Suchergebnisse

Martha Nussbaum's latest works attempt to give a version of the capability approach that could be consistent with rawlsian political liberalism. The main purpose of this article is to show that this connection is flawed because, first, the deep moral disagreement among citizens are dissolved by a petitio principii and, in second term, because political stability is not enough sustained. Adapted from the source document.

O PRESENTE artigo relata os resultados de um exercício de cenários políticos realizado pelo Instituto de Estudos Avançados (IEA-USP) no quadro de um projeto mais amplo patrocinado pelo Executivo federal. Os autores traçam inicialmente um cenário positivo, caracterizado por estabilidade política, aperfeiçoamento do sistema de partidos e do Legislativo, e melhores políticas sociais. Passam, em seguida, a dois cenários negativos, nos quais aqueles objetivos dificilmente serão atingidos. Dado que a ocorrência do cenário positivo provavelmente exigirá reformas políticas substanciais, os autores analisam algumas das propostas debatidas ao longo das últimas duas décadas, notadamente as que objetivam fortalecer o sistema partidário, melhorar as relações Executivo versus Legislativo e tornar o sistema como um todo mais representativo (accountable). ; THIS article reports the results of a political scenario-building exercise carried out by the Institute of Advanced Studies within the framework of a larger project sponsored by the federal government. The authors first draw a positive scenario, characterized by political stability, improvement of the party system and of the legislative machinery, and better social policies. Next they turn to two negative scenarios, under which the above-mentioned goals seem unlikely to be reached. The positive scenario is unlikely to come about without substantial political reforms. An effort is therefore made to analyze reform proposals debated in the country over the last two decades, with special reference to those aiming to strengthen the party system, improve Executive versus Legislative relations and increase accountability in the political system as a whole.

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir, de forma interdisciplinar, as condições necessárias e os caminhos para concretizar um modelo econômico e político de maior autonomia no cenário mundial para os países da América do Sul. O enfoque parte das condições políticas e sociais configuradas pela região ao fim da primeira década do presente século, enfatizando o papel do Brasil e considerando as relações econômicas e políticas do contexto internacional, a estabilidade política e o crescente protagonismo da China nos países da região. Analisa ainda aspectos referentes à importância da política social e da política de defesa comum sob a União das Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul). ; The aim of this paper is to discuss, in an interdisciplinary way, the necessary conditions and steps to achieve a more autonomous political and economic model on the world stage for South America countries. It departs from the political and social conditions of the region by the end of the first decade of this century. Emphasis is placed on the role of Brazil across the region in the light of the economic and political relations in the international arena, political stability and the growing influence of China. It also examines issues concerning the importance of maintaining an inclusive social policy and a common defense policy under the Southern America Nations Union (Unasur).

In its first part, the article provides the historical context for the adoption of the Treaty on Stability. Acknowledging the political irreversibility of its endorsement, it assesses the problems posed by a number of its clauses, namely in juridical interpretation. In the second half, an evaluation is carried out of the political inability the EU has shown in overcoming the Eurozone crisis. To this purpose, a series of measures are pointed out that have been identified as feasible ways of ensuring the democratic legitimacy of a future economic governance of the Euro. Adapted from the source document.

The Portuguese successful superation of the current crisis depends on its decisions but also on the financial stabilization of the euro area and how the European Union continues to address it. The economic, political, and institutional roots of this crisis can be found nor only within the most affected countries but also in the construct and in the political management of the euro area as a whole. Despite the Portuguese structural problems and imbalances the contagion effects are obvious from the crisis timeline. Stopping contagion and preserving the stability of the whole area is the Union's most pressing objective. Adapted from the source document.

KEYWORDS: center of government; governance arrangement; policy coordination; democracy; Brazil.ABSTRACT Introduction: This paper aims to analyze how the Center of Government (CoG) operates as units responsible for conducting the presidential agenda in contemporary Brazil. Materials and Methods: The study applied the theoretical approach of CoG as a governance arrangement and used qualitative and quantitative data to reach its objective. Besides the bibliographic review on the literature and official documents, the study synthesizes and deepens empirical data and information from a joint research project covering the period of political stability in Brazil, from 1995 to 2014, when elected presidents ended their terms. Results: The empirical findings confirm that CoG is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon. It puts a critical perspective on the normative "good governance" approach that overvalues its technical dimension and neglects its political aspect. Discussion: The inquiry results shed light on the importance of the relation between politics and policy, by demonstrating that CoG's configuration and functions vary due to multiple causes, each president's priority policy agenda is implemented with different strategies and; the prioritized policies follow a unique coordination logic inside the Brazilian federal government.

Brazil lives a particular moment of political and economic stability, seldom seen in its history, resulting from a process initiated with the democratization of the country. This article analyses how Lula and the PT after gaining power implemented their agenda of economic and social transformation. It argues that the reflexes of these practices allowed foreign policy to, in several instances, compensate for the fragilities of the PT's strategy, serving as its ideological counterweight. Adapted from the source document.