Suchergebnisse

Societies which suffer from ethnic and political divisions are often characterised by patterns of social and institutional separation, and sometimes these divisions remain even after political conflict has ended. This has occurred in Northern Ireland where there is, and remains, a long-standing pattern of parallel institutions and services for the different communities. A socially significant example lies in the education system where a parallel system of Catholic and Protestant schools has been in place since the establishment of a national school system in the 1830s. During the years of political violence in Northern Ireland a variety of educational interventions were implemented to promote reconciliation, but most of them failed to create any systemic change. This paper describes a post-conflict educational initiative known as Shared Education which aims to promote social cohesion and school improvement by encouraging sustained and regular shared learning between students and broader collaboration between teachers and school leaders from different schools. The paper examines the background to work on Shared Education, describes a 'sharing continuum' which emerged as an evaluation and policy tool from this work and considers evidence from a case study of a Shared Education school partnership in a divided city in Northern Ireland. The paper will conclude by highlighting some of the significant social and policy impact of the Shared Education work.

Prompted by the integration of Europe, Derrida recently posed the following questions. 'Indeed, to what concept, to what real individual, to what singular entity should this name be assigned today? Who will draw up its borders?' While this question speaks of the political entity called Europe, it has much broader resonance. It echoes concerns about identity, boundaries, and the relationship between the inside and the outside of political entities, concerns that have not escaped the attention of critical International Relations scholars. Nor are these necessarily new concerns. The situation in post–World War II Britain prompted the same questions Derrida raises about Europe in 1992. To what real individuals, to what singular entity the terms 'British' and 'Britain' should be assigned was a question that prompted debate, political violence, and a series of increasingly restrictive and, some would suggest, racist immigration policies. The transformation of Britain from an empire to a nation–state was accompanied by a crisis of identity whereby early postwar proclamations that Britain 'imposed no colour bar restrictions making it difficult for them when they come here' and that 'there must be freedom of movement within the British Empire and the Commonwealth' were, rather quickly, to give way to exclusionary practices and a retreat to 'little England'.

POLITICAL VIOLENCE CREATES ITS OWN MOMENTUM NOT ONLY in the wider security community but also in that refuge for the voyeur, academic research. Before 1968 a mere handful of books looked at the Ulster problem. Since then more than two hundred books and several thousand articles have appreared. But to what avail? In a survey of this vast literature Professor John Whyte concludes that there has been a disproportion between the enormous effort expended and the exiguous results achieved. The purist might maintain that it is not the task of scholars to indulge in political engineering: to those of us who live in the benighted province any port in a storm will do. The merit of these five books is that, wittingly or not, they create some optimism simply because they shift our gaze from the depressing reality of Belfast and examine the problem in a wider context. Of course, that might not be their purpose. Bad Chubb set out with the modest task of explaining the political process of the Irish Republic for the benefit of his own students who had lacked an up-todate general work. Bew and Patterson took as their starting point 'the irrepressible reality of the class conflict generated by the capitalist structure of the Irish economy' (p. 187).

Drawing on a comparative analysis of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands, this book explores when and with what consequences crime becomes a politically salient issue. Reversing much of the conventional wisdom, the analysis finds that serious violence and public and political attention to it are highly correlated and that the United States has high levels of both crime and punishment, in part, because it suffers from a democratic deficit, rather than a surplus, in the production of fundamental collective goods, including risk of violence

This book investigates the political context and intentions behind the trialling of Japanese war criminals in the wake of World War Two. After the Second World War in Asia, the victorious Allies placed around 5,700 Japanese on trial for war crimes. Ostensibly crafted to bring perpetrators to justice, the trials intersected in complex ways with the great issues of the day. They were meant to finish off the business of World War Two and to consolidate United States hegemony over Japan in the Pacific, but they lost impetus as Japan morphed into an ally of the West in the Cold War. Embattled colonial powers used the trials to bolster their authority against nationalist revolutionaries, but they found the principles of international humanitarian law were sharply at odds with the inequalities embodied in colonialism. Within nationalist movements, local enmities often overshadowed the reckoning with Japan. And hovering over the trials was the critical question: just what was justice for the Japanese in a world where all sides had committed atrocities?

"Esta publicación es fruto de la VIl Conferencia de Estudios de Género que se desarrolló en INTEC en el 2012 y que tuvo como eje central el tema relacionado con la autonomía de las mujeres y el ejercicio de sus derechos en República Dominicana. Esta importante iniciativa la Ileva a cabo el Centro de Estudio de Género del Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo (INTEC) cada dos años; dicho esfuerzo se hace con el interés de contribuir "al posicionamiento de las mujeres y sus organizaciones en torno a los propósitos del reconocimiento de la igualdad como objetivo politico y de las estrategias hacia la equidad en la distribución de bienes y servicios. La noción de autonomia de las mujeres, en tanto libertad e independencia en las esferas públicas y privadas, históricamente empuñada por las diferentes corrientes del movimiento feminista tiene especial determinación en la época actual en que se remarcan y refuerzan particulares desigualdades que lesionan la condición humana. El sentido de la autonomia que se procura rescatar se fundamenta en principios incluyentes, igualitarios, pluralistas y democráticos del ejercicio de derechos, y de la condición de las mujeres como protagonistas en su conquista. En consecuencia, la autonomia de las mujeres implica siempre un proceso politico que busca quebrar la jerarquia social impuesta por pautas de dominación. La autonomía es fuente rectora, no solo en el análisis de la condición humana y sus particularidades según sexo, edad, racialidad y clase social, para la interpretación y aplicación de las normas y reglamentaciones que rigen en la sociedad, sino también para el análisis de la situación de grupos humanos en cada etapa o momento de su desarrollo"--Page 4 of cover