Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Although democratic and liberal societies proscribe the use of violence to promote political ideas, political violence is considered by some groups as a manner of doing politics in a different way. We conducted a qualitative sociological survey among French far left groups. In their discourse, we identified four grammars of legitimation of political violence used by these political groups. This research contributes to knowledge concerning the dual grammar of instrumental vs. normative legitimations of political violence (see Sommier, 2008). It also broadens knowledge of the "techniques of neutralization" described by Sykes and Matza (1957) in their study of deviance. ; Aun cuando en las sociedades democráticas y liberales se desaprueba la utilización de la violencia para promover las ideas o las opciones políticas, para muchos grupos constituye una manera de "hacer la política de otra manera". Hemos adelantado una investigación en sociología cualitativa acerca de los movimientos políticos llamados de extrema izquierda, la cual nos ha permitido identificar cuatro repertorios de legitimación de la violencia política. Esta investigación permite enriquecer la oposición entre legitimación instrumental y legitimación normativa de la violencia (Sommier, 2008), pero también las "técnicas de neutralización" discursivas, puestas de manifiesto por la sociología de la desviación (véase Sykes y Matza, 1957), empleadas por quienes infringen la ley para legitimar sus actos. ; Bien que dans les sociétés démocratiques et libérales, l'usage de la violence visant à promouvoir des idées ou des options politiques soit réprouvé, il constitue pour bien des groupes une manière de « faire de la politique d'une autre façon ». Nous avons mené une enquête de sociologie qualitative auprès de mouvements politiques dits d'extrême gauche. Celle-ci nous permet d'identifier quatre répertoires de légitimation de la violence politique. Cette recherche permet ainsi d'enrichir l'opposition entre légitimation instrumentale et ...

This article adds to typological research on political violence and terrorism. A neglected way in the field, including by theoretical research. The goal is to marginalize frequent and divisive dilemmas in the field, especially dilemmas about definition and causes of terrorism. The proposed typology of political violence is deductive. It avoids two weaknesses of current typologies: reliance on a definition of terrorism and lack of link between state and non-state violence. The violent organization is characterized by three criteria: who, why and how? It integrates time variable to allow dynamic analysis of violent organizations. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; Italy in the 1960s and 1980s experienced a remarkable wave of political violence involving the extreme right, the extreme left and the State. In order to highlight the mechanisms accompanying the emergence of this type of phenomenon and the way in which the violence actors relate to it, we conducted a qualitative sociological survey of 33 extra-parliamentary left-wing activists from this period. In opposition to the researches done so far on the topic (Bosi and Della Porta, 2012; Della Porta, 2013; Sommier, 1992), we will show the need to include the pragmatic interpretation of political violence in its politico-ideological paradigm and to propose a critical reading of the temporal evolution of these patterns according to the generations of activists encountered, in the sense, for example, that the paradigm of defensive violence does not intervene in the "escalation" phase of the conflict but from its origin. We will also highlight the role of the perception of a closure of political opportunities in the mechanisms of production of violence within the most militarized political groups rather than in the broader social movement. ; L'Italie des années 1960-1980 a connu une vague de violence politique remarquable impliquant l'extrême droite, l'extrême gauche, l'État. Afin de mettre en évidence les mécanismes qui accompagnent l'émergence de ce type de phénomènes et la façon dont les acteurs de la gauche extra-parlementaire qui la mettent en œuvre s'y rapportent, nous avons mené une enquête de sociologie qualitative auprès de 33 militants de cette période. À rebours des travaux jusqu'alors réalisés sur l'Italie (Bosi et Della Porta, 2012 ; Della Porta, 2013 ; Sommier, 1992), nous montrerons la nécessité de subsumer l'interprétation pragmatiste de la violence politique dans sa lecture politico-idéologique et proposerons une lecture critique de l'évolution temporelle de ces schémas selon les générations de militants rencontrés, en ce sens par exemple que le rapport défensif à la violence n'intervient pas dans la phase d'« escalade » du conflit mais dès son origine. Nous soulignerons également le rôle de la perception d'une clôture des opportunités politiques dans les mécanismes de production de la violence au sein des groupes militants les plus militarisés plutôt que dans le mouvement social plus largement.

Based on our research experience in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, this article tries to shed some lights on the difficulties of dealing with violence, from the field research to its restitution. Whereas some difficulties in addressing violence resort to the specificity of the Palestinian context, many traps pertains to the larger social sciences practices: under-interpretation of violence, or its contrary, leading to over-victimization of individuals; the most attractive trend, especially in political science, remains in focusing only on causalities & perpetrators of violence. We try to show how heuristic could be a bottom-up approach, aimed at ordinary places & people where violence is daily dealt with -- more than produced. From a practical point of view, we demonstrate how ethnographic immersion is then not only inevitable but meaningful. We finally raise certain seldom addressed ethical questions, stressed by the ethnographic approach of a highly contentious field. Adapted from the source document.

Islamic Violence and International Terrorism Networks, by Alain CHOUET
The outrageousness of the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington has focused political leaders, security services and média on a very peculiar form of violence appeared in connection with the Muslim world. Beyond the Al Qaeda issue, that lost mot of its interest since the fall of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, this focus has very much masked the fact that terrorism and political violence in the Muslim and Arabie world are not only very active still, but dépend also on policies and strategies both at the local and regional level, that do not reflect at ail a clash of civilisations. Those who misunderstand that phenomenon are truly playing into Bin Laden's hands, weakening the antiterrorist war and feeding the cycle of violence.

The Saudi Arabia Between Violence and Reform by Stéphane Lacroix The two questions of reform and political violence have become the center of all discussions about the future of the Saudi kingdom Our approach here is to examine the recent evolutions that have taken place within the Saudi political-intellectual sphere in order to get better understanding of the nature and potential of the new forces invol ved on the one hand the jihadi salafi movement from its ideologues to its activists who have claimed responsibility for most of the terrorist acts committed in the king dom since May 2003 on the other hand the islamo-liberal reformist trend who has been behind most of the political petitions presented to the royal family since January 2003 The regime has up to now been reasonably successful in its fight against the jihadis while it has taken number of preliminary steps towards political social and religious change But will it prove determined enough not to rest on the laurels earned by its security successes and to continue on the path of reform

on 28 July 2021, Le Figaro's daily newspaper: 'Spectacular rise in violence in France', purporting to reveal the 'analytical review of crime for the first six months of the year' 1. The reality would be catastrophic: "a grasping picture, where it is discovered that the degree of violence already exceeds, in the middle of the year, the level reached during the stiff sequence of yellow vests in the first half of 2019." Indeed, "homicides and assaults exceed, from January to June, the pre-health crisis level over the same period, while the climate of social tension in the country has further increased". ; International audience ; on 28 July 2021, Le Figaro's daily newspaper: 'Spectacular rise in violence in France', purporting to reveal the 'analytical review of crime for the first six months of the year' 1. The reality would be catastrophic: "a grasping picture, where it is discovered that the degree of violence already exceeds, in the middle of the year, the level reached during the stiff sequence of yellow vests in the first half of 2019." Indeed, "homicides and assaults exceed, from January to June, the pre-health crisis level over the same period, while the climate of social tension in the country has further increased". ; Le 28 juillet 2021, le quotidien Le Figaro titrait : « Hausse spectaculaire des violences en France », prétendant révéler le « bilan analytique de la délinquance pour les six premiers mois de l'année » 1. La réalité serait catastrophique : « un tableau saisissant, où l'on découvre que le degré de violence dépasse déjà, en ce milieu d'année, le niveau atteint durant la séquence pourtant agitée des gilets jaunes au premier semestre 2019 ». En effet, « les homicides et agressions dépassent, de janvier à juin, le niveau d'avant la crise sanitaire sur la même période, alors que le climat de tension sociale s'est encore accru dans le pays ».