 2018 was linked to a discursive framework, built on the consolidation of a genre repertoire aimed at reinforcing political stability and regime legitimacy in China.

Članak obrazlaže potrebu eksplicitnoga uključivanja civilnoga društva u Rawlsov sustav političkog liberalizma. Članak identificira tri problema u Rawlsovu sustavu i tada kroz definicije civilnoga društva Keanea, Taylora, Gellnera i Rosenblum izlaže mogućnosti njihova rješavanja. Prvi je problem onaj stabilnosti demokratskih sustava, koji je Rawls riješio uvođenjem preklapajućeg konsenszusa. Rawls, ipak nije dostatno objasnio dinamiku interakcije između razložnih doktrina, čime je ostavio prostor za gubitak potpore trenutnoj političkoj koncepciji pravde u slučajevima u kojima politički predstavnici previše često ignoriraju stavove razložnih doktrina. Drugi je problem onaj nerazložnih doktrina: Rawls planira da ih se riješi uobičajenim pravnim mehanizmima, ali ne elaborira kako se mogu nadzirati njihove aktivnosti. Posljednji je problem onaj stvaranja i mijenjanja javnoga uma, u kojem Rawls ne daje dostatne načine na koji javnost može utjecati na odluke zakonodavaca, sudstva i državnih dužnosnika. Esej identificira elemente definicija civilnoga društva koji rješavaju ova tri problema i zaključuje da bi Rawlsov sustav bio ojačan uključivanjem civilnoga društva. ; The essay argues for explicit inclusion of civil society into Rawls's system of political liberalism. It identifies three problems in Rawls's system and then using the definitions of civil society by Keane, Taylor, Gellner and Rosenblum presents the opportunities for their solution. The first problem is the one of stability of democratic systems, which Rawls solved by introducing overlapping consensus. The essay argues that Rawls does not sufficiently account for the dynamics of the interaction between reasonable doctrines, which can conceivably result in the withdrawal of support for the current political conception of justice if the citizens' representatives too often ignore the views of too many reasonable doctrines. The second problem is the one of unreasonable doctrines: Rawls plans that they be kept under check by legal mechanisms, but does not elaborate on how their activities can be supervised. The final problem is the one of the (re)creation of public reason, in which Rawls offers insufficient means through which the public can influence the actions of law-makers, the judiciary and state officials. The essay identifies the elements of the definitions of civil society that address the three problems and concludes that Rawls's system would be made stronger by the introduction of civil society.