Suchergebnisse

Zamierzeniem autorki niniejszego artykułu jest naukowa analiza wpływu kultury i dyplomacji kulturalnej Unii Europejskiej na pobudzanie i stymulowanie procesu integracji Europy, który pozostaje dziś w nieustannym zaburzeniu i braku stabilności. Chodzi tu o problemowe podejście do unijnych strategii zmiany i rozwoju, w tym strategii "Europa 2020" - na rzecz inteligentnego i zrównoważonego rozwoju sprzyjającego włączeniu społecznemu, które zakładają realizację wielu nowych unijnych wspólnotowych inicjatyw i rozwiązań praktycznych, także tych dotyczących sektora kultury oraz sektora kreatywnego i audiowizualnego. Unia Europejska po roku 2020 zamierza być gotowa do osiągnięcia wysokiego stopnia zatrudnienia i wydajności oraz większej spójności społecznej. Aby to było realne Unia musi zapewnić bardziej atrakcyjne warunki ramowe dla innowacji i kreatywności. Pod tym względem sektor kultury oraz sektor kreatywny i audiowizualny są źródłem nowatorskich pomysłów, które mogą zamienić się w produkty i usługi przyczyniające się do wzrostu gospodarczego i tworzenia miejsc pracy, pomagając stawić czoła kryzysowi i problemom społecznym. Kryzys gospodarczy i społeczny w Europie rozprzestrzenia się również na świat kultury. Identyfikujemy tu katalog trudno rozwiązywalnych problemów związanych z rozdrobnieniem sfery kultury i jego wytworów, globalizacją i digitalizacją, niedoinwestowaniem, niewłaściwą ochroną własności intelektualnej i praw autorskich oraz niewystarczającą międzynarodową współpracą kulturalną. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.

Socio-economic conditions of refugees' settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s.The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups. ; The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.

Szczecin, Gdańsk and Królewiec (Königsberg) in the 19th century were the most important Prussian ports on the Baltic Sea. However, due to the general trends of the global economy, their role as trade centers has been marginalised. Under the influence of top-down modernization tendencies (agrarian reforms, liberalization of the economy, democratization of political processes, stability of the administrative system) they became modern economic, political and cultural centres. They confirmed their position as regional centres, but were outclassed by other centers in Germany and Europe.

Region Bliskiego Wschodu jest znany z antyzachodnich nastrojów. Mimo to wiele rządów arabskich prowadzi prozachodnią politykę. Jednym z państw współpracujących z Europą i USA jest Jordania. Taka opcja polityczna monarchii haszymidzkiej ma jednak głębokie przyczyny historyczne i wynika z nietypowych uwarunkowań tego państwa. Należy przypomnieć, że samo powstanie Jordanii wynikało ze współpracy władz brytyjskich z Haszymidami. Państwo to utworzono w 1921 r. początkowo pod nazwą Transjordania, w wyniku decyzji politycznych Londynu. Od tego czasu do 1956 r. trwała współpraca Ammanu z Wielką Brytanią. Fakt, że w 1946 r. Jordania uzyskała niepodległość niewiele zmienił – państwo Haszymidów pozostawało zależne od Brytyjczyków. Symbolem tej nierównorzędnej współpracy była osoba Johna Bagota Glubba. Ten brytyjski ofi cer stał się głównodowodzącym armii jordańskiej. Arabowie uważali go za przedstawiciela imperium, on sam jednak był przekonany, że służy interesom arabskim. Mimo, że rozwój Jordanii zależał od dotacji Londynu, władze w Ammanie zachowały swobodę decyzji. W 1956 r. król Husajn I usunął z kraju J.B. Glubba i zerwał sojusz z Wielką Brytanią. Dynastia haszymidzka odrzuciła związek z Londynem, by pozyskać nacjonalistów arabskich. Jednocześnie król Husajn I nawiązał ścisły, choć nieformalny, sojusz z USA. To Waszyngton zaczął dotować skarb Jordanii i jego siły zbrojne. Współpraca ta trwa do dziś. Jednocześnie Amman potrafi ł w pewnych momentach przeciwstawić się polityce USA. Tak było w 1967 r. i w latach 1990–1991 w czasie pierwszego konfl iktu USA z Irakiem, podczas którego Amman popierał Bagdad. Generalnie jednak reżim jordański utrzymywał opcję prozachodnią. Rząd haszymidzki dąży przede wszystkim do utrzymania stabilności ustroju monarchicznego. Współpraca z USA, a wcześniej z Brytyjczykami, nie wynika z założeń ideowych, lecz służy temu podstawowemu celowi. Jednocześnie współpraca z Anglosasami ma w przypadku Haszymidów długą tradycję i dobrze służy ich założeniom politycznym. ; The Middle East is known for its anti-western attitudes. Despite that, many Arab governments pursue pro-western policy. One of the countries that cooperates with Europe and the USA is Jordan. The specifi c political stance of the Hashemite monarchy has, however, strong historical reasons and results from untypical conditions of this state. One should mention that the very formation of Jordan resulted from the cooperation of British authorities with the Hashemite. The state was formed in 1921, at fi rst under the name of Transjordan, in result of political decisions of London. In 1921–1956 Amman cooperated with Great Britain. The fact that in 1946 Jordan gained independence did not change a lot. The country of the Hashemite remained dependant on the British. The symbol of this unequal cooperation was the person of John Bagot Glubb. This British officer became the commander of the Jordan army. The Arabs considered him as a representative of the empire, but he himself was convinced that he was serving the Arab interests. Despite the fact that the development of Jordan depended on donations of London, the authorities in Amman maintained freedom of decision making. In 1956 king Hussein removed J.B. Glubb from the country and broke the alliance with the Great Britain. The Hashemite dynasty rejected the relations with London so as to win over the Arab nationalists. At the same time king Hussein I established a strict but informal alliance with the USA. It was Washington that started to donate the state treasury and its armed forces. This cooperation has continued until today. Simultaneously, Amman was able at moments to oppose the policy of the USA. It happened in 1967 and in 1990–1991 during the fi rst confl ict of the USA with Iraq, when Amman supported Baghdad. Generally speaking, however, the Jordan regime maintained its prowestern option. The Hashemite government strives fi rst and foremost to maintain stability of the monarchy system. Cooperation with the USA, and previously with the British did not result, however, from ideological reasons, but serving the basic aim. At the same time, in case of the Hashemite, cooperation with Anglo-Saxons has long tradition and serves well their political assumptions.

Electoral systems are one of the most important instruments via which political actors shape national politics. For some groups they are seen as a source of future reward, while for others they lead to their demise, eliminating them from any right to decide about the politics of the state. Th ere is no system that is able to combine both guaranteed stability of power with a faithful refl ection of the political solutions sought aft er by the voters. For this reason it is all the more justifi ed to look at electoral systems through the prism of the interests of political parties, especially of those who have the necessary majority to see various projects adopted. Th e change of the Polish Senate's electoral system in 2011 is an excellent example of how the interests of political parties can override those of the voters.

This paper attempts to describe the constitution process in Ukraine from 1990 to 2006, given the dispute between the President and the Highest Council (Parliament). The transformations of post-soviet republics that followed the collapse of the USSR created a need for new political, social and economic agreements to be drawn up to befit the new times. The reforming process of these realms of Ukrainian society's activity was reflected in the evolution of Ukrainian constitutional principles. The Ukrainian Constitution determines the political and administrative system of the state. The amendments proposed have favored either the President or the Highest Council, depending on the political situation in the country. Despite numerous attempts, the most important reforms of the system have still not been implemented in Ukraine, which is hardly conducive to the state's stability. The emergence of the foundation for the political system of the independent Ukrainian state is a good illustration of how individual interests of different political forces exert a negative impact on the shaping of a civic society and local self-government, based on transparent principles. ; This paper attempts to describe the constitution process in Ukraine from 1990 to 2006, given the dispute between the President and the Highest Council (Parliament). The transformations of post-soviet republics that followed the collapse of the USSR created a need for new political, social and economic agreements to be drawn up to befit the new times. The reforming process of these realms of Ukrainian society's activity was reflected in the evolution of Ukrainian constitutional principles. The Ukrainian Constitution determines the political and administrative system of the state. The amendments proposed have favored either the President or the Highest Council, depending on the political situation in the country. Despite numerous attempts, the most important reforms of the system have still not been implemented in Ukraine, which is hardly conducive to the state's stability. The emergence of the foundation for the political system of the independent Ukrainian state is a good illustration of how individual interests of different political forces exert a negative impact on the shaping of a civic society and local self-government, based on transparent principles.

This paper attempts to describe the constitution process in Ukraine from 1990 to 2006, given the dispute between the President and the Highest Council (Parliament). The transformations of post-soviet republics that followed the collapse of the USSR created a need for new political, social and economic agreements to be drawn up to befit the new times. The reforming process of these realms of Ukrainian society's activity was reflected in the evolution of Ukrainian constitutional principles. The Ukrainian Constitution determines the political and administrative system of the state. The amendments proposed have favored either the President or the Highest Council, depending on the political situation in the country. Despite numerous attempts, the most important reforms of the system have still not been implemented in Ukraine, which is hardly conducive to the state's stability. The emergence of the foundation for the political system of the independent Ukrainian state is a good illustration of how individual interests of different political forces exert a negative impact on the shaping of a civic society and local self-government, based on transparent principles.

The political and economic reforms in Russia since the beginning of the 1990s have made it possible to build a new economic system. Over more than 25 years, this system has evolved under the influence of, among others, economic and financial crises, which resulted in changes in the role of the state, ownership structure and the specificity of the corporate sector. The main goal of the paper is to identify the key elements and features of the economic system in Russia in the specified stages of its evolution and to indicate the perspectives of changes. To achieve this goal, an in-depth analysis was made of the literature and statistical data. The author puts forward the thesis that there are still some premises of the evolution of the economic system in Russia which resulted from the need for structural changes and the exhaustion of the current model of economic growth. However, in the immediate future, the economic system in Russia will not evolve significantly because of the economic stability and the lack of political will to make significant reforms.

The political and economic reforms in Russia since the beginning of the 1990s have made it possible to build a new economic system. Over more than 25 years, this system has evolved under the influence of, among others, economic and financial crises, which resulted in changes in the role of the state, ownership structure and the specificity of the corporate sector. The main goal of the paper is to identify the key elements and features of the economic system in Russia in the specified stages of its evolution and to indicate the perspectives of changes. To achieve this goal, an in-depth analysis was made of the literature and statistical data. The author puts forward the thesis that there are still some premises of the evolution of the economic system in Russia which resulted from the need for structural changes and the exhaustion of the current model of economic growth. However, in the immediate future, the economic system in Russia will not evolve significantly because of the economic stability and the lack of political will to make significant reforms.

The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational. ; The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.

The monography provides a comparative analysis of the constitutional review bodies' activities, their status and efficiency in different Post-Soviet States. It deals with the complex description of the constitutional provisions' compliance, the problems of legal mechanisms and stability, evolution of the local legislation. In this book the authors provide a detailed report of the constitutional review institutions' problems in the process of ensuring its legislative position. In this context we find in the research a description of the legal, political risks of the constitutional control in Post-Soviet States, its social perception and the predictability of its legal systems' development. This work integrates the unique structure of presentation and research materials. By the reflection of this type the authors lay the base for continuing further researches of constitutional review development dynamics in the countries of the region.

Before the First World War, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was one of the largest European countries inhabited by a dozen of ethnic groups who spoke several languages. A language issue was one of the challenges for the Monarchy after the "national awakening" under the influence of the Spring of Nations and changes in society. For a long time, political thinkers of different nationalities discussed various proposals to the Monarchy reform so as it would save its unity and satisfy everyone. Maintaining of this heterogeneous entity by creating a certain balance of forces, taking into account the aspirations of different language groups, was very difficult. In the "Austrian" part of the Monarchy, reigns were based on a pluralistic ethnic policy, strengthening rather than weakening political stability. In the "Hungarian" part, despite the preached rules of far-reaching tolerance, in fear of majorization by the Slavic and Romanian elements, "Magyarization" was carried out, which pushed the role of regional languages to the significance of local dialects. Wrong language and nationality policy carried out by Hungary resulted in the loss of two-thirds of its territory. However, with all its disadvantages, the Monarchy was the first model of a wider "European home" in the modern times. Old Austria can be an example of both right and wrong attempts of approaching social, ethnic or religious problems and is an inexhaustible material for scientific research. ; Przed I wojną światową monarchia austro-węgierska była jednym z największych państw Europy, które zamieszkiwało kilkanaście grup etnicznych i w którym posługiwano się kilkoma językami. Jednym z wyzwań dla niej po "obudzeniu narodowym" pod wpływem Wiosny Ludów i zmianach w społeczeństwie była kwestia językowa. Przez długi czas myśliciele polityczni różnych narodowości występowali z rozmaitymi propozycjami zreformowania monarchii, aby utrzymać ją w całości i zadowolić wszystkich. Utrzymanie tego heterogenicznego tworu przez wytworzenie pewnej równowagi sił z uwzględnieniem aspiracji różnych grup językowych było bardzo trudne. W części "austriackiej" monarchii rządy były oparte na pluralistycznej polityce etnicznej, wzmacniającej, a nie osłabiającej stabilność polityczną. W części "węgierskiej", pomimo głoszonych zasad daleko posuniętej tolerancji, w obawie przed majoryzacją przez elementy słowiańskie i rumuńskie prowadzono "madziaryzację", która spychała rolę języków regionalnych do znaczenia lokalnych narzeczy. Błędną politykę językową i narodowościową Węgry przypłaciły utratą dwóch trzecich swojej powierzchni. Jakkolwiek przy wszystkich swych wadach monarchia stanowiła jednak pierwszy model szerszego "domu europejskiego" w czasach nowożytnych. Stara Austria może być przykładem zarówno słusznych, jak i błędnych prób podejścia do rozwiązywania problemów społecznych, etnicznych czy wyznaniowych oraz stanowi niewyczerpalny materiał do badań naukowych. ; До Первой мировой войны Австро-Венгерская монархия была одним из крупнейших государств Европы, где проживали около дюжины этнических групп и в котором говорили на нескольких языках. Одной из проблем Монархии после «национального пробуждения» под влиянием Весны наций и изменений в обществе была языковая проблема. В течение длительного времени политические мыслители разных национальностей выдвигали различные предложения по реформированию Монархии, поддержанию ее целостности и удовлетворению всех заинтересованных групп. Поддержание этого гетерогенного образования путем создания определенного баланса сил с учетом устремлений различных языковых групп было очень сложным. В «австрийской» части Монархии управление государством было основано на плюралистической этнической политике, укреплении, а не ослаблении политической стабильности. В «венгерской» части, несмотря на декларации о далеко идущей толерантности, в страхе перед мажоризацией славянскими и румынскими элементами, была проведена «мадяризация», которая свела роль региональных языков к значению локальных наречий. Ошибочная языковая и национальная политика стоила потери двух третей ее территории. Однако со всеми своими недостатками, Монархия была первой моделью более широкого «европейского дома» в наше время. Старая Австрия может служить примером как правильных, так и неправильных попыток приблизиться к решению социальных, этнических или религиозных проблем и является неисчерпаемым материалом для научных исследований.

The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.

Austria's political and economic interest in the countries of Central Europe was diverse. Neighborhood policy was interpreted as "a small relaxation that without direct union with the USSR could have contributed to relaxation between East and West". In initiating economic cooperation, it was assumed that the economic stability of Eastern countries would be conducive to the implementation of the basic task of the SPÖ, which is maintaining full employment, would be an optical expression of Austria's neutrality and would contribute to alleviating the effects of Austria's unilateral economic links with Western countries, in particular with Germany. The assumption adopted in Vienna concerned the consent to undertake economic cooperation where it was profitable, but also while respecting the principles typical of the free market. At the beginning it was assumed that industrialization concerns only East Germany and Czechoslovakia. Over time, this approach has changed. Analyzing the foreign policy of Austria, research tools characteristic of the historian and political scientist's workshop were used. The method of analysis and synthesis was adopted. Additionally, the conducted research was supplemented with the institutional method (legal acts regarding the competence to create foreign policy and state treaties). A statistical method was also used to show the scale of trade.

The subject of the article is the culture of political security ideatified from the institutional perspective. The author made anattempt to define a preliminary framework for the use of institutional analysis in the diagnosis of the political security culture. The qualitative criteria for assessing the institution's functionalities, such as effectiveness, flexibility, predictability and stability, may be helpful In this scope. With their help, it is possibile to generalny diagnose the current state of organizations aimed at providing security as well as social institutions. There was also made an attempt to assess the suitability of the qualitative criteria of the institution's functionality in the contemporary conditions of the functioning of the state. The analysis is a preliminary attempt to outline the examined problem. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest kultura bezpieczeństwa politycznego identyfikowana z perspektywy instytucjonalnej. Podjęto tu próbę określenia wstępnych ram wykorzystania analizy instytucjonalnej w diagnozowaniu kultury bezpieczeństwa politycznego. Pomocne mogą być w tym zakresie jakościowe kryteria oceny funkcjonalności instytucji, jak: skuteczność, elastyczność, przewidywalność, stabilność. Za ich pomocą można ogólnie diagnozować aktualny stan organizacji ukierunkowanych na zapewnianie bezpieczeństwa, jak też instytucji społecznych. Podjęto próbę oceny przydatności kryteriów jakościowych funkcjonalności instytucji we współczesnych warunkach funkcjonowania państwa. Analiza jest wstępną próbą zarysowania badanego problemu.