Suchergebnisse

Kako dominantni državni narativ utječu na komemorativne prakse u lokalnim zajednicama u različitim povijesnim razdobljima? Ovom pitanju pristupamo provodeći studiju komemoracija Drugoga svjetskog rata u Gospiću u dva različita perioda promjene političkog režima. Studija se temelji na dokumentima iz gospićkog arhiva, člancima iz lokalnih novina, postojećim znanstvenim radovima o ovom kraju, kao i izvješćima državnih institucija i nevladinih organizacija. Uz to, fotografirali smo očuvane spomenike i groblja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata ili pak prikupili arhivske snimke i građu onih koji su uklonjeni ili uništeni u promjeru od pedeset kilometara oko Gospića. Članak pokazuje kako su se narativi, simboli i rituali koji su činili dio komemoracija nasilja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata promijenili kada su suprotstavljeni politički akteri pokušali uspostaviti vlastitu političku legitimaciju ili zadobiti političku podršku. ; How do dominant state narratives influence commemorative practices in local communities in different historical periods? We address this question by carrying out a study of World War Two commemorations in Gospić in two distinct periods of a political regime transition. The study is based on the documents from the archive of Gospić, articles from the local paper, existing scholarly publications on this area, as well as reports from state institutions and non-governmental organizations. We also photographed standing monuments and graveyards dating back to World War Two, or collected archival images and documentation of those that were removed or destroyed, in a fifty-kilometer radius around Gospić. We show how the narratives, symbols, and rituals that formed part of commemorations of World War Two violence changed when competing political actors attempted to establish their political legitimacy or gain political support.

Istraživanje političkog nasilja, uključujući terorizam, moguće je općenito podijeliti u dvije faze: u prvoj, kvantitativnoj, istraživanja su tražila odgovore na pitanje: tko je što učinio, kada i gdje. Takav se pristup mnogo upotrebljavao u literaturi društvenih nauka. Druga faza vodi k produbljenom istraživanju ljudskog ponašanja postavljajući pitanja o tome zašto određene osobe učestvuju u terorističkim akcijama ili akcijama političkog nasilja. Usprkos činjenici da se uzročnost ne može generalizirati do stupnja u kojem postaje neprimjenjiva, istraživanje uzroka pokazalo se mnogo probitačnijim. Ono omogućava istraživanje problema rješavanja političkog nasilja kroz proces tretiranja njegovih uzroka, umjesto da se orijentira na kažnjavanje zbog njegovih konzekvenci. Osim toga, čini se pomak od deskribiranja i kategoriziranja onoga što se desilo k predviđanju onoga što će se najvjerojatnije dogoditi. Podaci o političkom nasilju koji su već prikupljeni i sistematizirani čine dobar okvir za istraživanje njegovih uzroka. Međutim, zahtjev znanstvene objektivnosti traži oprez kada se analiziraju takvi podaci; informacije često nisu objektivne, a statistika je često nekomparabilna. To je istodobno i jedan indikator da konsensus o tome što je zapravo političko nasilje još nije postignut. Objektivni kriterij za njegovo definiranje često je dopunjen subjektivnim konotacijama, kao što su motivi, težnje i percepcije istraživača i javnosti uopće. Identifikacija uzroka političkog nasilja u posljednje vrijeme privlači mnogo pažnje u literaturi o terorizmu. U osnovi, postoje četiri tipa terorizma determinirana uzrocima. Na prvom je mjestu potrebno uzeti u obzir politički i ideološki terorizam koji je često povezan s pojavom strategije nove ljevice. Drugo, terorizam je također jedan od konzekvenci etničkih i rasnih separatističkih ili emancipatorskih pokreta. Treći je tip karakterističan za aspiracije marginaliziranih društvenih slojeva kao što su studenti na pretrpanim univerzitetima, nezaposleni radnici ili radnici — migranti. Četvrti tip moguće je definirati kao patološki terorizam u koji je moguće svrstati i kriminalne terorističke akcije. Iako terorizam ne može biti objašnjen jednim određenim brojem uzroka, budući da objašnjenje mora računati na veći broj uzroka od četiri spomenute klasifikacije, može to poslužiti za početak identifikacije njegovih uzroka. ; Research on political violence, including terrorism, can broadly be divided into two phases: the first one, quantitative, could be described as seeking answers to questions: who did what, when and how. That one has been extensively dealt with in the current social science literature. The second phase leads into a more thorough research of human behaviour by posing the dilemma why did particular people do such a thing as an act of terrorism or a political murder. In spite of the fact that causality cannot be traced all the way neither generalized without becoming inapplicable, research on causes is far more advantageous. It enables us to look for more definite solutions for the problems of political violence by curing its causes instead of merely punishing for its consequences. Besides, we are thus moving from describing and categorizing what has happened to predicting what is likely to happen. Data on political violence, already gathered and systematized, form the framework for research of its causes. However, the quest for scientific objectivity requires utmost caution when analyzing such data: information is often biased, statistics are frequently incomparable. That is an indication that consensus on what political violence really is has not yet been reached. Objective criteria for its definition are generally supplemented by subjective connotations, such as motives and aims of the perpetrators and perceptions of researchers or of the general public. Identification of causes of political violence has recently gained much attention in literature on terrorism. There are basically four types of terrorism determined by the causes established so far. First, we have to take account political and/or ideological terrorism often tied to the appearance and strategy of the New Left. Secondly, terrorism is also one of the consequences of ethnic and racial separatist or emancipatory movements. The third type could be attributed to socio-economic conditions and aspirations of marginalized social strata, such as students at over-crowded universities, the unemployed or migrant-workers. The fourth type could be defined as pathological terrorism, and criminal terrorist acts can be subsumed into that category. Although terrorism cannot be explained by one set of causes only, as it usually falls into more than one type of the four enumerated above, such a classification serves as a beginning of identification of its causes.

Cilj je ovog rada sagledati i analizirati aktivnosti usmjerene protiv seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima, a koje se provode unutar sustava UN-a i koji su ili mogu biti primjeri primjene koncepta odgovornosti za pružanje zaštite (engl. responsibility to protect – RtoP) na putu k učinkovitoj borbi protiv korištenja seksualnog nasilja u oružanim sukobima. RtoP je relativno novi instrument političkih odnosa koji pretpostavlja odgovornost države da stanovništvo na svom području primjereno zaštiti od genocida, zločina protiv čovječnosti, ratnih zločina i etničkog čišćenja, s jedne strane. S druge strane pretpostavlja i odgovornost međunarodne zajednice u poticanju i pomaganju država kako bi one lakše ostvarile svoju primarnu odgovornost, ali i poduzimanje pravodobnih i odlučnih mjera kada primarna odgovornost očito izostaje. Te se odgovornosti sagledavaju u kontekstu, tzv. tri stupa RtoP koncepta, kroz koje se može promatrati i zaštita pojedinaca (uglavnom žena, ali ne isključivo) od seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima. ; This paper aims to consider and analyze activities against conflict-related sexual violence, which are carried out within the UN system and represent or may serve as examples of the implementation of the concept of responsibility to protect (RtoP) on the path to effectively combating sexual violence in armed conflict. RtoP is a relatively new instrument of political relations that presupposes the responsibility of the state to adequately protect the population in its territory from genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the international community to encourage and assist states in their primary responsibility and taking timely and decisive measures when primary responsibility is clearly absent, on the other. These responsibilities are seen in the context of the socalled three pillars of the RtoP concept, through which the protection of individuals (mostly women, but not exclusively) from ...

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

Brendiranje gradova s nasilnom poviješću obilježeno je srcima, no kakva ljubav pogoduje uspostavljanju i unaprjeđivanju demokratskih zajednica – i kako umjetnici ovoj temi mogu pristupiti na vjerodostojan način? U Belfastu, u Sjevernoj Irskoj, dužnosnici su odlučili srušiti zgradu umjetničke škole, nazvanu po Orfeju, prvome umjetniku i graditelju mira koji je riskirao smrt za ljubav svoje žene i bio brutalno ubijen. Ovaj esej bavi se radom Sandre Johnston, koja se tamo školovala, a kasnije i predavala. Sama žrtva nasilja, svojim hrabrim performansima, instalacijama i videografijom analizira i prikazuje ljubav koja prihvaća: nešto što Martha Nussbaum ističe kao vjerodostojan odraz zrelog, demokratskog stava. ; City branding of contested cities with violent histories has taken hold of hearts, but what kind of love is conducive to establishing and furthering democratic communities - and how can artists approach this subject matter in a credible way? In Belfast, Northern Ireland, officials decided to demolish the art school's building, named after Orpheus, the first artist and peace-builder, who braved death for the love of his wife, and was brutally murdered. This essay reflects on the work of Sandra Johnston, who studied and then taught there. Herself a victim of violence, her courageous performance, installation and video work analyses and models accepting love: that which Martha Nussbaum put forward as credible reflection of a mature, democratic attitude.

Politička stabilnost u velikoj mjeri djeluje na ekonomske performanse određene zemlje. U ovom će se radu primjenom panel-modela sa slučajnim efektom pokazati da politička stabilnost ima znatan utjecaj na produktivnost rada mjerenu BDP-om po zaposlenom. Pritom će se politička stabilnost određene zemlje procjenjivati s pomoću indikatora političke stabilnosti i izostanka nasilja/terorizma, rizika državnog udara i indikatora državne legitimnosti. U uzorak je odabrano 11 postsocijalističkih zemlja Europske unije od 2000. do 2017. godine. Provedena analiza pokazuje da politička stabilnost ima bitan utjecaj na produktivnost rada u postsocijalističkim europskim zemljama te je robusnost rezultata dodatno potvrđena provođenjem analize pri alternativnim specifikacijama. S obzirom na to da se u postojećim radovima većinom nastojalo otkriti uzroke političke nestabilnosti i kako ih spriječiti, ovaj rad stavlja naglasak na posljedice političke nestabilnosti na produktivnost i gospodarstvo u cjelini. ; Economic performance of a specific country is, to a large extent, affected by political stability. The aim of this paper is to show that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity measured by GDP per person employed. An analysis has been made using the random-effects model on three different measures for estimating political stability of a specific country: political stability and absence of violence/terrorism, risk of coup, and state legitimacy. The sample consists of 11 post-socialist EU countries for the period between 2000 and 2017. The results indicate that political stability has a significant impact on labour productivity in post-socialist European countries. The robustness of results has been further conferment by alternative model specification. Given the fact that the majority of existing literature focuses on the causes of political instability and the measures of preventing them, this paper primarily points out the consequences of political instability on labour productivity and the economy.

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading political officials and representatives of the highest bodies of state power. Certainly the most sensitive moment in the overall process of violence is the arrival of the perpetrator in a concrete opportunity to commit an attack from close range with a suitable weapon. When their security is compromised, the question arises as to the effectiveness of the security system as a whole. Assassinations have the same effect as terrorism, which means that the end goal of the assassination is compatible with the end goal and effects. The primary effect is caused by the feeling of fear, panic and insecurity of a large number of people, which significantly influences the work of the authorities, which is the ultimate goal of political violence. When it comes to statesmen, assassinations are sensitive events that can have catastrophic consequences. That is why the case study of the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was chosen as the topic of this paper. Djindjic tried to reform and modernize Serbia, which led him to clash with radical nationalist circles.

U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.

S obzirom da je terorizam poslednjih godina prerastao u globalnu pretnju bezbednosti i alarmantnu vrstu nasilja u savremenom svetu, utvrđivanje njegove strukture, sadržine i uzroka, jedan je od ciljeva političkih, pravnih i bezbednosnih nauka. Terorizam u osnovi predstavlja istorijsku pojavu, koja je stara koliko i sama država, mada se često posmatra kao fenomen savremenog ljudskog društva. Međutim, savremeni oblici terorizma imaju sasvim novu dimenziju koja proističe iz različitih istorijskih, društvenoekonomskih i političkih razloga, kao i iz razvoja nauke i tehnologije.Iako terorizam predstavlja pošast savremenog civilizacijskog poretka, još uvek ne postoji jedna opšteprihvaćena i univerzalna definicija terorizma, s obzirom da sam pojam terorizam nije lako definisati. Terorizam ima mnoštvo pojavnih oblika, pa ga, sem složenosti, karakteriše i promenljivost. Značenje reči terorizam menjalo se tokom istorije, kako bi se prilagodilo riziku svakog narednog perioda, stoga nije nimalo iznenađujuće što je veoma teško odrediti trajniju definiciju ovog pojma. Takođe, jedan od razloga je što politika koju vode moćne države ima dvostruke standarde, a neke od njih čak koriste terorizam kako bi izazvale sukobe i nestabilnost u određenom regionu, ali bez učešća sopstvenih vojnih snaga. --- Given that terrorism in recent years has grown into a global threat to security and alarming form of violence in the modern world, the determination of its structure, content and causes, is one of the aims of political, legal and security studies. Terrorism is essentially an historical phenomenon that is as old as the state itself, although it is often seen as a phenomenon of human society. However, the current forms of terrorism are completely new dimension arising from different historical, socio-economic and political reasons, as well as the development of science and technology.Although scourge of terrorism is a modern civilized order, there is not yet a generally accepted and universal definition of terrorism, as the notion of terrorism is not easy to define. Terrorism has many forms, and it is, except the complexity, characterized with variability of the features. The meaning of terrorism changed the course of history, in order to accommodate the risk of any subsequent period, so it is not surprising that it is very difficult to determine the lasting definition of the term. Also, one of the reasons is that the politics of the powerful states has a double standard, and some of them even use terrorism to avoid potential conflicts and instability in a particular region, but without the involvement of its own military forces.

Prvi svjetski rat bio je (ne)očekivana situacija zastrašujućeg intenziteta koja je uvelike izmijenila dotadašnje pojmove i rasprave o ograničenosti ratnih djelovanja. Bio je pomalo »očaravajući« za tehnologe, uzbudljiv za političare i šokantan za intelektualce. Međunarodni odnosi (preko Lige naroda i Ujedinjenih naroda) nakon Drugog svjetskog rata više nikad nisu bili isti, uz tihe ratove koje su vodili idealisti i realisti teorija politike i međunarodnih odnosa. Kenneth Waltz, kao neorealist, usmjerava raspravu o smislu rata manje na pitanje ljudske prirode, a više prema pitanjima država, međunarodnih sustava te prema globalnoj strukturi koje stvara potrebu za ratovanjem ili za uspostavljanjem mira. Uviđa da suvremene metode (filozofije) politike i političke znanosti valja i dalje prožimati s klasičnim pristupima i kriterijima filozofske i političke misli. U raspravi o naravi ratovanja ili nužnosti mira valja razotkrivati koncepte sile i državne dominacije – koja se provodi u kulturnoj, tehnološkoj pa i masmedijskoj sferi – i kritičkim pristupom Noama Chomskog. Potrebno je i (re)afirmirati stav javnosti, reakcije intelektualaca i ozračje što ga je izazvao Prvi svjetski rat da bismo se – i kroz eseje Hermanna Hessea – bolje suočili s današnjom postmodernističkom dehumanizacijom i beznađem aktualnih koncepcija i perspektiva ratovanja. ; World War I was the (un)expected situation of frightening intensity that has greatly changed the prior concepts and discussions about the limitations of war operations. It was somewhat "enchanting" for technologists, exciting for the politicians, and shocking for the intellectuals. International relations (through the League of Nations and United Nations) after World War II changed, with silent wars being led by idealists and realists of the theory of politics and international relations. As a neorealist, Kenneth Waltz directs discussion about the meaning of war less towards the matter of human nature, and more towards the questions regarding countries, international systems, and global structure that create the need for a war or the need for establishing peace. He recognizes that modern methods of (philosophy of) politics and political science should still be pervaded with classical approaches, and criteria of philosophical and political thought. In the debate about the nature of war or about the necessity of peace, the concepts of force and the state domination should be exposed. They are carried out in the cultural, technological, and even in the mass media sphere, and here Noam Chomsky's critical approach is needed. Attitude of the public, the reaction of intellectuals, and the atmosphere which was caused by the First World War has to be (re)affirmed in order to – and through the essays by Hermann Hesse – better face with today's postmodern dehumanization, and the pointlessness of current concepts and perspectives of War

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading ...

Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije. ; In 1997 Albania experienced a collapse of order and widespread violence, which resulted in a situation where the government was overthrown and some 2,000 people were killed. The 1997 disorder came as a result of the collapse of fraudulent financial pyramid schemes that had all the features of a war-like economic structure. During the 1997 events, large-scale confiscation and stealing of state assets occurred. Albania's transitional period from communism to democracy, which began in 1990, led to the establishment of new structures for profiting from the country's resources. Some of these political and economic structures, in the aftermath of the 1997 events, disappeared and others, including their structural effects, persist and have had an impact on the country's political stability and economic progress. Today, both the successes and failures of the country are assessed based on the progress that the country has made since the 1997 events. The paper analyses the 1997 events and the transformation of Albania's political and economic structures between 1997 and 2016, considering both achievements and failures. It looks at how the country has dealt with the post-1997 peace-building and development agenda from the perspective of it being a success. It looks at the factors that led to state failure in 1997 and at the factors that continue and have generated a path dependency to the current political context of the country. Although a lot has been written concerning the 1997 events, very little analysis has been conducted concerning what it means from the perspective of research on state failure. In this context, the proposed paper seeks to offer Albania as a case study example of a transformation process, from the uprising to the current situation, which is characterized as a mixture of successes and failures. The belief is that the proposed paper will point to some lessons learned for the strategies directed at the transformation processes.