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In the modern political process, an important role is played by political actors who really influence the political process. The most active actors in the political process include political leaders, political parties, public organizations, etc., which, depending on the level of maturity of civil society in a particular country, influence political decision-making processes and the implementation of national and local policies. The political regimes of different states stimulate or inhibit the initiative of the subjects of the political process. However, the subjects of the political process are able to change the features of a particular political regime. Political institutions functioning in the political process go through the following eight stages. First, it is important for a political institution to define a goal that allows you to clearly define the goals and directions of its activities, which in turn increases its subjectivity. Second, political institutions must make political predictions to increase the effectiveness of their political activities. Third, the ability to make the right political decisions is important for a political institution. Fourth, in order to achieve their goal, political institutions must carry out political socialization and political mobilization, which increases their subjectivity. Fifth, political institutions implement the planned goals and adjust tactical activities. Sixth, political institutions must monitor the implementation of political decisions. Seventh, political institutions must analyze and summarize their political activities. Eighth, political institutions must define new strategies in their political activities, which allows them to increase their subjectivity.

Problem setting. There is evidence that Political power plays a crucial role in regulating social processes. But it is also a difficult concept to understand and define. That's why this phenomenon has been studied by many researchers using different methods and absolutely different scientific approaches, what has made it an ambigious term. It causes an actuality of synthesizing the most significant innovative concepts into unite theoretical background.Resent research and publication analysis. Previous research has established that Political power is related to Power of law. A number of cross-sectional studies suggest an association between Political power and Public governance, State Power. The issue has been a controversial and much disputed subject within the multidisciplinary field of sociological, culturelogical, psychological and even linguistical researches. As a result, this concept has recently been challenged by postmodernist's studies demonstrating its hidden features. We should notice a big number of scholars, from M. Faucault and P. Bourdieu to S. Lukes and K. Dowding, whose developments in the field of Cratology have led to a renewed interest in political power. Paper objective. The purpose of this investigation is to explore the innovative approaches to political power understanding and to give own definition of this phenomenon. Paper main body. The methodological approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology based on qualitative and quantative, theoretical and empirical studies. The overall structure of the study takes the form of two conditional parts. The first part of this paper examines the innovative approaches to general power understanding. In the section we are proving that power is based on information. The second part also begins by laying out the theoretical dimensions of the research, and looks what is political power at postmodernist's context. In summary, information is seemed to be the most efficient power resource, because it touches each part of people existence. Conclusions ...

Навчальний посібник висвітлює основні теми нормативного курсу «Політична географія». Детально характеризуються форми правління та адміністративно-територіального поділу держав, морфологічні особливості державної території, функції державних кордонів, принципи періодизації розвитку політичної карти світу, класифікацій і типологій країн тощо. Зміст посібника відбиває результати тривалої викладацької і дослідницької роботи автора. Кожна тема включає навчальний матеріал, який доповнюється визначеннями основних термінів, цікавими фактами і грунтовними висновками. Додатки містять матеріали для організації самостійного вивчення політичної карти світу, необхідну інформацію для підготовки до практичних робіт і семінарських занять тощо. Посібник розрахований на студентів природничо-географічних факультетів, вчителів географії та економіки, учнів профільних класів ліцеїв і гімназій та широке коло читачів, які цікавляться особливостями територіальної організації життя суспільства та іншими аспектами сучасної політичної географії. ; The manual covers basic topics of the normative course "Political Geography". Forms of government and administrative-territorial division of the state, morphological features of state territory, functions of the state borders, principles of periodization of the political map of the world development, classifications and typologies of countries are characterised in detail. The contents of the manual reflects the results of a long teaching and researching work of the author. Each topic includes educational material that is complemented by definitions of key terms, interesting facts and thorough findings. Applications include materials for independent study of the map, the necessary information to prepare for practical work and seminars etc. The manual is designed for students of natural sciences and geography faculties, geography and economics teachers, students of specialized classes in lyceums and gymnasiums and a wide range of readers interested in the features of the territorial organization of social life and other aspects of modern political geography.

The article discusses the approaches of political market theories to the functioning of public administration, namely different views on the theory. The complex nature of the defined research goals and objectives presupposes the application of an integrated methodological approach based on modern systemic and research problems related to the functioning of modern party systems and political development. This offers a holistic view of the theory in the unity of conceptual and applied aspects. The leading method of research is the method of system analysis. The methodological principle presented in all sections of this article is the principle of dialectics, which made it possible to study the views of theorists, taking into account their internal contradictions and variability. It is important to note that in the sections devoted to the issues of political struggle, elements of structural and functional analysis are used. One of the principles of the research methodology is the provisions of the political realism theory, which indicate that the main subject of the system of international relations is the nation-state. The method of comparative analysis is useful for determining the common and special in political views. The main task of the social choice theory is to normatively solve such problems of democracy as the tyranny of the majority, the massification of culture and morals, inefficient government, demagoguery and the empty space of democracy (with people in office, most of which is a variable mass used to represent citizens in general), but by no means create an explanation for the whole spectrum of political life. The theory of social choice shows a possible option for the existence of a political system – however, on the other hand.

One individual's terrorist policy can turn into terrorism for the whole world. Terrorism has become one of the global problems of today. It affects all spheres of existence of modern society, especially the security, stability and functioning of political institutions of the state, the stability of a multilevel system of socio-political and international relations. The study of political terrorism is extremely important for modern Ukraine, where the problems of violence, along with economic, social, spiritual, ideological and others, do not allow the country to develop in the direction of increasing social security, constantly turning it to daily survival and confrontation, reducing the security of our country. Therefore, it is necessary to constantly clarify the trends in the development of the modern social process, to predict the dangers and threats of armed political confrontation, and to use extremist violence – terrorism. This, in turn, is almost impossible without constant clarification of the methodological foundations of the theory of political terrorism. Solving this problem requires deep theoretical knowledge, insight into the essence and content of terrorism. At the same time, the role of political science analysis is growing. The destruction of a stable political environment must be seen as a strategic goal of political terrorism. Based on the unbalanced structure of society, it seeks to force society to function, to develop in the direction set by terrorist forces. Political terrorism has become a destructive force that generates social, political instability internationally. Europe's entry into a complex, contradictory socio-political process associated with a radical change in the vectors of political development in the XXI century, directly reflected on the level, dynamics, direction of political terrorism, as well as – on various forms of its implementation. The political life of Europe has absorbed a whole spectrum of political terror.

The research aims to deal with the concept of political identity through the complex of such concepts as archetypes of the collective unconscientious, myth, symbol, the political and political discourse. It is proved that the boundaries of political space are limited by the boundaries of recognition of imperatives of an ontological myth, the boundaries of formation of and support to beliefs about the necessity of complying with those imperatives as the only possible means for restoration of the existence of society and man. The author reviews domination alternatives of one or more ontological myths.In the context of cultural and historical balance and recognition of different political paradigms there arises a universal paradigm of the political in society, which conciliates and unites all the layers, turning them into subjects of politics. This is a paradigm of democracy, its essence coming down to recognition of only such form of political power as legitimate by all subjects of the political process, which through appropriate laws and standards regulates the struggle for political power and secures participation in exercising power, i.e. such regulations of political being of society, which are perceived as justified and legitimate by all subjects of political activity. ; Статья обосновывает понятие политической идентичности через комплекс понятий: архетипы коллективного бессознательного, миф, символ, политический дискурс. Доказано, что границы политического пространства определяются пределами признания императивов онтологического мифа, границами становления и поддержки убеждений в необходимости подчиняться этим императивам как единственным возможным средствам восстановления бытия общества и человека. Рассмотрены варианты доминирования одного или нескольких онтологических мифов. Освещены условия формирования универсальной парадигмы политического, что примиряет и объединяет все слои, превращая их в субъектов политики. Такой парадигмой автор считает парадигму демократии. ; Розвідка присвячена висвітленню поняття політичної ідентичності через комплекс понять: архетипи колективного несвідомого, міф, символ, політичне, політичний дискурс. Доведено, що межі політичного простору окреслюються межами визнання імперативів онтологічного міфу, межами становлення й підтримки переконань у необхідності підкорятися цим імперативам як єдиним можливим засобам відновлення буття суспільства і людини. Розглянуто варіанти домінування одного або декількох онтологічних міфів. Висвітлено умови формування універсальної парадигми політичного, що примирює й поєднує всі верстви, перетворюючи їх на суб'єктів політики. Такою парадигмою автор уважає парадигму демократії.

The article provides a comparative analysis of the cultural practices of political populism and the popular culture. The leading role of the media in the formation and promotion of popular movements and leaders is emphasized. There is a difference in the understanding of a leader's charisma that brings new values, according to Max Weber, and the pseudo-charisma of modern populist leaders that is created by their regular presence in the media. Populist politician is seen as a sign in cultural communication, where the politician's personality is put as the signifier, and the ideology that the politician promotes — as the signified. Based on this analysis, three ideal types of populists have been identified: a blank sign that is focused on the present and represents populists without ideology; a sign that is oriented on the past and represents a populist national ideology; the sign that is oriented on the future and represents the reformers, the bearers of new social values. Theoretical approaches to the interpretation of popular culture are analyzed and it is pointed out that a mass society emerging is necessary both for the phenomenon of popular culture and for political populism to perform the quantitative indicator of public preferences. Common characteristics in the functioning of popular culture and populism are revealed — symbolism, emotionality, "origin from people", resistance against the system. The decisive role of the media in cultural communication for both popular culture and political populism is emphasized. However, there are significant differences between popular culture and political populism. Popular culture has its own values, while political populism uses values of others. Comparing popular culture and its impact on culture in general on one hand and political popularization and its impact on the political system on the other, a scrutator could expect for some renewal and diversification of current political institutions that would be a positive factor for the global political system and global society. ; У статті здійснено порівняльний аналіз культурних практик політичного популізму і популярної культури. Популістичного політика розглянуто як знак культурної комунікації і вио- кремлено три його ідеальні типи: пустий знак, орієнтований на сьогодення, який репрезентує популістів без ідеології; знак, орієнтований у минуле, який репрезентує популістську націоналістичну ідеологію; знак, орієнтований у майбутнє, який репрезентує реформаторів суспільних цінностей. Виявлено спільні характеристики в інтерпретації та функціюванні популярної культури та популізму — символізм, емоційність, походження «від простих людей», спротив системі, експлуатація прагнення емансипації. Підкреслено визначальну роль медіа у культурній комунікації як для популярної культури, так і для політичного популізму. Певне оновлення та урізноманітнення політичних інституцій стане тим критерієм, який дасть змогу визначити — що саме було вартісним у популярній культурі та політичному популізмі.

The main research narratives of the article are: the influence of artistic strategy on the political communication in the condition of post truth; political imagination and regime of post truth; art and regime of truth; rationality of illusions in the political communication; the techniques of artistic suggestion in public dialogue. It deals with the principle of reliability, the legitimacy rituals in the hunting for the voters. It is analyzed the mythological transformation, imitative mythology of the modern medias. It is discerned the technological integration of art in religion and politics, communication actions that make its "generic" feature and the "generic" burden at the same time. Such notions as poetry, art and technology are connected with the unfolding of the techno- logical refinement in all spheres of human activity. The author explains the need of the mythological distortion as the basis for the building of reality. It deals with the PR- technology transformation as the particular case of the cultural-political project into undeniable social value. It is defined the role of the artistic and political projects as the communicative prosthesis. Simultaneously the author traces the ouster of illusion in public communication. He analyzes the mo- dalities of the communicative practice and communicative experience reduction in the socialization process as well as the technological perfection in the mythological representation. The special features of the mythological absorption as the negation of law and social subject are determined here. It is also defined the sense of the law rationality regarding the rationality of myth. ; Провідними дослідницькими наративами статті є вплив мистецьких стратегій на політичну комунікацію за умов постправди; політична уява і режим постправди; мистецтво і режим істини; раціональність ілюзій у політичній комунікації; техніки мистецької суґестії у публічному діалозі. Йдеться про використання принципу вірогідності ілюзії, зокрема, ритуалів леґітимації у процесі боротьби за прихильність виборця. Аналізовано техніки мистецької суґестії у публічному діалозі. Особливе місце посідає аналіз міфологічного перетворення реальності на ґрунті мистецьких стратегій, тема раціональності ілюзії. Проведено аналіз міфологічного перетворення реальності на основі мистецьких стратегій. Розглянуто зв'язок таких понять, як поезія, мистецтво і технологія? з розгортанням процесів технологічного вдосконалення у будь-якій сфері людської діяльності.

Actualization of development problem of lobbying institution in legal, political and socio-cultural areas is caused not only by practical need in political development of Ukraine, but also by consequence of a general political science theoretical development. This article analyses the study of a powerful resource of political power - groups of pressure in the current political coordinates of Ukraine. Lobbyism is interpreted as a phenomenon conditioned by the peculiarities of American political process and American legislation, but it is emphasized that special mechanisms and methods of pressure on political government by non-governmental structures is inherent in any democratic system of government. It has been found that the system of pressure by "interested groups" is actively forming and operating in Ukraine, however, lobbyism in our country has not received proper coverage and legal regulation. The purpose of lobbying is to consolidate pressure groups' interests or third parties' interests in decisions management. It is noted that the methods of lobbyism that contain unlawful actions in spite of external decency (for example, corruption component) are used quite widely. The emphasis is made on the fact that most political decisions are not formed on the level of open official rule, but in the hidden process of rivalry, adaptation and regulation among numerous interested groups. Obviously, political leadership in Ukraine is largely controlled by large business structures.
Currently in Ukraine there is awareness about a need in institutionalization of lobbyism as part of political and democratic process, which, under conditions of legally regulated use, can contribute to the formation of a promising strategy for the development of Ukrainian state. It is concluded that dynamics of political space development in Ukraine depend on the constructive interaction between state institutions and pressure groups.

Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth. ; Political philosophy, that rather disreputable, not very philosophical branch of philosophy, has always wanted to get out of politics, to put an end to this politics of politics, by finally speaking its truth. Ideally, the fond -est desire may be to find or invent a politics unaffected by the politics of politics (a truly moral politics, perhaps, of the kind Kant seems to encourage), but that desire is metaphysical through and through. So-called "cheap politics" is engaged in the politics of politics as soon as that phenomenon is engaged in politics, i.e. from the very first, "naturally" as Aristotle put it. The logos of politics is irreducibly affected by the kind of distortion and deceit that is usually – moralistically – associated with rhetoric or sophistry, with "spin tactics". Politics is always already the politics of politics.Key words: politics of politics, sophistry, spin tactics, rhetorical figure, politics of truth.