Suchergebnisse

In recent years, there has become a greater need to understand how rebellious organizations (particularly, guerrilla movements) may transform into new organizations during conflict and following the end of major hostilities. During conflict and following conflict, either rebellious organizations become the new state, cease to exist or they transform into something completely different. In looking specifically at guerrilla movements, one can see many have transformed into other types of organizations including political parties, terrorist organizations, and criminal organizations. This phenomenon leads to the following questions: how do guerrilla movements transform in conflict and post-conflict environments? This study contends this transformation occurs because of the interaction between four independent variables - resources (both physical and human resources), beliefs and associated frames and political accessibility. The manners in which these variables interact are influenced by `who' has the advantage during the conflict - the state or the guerrilla movement and what kind of advantage they have - social, political or resource power advantages. Through the study of two paired comparisons (four individual case studies - the Provisional Irish Republican Army and Sinn Féin [PIRA/SF] in Northern Ireland, and the Spear of the Nation [Umkhonto We Sizwe] and the African National Congress [MK/ANC] in South Africa, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [FARC] in Colombia and the Abu Sayyaf Group [ASG] in the Philippines), this work traces the mechanisms and processes that have lead these organizations to transform into political parties and criminal organizations. Using qualitative comparative methodology (i.e., field interviews, archival research and historical analysis of each former guerrilla movement), this study finds that each transformation is a result of the interaction of the four independent variables in a particular way. These interactions influence the relationship between the various subgroups in the guerrilla movements and therefore, these interactions influence changes in the overall structure of the guerrilla movement. Likewise, these new structures take on different means and ends than when compared to their previous guerrilla movement form.

23 pages ; From the earliest feminist press to Twitter, women have used technology to create and sustain narratives that demand attention and redress for gendered violence. Herein we argue that the #MeToo boom was made possible by the digital labor, consciousness-raising, and alternative storytelling created through the #YesAllWomen, #SurvivorPrivilege, #WhyIStayed, and #TheEmptyChair hashtag networks. Each of these hashtags highlight women's experiences with interpersonal and institutionally-enabled violence and each was precipitated by high-profile news events. Alongside an examination of Twitter networks, we consider the social and cultural conditions that made each hashtag significant at particular moments, examining the ideological and political work members of these hashtag networks perform. We find that feminist hashtags have been successful in creating an easy-to-digest shorthand that challenges and changes mainstream narratives about violence and victimhood.

"Maintenance of order and curbing violence--the core constituents of internal security-are fundamental responsibilities of any government. developing countries find this task especially challenging since they face a multitude of internal security threats, either caused by misgovernance, internal political turmoil, or provoked from outside. Since independence, the Indian state has grappled with a variety of internal security challenges including insurgencies, terrorist attacks, caste and communal violence, riots, and electoral violence. Their toll has claimed more lives than all of India's five external wars put together. However, after a sharp upswing in the 1980s and 1990s, a number of violence-related indicators have declined over the past two decades. This drop in violence, its causes and implications, have largely gone unnoticed. Three broad questions animate the discussions in "Internal Security in India". What has been the record of the Indian State in controlling violence and preserving order? How have the approaches and capacity of the State evolved to attain these twin objectives? And what have been the implications of the State's approach towards internal security for civil liberties and the quality of democracy?"--

This article examines the patterns and political implications of Jewish settler violence and vigilantism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Rather than viewing these attacks as deviant social behaviour and a by-product of the political chaos in the West Bank, this article sees settler violence as an informal political mechanism that structures and reproduces political control in the service of the state. The analysis presents the structural and agential dimensions of this mechanism, and evaluates its political significance in the overall Israeli control system in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It concludes that the informal cooperation between the settlers and the Israeli soldiers represents a unique instance of state collusion and vigilantism, wherein the very same structural forces that undermine state authority also generate casual mechanisms that compensate it.

Using an antiessentialist perspective open to the ambiguity & multiplicity of political identities, the process by which the early signs of change in Irish republicanism in the mid-1980s came to fruition in the peace process of the 1990s is discussed. Irish republican discourse since the 1920s identified four sets of subensembles of the republican ideology: nationalism, Roman Catholicism, socialism, & republicanism proper. Nationalism motivated Irish Republican Army (IRA) activists from the 1920s & 1930s & was perhaps the only element in Provisional IRA ideology in the 1970s. Violence has been submerged as an element in discourse, but to observers, there have always been both hawks & doves in the IRA. Hostilities officially ceased in 1994, but none of the IRA objectives had been achieved, so the peace process has since unraveled. A return to violence is not envisioned, but the zero-sum conception of politics & the nationalist position may need to be diluted to strengthen democratic politics in Ireland. M. Pflum

"This edited collection brings together leading and emerging scholars in the important field of sexual violence scholarship. The last 10 years have witnessed an international reckoning on sexual violence, typified in the mainstream imagination by the #MeToo movement, acknowledgement of the violence of university campus life, and the overdue recognition of the enduring harms of child sexual abuse. While the state has been forced to respond through law and other political processes, at times revealing its agility and at other times its archaic investment in the past, much of the real work responding to sexual violence and abuse has taken place within communities, and in the personal responses of the individuals writing the scripts of their experiences. This volume explores the nuances of these individual experiences and considers how they are shaped and reflected by intersecting axes of power including gender, race, class, age and able-bodied status. It reflects on law and law reform in the area and suggests new modes and frames through which to explain and understand sexual violence and institutional responses to it. Debates within this contested personal and political arena do not map onto longstanding binaries of liberal and radical feminism, nor conservative and progressive politics. This interdisciplinary volume traces that murky terrain and features some of the leading international scholars writing on sexual violence in English today. This book will appeal to scholars and students across the broad disciplines of law and legal studies; criminology; gender studies; political science and sociology"--

This work establishes a comparison between the processes of rehabilitation of the demobilized of the AUC in Colombia during 2006 and the FMLN in El Salvador in 1992. From the historicalhermeneutic approach, it was realized an analysis of the empirical researches and the Academic, State and International Organizations reports. There is a concurrence among the scientific articles and reports founded in the great scope of the political violence and the implementation of strategies from the part of the AUC and the FMLN. Nevertheless, there are relevant differences between both processes face to the scene of post conflict. ; Este trabajo establece una comparación entre los procesos de reinserción de los desmovilizados de las AUC en Colombia durante el 2006 y el FMLN en el Salvador en 1992. Desde el enfoque histórico-hermenéutico, se realizó un análisis de las investigaciones empíricas y de los informes académicos, estatales y de organizaciones internacionales. Hay una concurrencia entre los artículos científicos y los informes hallados en el gran alcance de la violencia política y la implementación de estrategias por parte de las AUC y el FMLN. Sin embargo, existen diferencias relevantes entre ambos procesos de cara al escenario del postconflicto. En el caso de El Salvador, la creación de un partido político tras la desintegración del FMLN, su rendición de cuentas ante una Comisión de Verdad y la reparación de las víctimas, mientras que en el caso de las AUC en Colombia, la desmovilización favoreció la aparición de las llamadas bandas criminales que operan en base al narcotráfico y el crimen organizado opacando los avances de la Ley de Justicia y Paz.

This paper examines the destabilizing upsurge in ethnic militia movements in Nigeria and its consequences for the security and well-being of the Nigerian state. It discusses the phenomenon of ethnic militia violence as exemplified by the O'odua Peoples' Congress (OPC) and highlights the crisis in multi-ethnic relations that is currently destabilizing the Nigerian political economy. Adapted from the source document.

Depuis 1949, date de l'instauration de la République Populaire, la Chine a connu de nombreuses périodes de violences, entrecoupées de phases d'accalmie. Les mouvements (yundong) de masse impulsés par le pouvoir maoïste jusqu'en 1976, à la mort du Grand Timonier, ont tous abouti à la répression d'une partie de la population, les deux grandes périodes de violence étant incarnées par le Grand bond en avant (1958-1960) et la Grande Révolution culturelle prolétarienne (1966-1976). Les violences du gouvernement chinois contre sa propre population ne se sont pourtant pas arrêtées à la mort de Mao, mais ont perduré sous d'autres formes dès que le pouvoir s'est senti menacé. Ce fut le cas lors des mouvements étudiants pour la démocratie, où encore à l'encontre des velléités séparatistes des populations tibétaines ou ouïghoures. Pour Simon Leys, « bien avant de s'emparer du pouvoir, les communistes considéraient déjà le meurtre comme une élémentaire technique politique – et je parle du meurtre dans ses modalités les plus diverses : à chaud, à froid, en masse, en détail, en secret, en public, avec mise en scène ou à la sauvette, visant des contestataires pour déraciner l'opposition, ou visant des innocents pour terrifier la population entière » (Leys, 1998 : 4). Force est de constater que la mort de Mao n'a pas modifié en profondeur les techniques de gouvernement, qui mettent la priorité sur la répression et l'élimination des ennemis au sein du peuple. Le nombre des victimes durant les périodes de violence ne peut qu'être estimé, les Archives centrales du Parti à Pékin n'étant pas ouvertes.

Depuis 1949, date de l'instauration de la République Populaire, la Chine a connu de nombreuses périodes de violences, entrecoupées de phases d'accalmie. Les mouvements (yundong) de masse impulsés par le pouvoir maoïste jusqu'en 1976, à la mort du Grand Timonier, ont tous abouti à la répression d'une partie de la population, les deux grandes périodes de violence étant incarnées par le Grand bond en avant (1958-1960) et la Grande Révolution culturelle prolétarienne (1966-1976). Les violences du gouvernement chinois contre sa propre population ne se sont pourtant pas arrêtées à la mort de Mao, mais ont perduré sous d'autres formes dès que le pouvoir s'est senti menacé. Ce fut le cas lors des mouvements étudiants pour la démocratie, où encore à l'encontre des velléités séparatistes des populations tibétaines ou ouïghoures. Pour Simon Leys, « bien avant de s'emparer du pouvoir, les communistes considéraient déjà le meurtre comme une élémentaire technique politique – et je parle du meurtre dans ses modalités les plus diverses : à chaud, à froid, en masse, en détail, en secret, en public, avec mise en scène ou à la sauvette, visant des contestataires pour déraciner l'opposition, ou visant des innocents pour terrifier la population entière » (Leys, 1998 : 4). Force est de constater que la mort de Mao n'a pas modifié en profondeur les techniques de gouvernement, qui mettent la priorité sur la répression et l'élimination des ennemis au sein du peuple. Le nombre des victimes durant les périodes de violence ne peut qu'être estimé, les Archives centrales du Parti à Pékin n'étant pas ouvertes.

The arduous, confusing and fraught journey that immigrants take through immigration courtEach year, hundreds of thousands of migrants are moved through immigration court. With a national backlog surpassing one million cases, court hearings take years and most migrants will eventually be ordered deported. The Slow Violence of Immigration Court sheds light on the experiences of migrants from the "Northern Triangle" (Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador) as they navigate legal processes, deportation proceedings, immigration court, and the immigration system writ large.Grounded in the illuminating stories of people facing deportation, the family members who support them, and the attorneys who defend them, The Slow Violence of Immigration Court invites readers to question matters of fairness and justice and the fear of living with the threat of deportation. Although the spectacle of violence created by family separation and deportation is perceived as extreme and unprecedented, these long legal proceedings are masked in the mundane and are often overlooked, ignored, and excused. In an urgent call to action, Maya Pagni Barak deftly demonstrates that deportation and family separation are not abhorrent anomalies, but are a routine, slow form of violence at the heart of the U.S. immigration system