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本研究以一个曾经在文革中施暴的红卫兵──李乾的生命传记为个案,以布迪厄的社会实践理论为理论框架,探讨主体参与文革与记忆、反思文革的实践,以及对文革意义的理解,进而理解一系列红卫兵实践(尤其是暴力实践)的逻辑。不同于已有文革研究的精英史和社会史路径,本研究试图发展一种传记取向的文革研究路径,分析个体生命经验与其所处社会情境,红卫兵的惯习与其所处的场域的复杂关系,由此更深刻地理解文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 首先,本研究聚焦这些红卫兵文革初期对文革的认知、情感机制与行动策略,指出其实践如何受制于无产阶级专政场域与惯习的作用,如何再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化,即再生产无产阶级专政的象征秩序、权力技术、话语方式与组织机制,如何再生产文革"武斗"的直接暴力与"文斗"的话语暴力。并且,本研究试图说明早期"造反者"的"造反"动力来自其与老红卫兵在革命资格竞争中的"相对剥夺感";这种"造反"并不是为了反抗主流的象征秩序,而是努力争取自身在这套象征秩序中的优势位置和资本。 ; 其次,本研究探讨主体生命经验中关键性的暴力事件──"一二.五"事件的实际发生过程,分析"一二.五"事件中这些红卫兵对暴力的认知与情感,以及暴力如何被合法化及赋权,其中的专政对象──"流氓"是如何被建构与想象的,由此揭示特定的政治文化脉络中主体的贱斥动力以及这一暴力实践的逻辑。红卫兵暴力惯习的形塑,不仅受制于文革的革命场域的作用,更受制于建国以来历时性的无产阶级专政场域的作用;同时,这一惯习的运作又在维持和再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 此外,本研究探讨主体在"一二.五"事件后,如何在一系列社会互动的过程中,逐步实现了意识的转化和主体性变迁,如何从符号中介的生命经验中引入新的认知与情感机制重新理解"一二.五"事件、文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。这种批判性的反思实践与主体所处行动场域中的社会位置以及所能接收的多元的、异质性的符号资源密切相关,可以形塑主体惯习的转化,生产新的社会实践以及相应社会关系的改变。 ; 最后,本研究试图将当下民间文革记忆与反思实践置于文革与后文革、毛时代与后毛时代的连续性与转型的关系之中,指出为民间记忆与反思实践赋权的政治文化意义。这一反记忆实践不仅打捞普通人被遗忘的、被边缘化的文革记忆,也介入对历史与现实的批判,积极争取个体对历史的话语权,与对现实政治、文化的参与权。 ; Taking the life biography of a former Red Guard Li Qian who committed violence during the Cultural Revolution (CR) as a case, this research employs Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social practice to explore the Red Guards' participatory, mnemonic and reflective practices during the CR, as well as their understanding of the CR, with the aim of further understanding the logics of the Red Guards' practices (especially their violent practices). Different from the traditional approaches of political history and social history, this study attempts to develop a biography approach to study the CR. It analyzes the complex relations between individuals' life experiences and their social contexts, between the Red Guards' habitus and the specific field, to understand the political culture of the CR and the Proletarian Dictatorship. ; First, this study focuses on the Red Guards' cognitive and emotional mechanism and action strategy during the early days of the CR. It investigates how their practices are subject to the conditioning of the field and ...

This article aims to follow up the institutionalization process of the primary education in the rural areas of Bessarabia (today Republic of Moldova), during the inter-war period (1918-1940), from the perspective of the application of the corporal punishment in the public schools. The application of the corporal punishment also interacted with certain matters related to the everyday process of the primary education in the villages, such as the teachers' relationships with the local community, the school attendance, or the internal group dynamics within the pedagogical collectives in the rural schools. The corporal punishment was codified and became increasingly scarce in the inter-war years, correspondingly with the change of the attitudes both of the teachers and the pupils' parents towards the primary school.

According to the Constitution of 1866, the prerogatives of Carol I permitted him to be a mediator in the political struggle between liberals and conservatives, as a constitutional monarch. In 1866, there were different political groups, liberal and conservative, which formed unstable governments (1866-1871). The political stability was assured for a short period by the conservative government (1871-1876). In time, the political groups decided to unite, founding the two major parties, the National Liberal Party (1875)and the Conservative Party (1880). Both parties tended to monopolize the political power for a long period of time, generating tensions between government-opposition (1876-1888 – liberal government and 1888-1895 – conservative government). During 1895 and 1914 functioned the "rotativa guvernamentală" ("governmental rotation"), representing a particularity of the Romanian two-party system, characterized as an organized alternation in government of National Liberal Party with Conservative Party.

香港基進政治組織人民力量放棄以激進方式表達訴求,改以「快樂抗爭」作為政治策略以吸引大量群眾參與,並形成可觀的政治力量施予政府政治壓力。人民力量雖然以基進組織自居,何以取「快樂抗爭」作為它的政治策略呢?在此論文會仔細討論「快樂抗爭」如何以喜慶節日之感,讓與者用以直接抗爭為手法,承擔昂貴的政治成本來表達訴求,代之以輕鬆快之手段鼓動更多公眾參與。同一時間,縱使情緒搧動可以直接鼓動民眾與政治運動,然而情緒也有不智的一面。為了讓參與者宣洩他們的不滿,減低運動失控的情況,人民力量採納具有浄化作用的「快樂抗爭」作為它的抗爭手段。以下文章同時採用質性及質量硏究,以明情緒在社會運動中扮演的角色。 ; People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong, abandoned their disruptive approach, and adopted a new tactic of social movementjoyous resistancewhich attracted large numbers of participants. In this way, People Power became an influential political lever, exerting great pressure on the government. Why did this radical political party, People Power, abandon its stance of resistance through physical confrontation, and opt for a moderate approach, joyous resistance, to express their anger and voice their grievances at the government and at the group's antagonists? The shift in tactics has certainly been a successful one, attracting the attention of the public and helped a marginalized radical political party, People Power, to win three seats in 2012 Legislative Council Election. Although traditional theories of social movements have largely neglected the importance of emotion, the case of People Power shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource to reduce the cost of participation when compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence when People Power uses emotional appeals to mobilize the masses. In this thesis the concept of joyous resistance is introduced and the salient role of emotion in social movements is discussed, using case studies on People Power, the League of Social Democrats, the Democratic Party and the Civic Human Rights Front. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis will be conducted for the following thesis. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Ng, Vitrierat. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-215). ; Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes ...

許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...