Suchergebnisse

Aquesta tesi combina dades històriques amb teoria de jocs per a intentar entendre millor la relació entre els partits polítics i l'opinió publica. En primer lloc, estudi les dinàmiques de les qüestions socials. Demostro que les qüestions socials (per exemple, aquelles relacionades amb els drets de les dones i les minories, o les qüestions racials) tendeixen a seguir patrons de comportament, tant en termes de partits com d'opinió pública. Després, basant-me en aquests patrons, proposo una nova forma de modelar el comportament dels partits i del que ciutadans. A través de tres articles teòrics, aprofundeixo en la interacció dinàmica entre partits polítics i opinió pública al voltant d'una qüestió política específica. Els meus resultats llancen llum sobre què incentiva els partits a donar suport polítiques oposades. També ajuden a entendre millor diversos fenòmens que s'han observat en la realitat, com ara el fet que els partits polítics semblen estar més polaritzats que els propis ciutadans. ; Esta tesis combina datos históricos con teoría de juegos para intentar entender mejor la relación entre los partidos políticos y la opinión publica. En primer lugar, estudio las dinámicas de las cuestiones sociales. Demuestro que las cuestiones sociales (por ejemplo, aquellas relacionadas con los derechos de las mujeres y las minorías, o las cuestiones raciales) tienden a seguir patrones de comportamiento, tanto en términos de partidos como de opinión pública. Después, basándome en estos patrones, propongo una nueva forma de modelar el comportamiento de los partidos y de lo ciudadanos. A través de tres artículos teóricos, profundizo en la interacción dinámica entre partidos políticos y opinión pública alrededor de una cuestión política específica. Mis resultados arrojan luz sobre qué incentiva a los partidos a apoyar políticas opuestas. También ayudan a entender mejor diversos fenómenos que se han observado en la realidad, como por ejemplo el hecho de que los partidos políticos parecen estar más polarizados que los propios ...

It seems politics invades everything. We can rarely think of any activity, any building, any human-to-human interaction and not see some political dimension infiltrating and shaping it. And this very interpretation, in its language of invasion and infiltration, implies that politics' ubiquity is not necessarily a wanted accomplice in our human world. Nonetheless, its presence is expected, its strategic intentions acknowledged and negotiated. What is interesting is that persona—at least as it has been explored and defined in Persona Studies so far—always has a political dimension. It has been identified as a strategic identity, a form of negotiation of the individual in their foray into a collective world of the social (Marshall and Barbour). Persona is a fabricated reconstruction of the individual that is used to play a role that both helps the individual navigate their presence and interactions with others and helps the collective to position the role of the individual in the social. Persona is imbued with politics at its core. In this issue of Persona Studies, we explore political persona, a characterisation roiled in redundancy if our definitions above are adopted. The essays gathered in this collection debate these definitional affinities, and augment and nuance many other dimensions that help delineate what constitutes political persona. In this introductory essay, we will use the collected work on political persona that is developed in this issue to better define political persona. But before we evaluate and identify the intersections of our contributors' work, we want to begin our exploration with what makes political persona constitutively different today than in the past. Can we identify through some of the most prominent political personas—Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders in the United States' 2016 Presidential campaign, for example—and through a study of a major political event—Brexit in 2016 in the U.K.—whether something has shifted and changed in these cultures?

We show that political booms, measured by the rise in governments' popularity, predict financial crises above and beyond other better-known early warning indicators, such as credit booms. This predictive power, however, only holds in emerging economies. We show that governments in emerging economies are more concerned about their reputation and tend to ride the short-term popularity benefits of weak credit booms rather than implementing politically costly corrective policies that would help prevent potential crises. We provide evidence of the relevance of this reputation mechanism.

According to the author, roughly since the mid-1980s, Mongolian society had been displaying the first visible signs of trouble in every field of politics, economics and culture. She explores how M. Gorbachev's radical restructuring of the society in the USSR affected Mongolia, the setting up of the Mongolian Democratic Alliance (MDA) in December 1989, how new political parties emerged in this country, changes in the ruling MPRP (Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party), elections for Mongolia's parliament (in 1992) and President (in 1993) among other issues. (DÜI-Sen)

This essay identifies and discusses the factors and forces arising from finance that influence peoples' political participation. It does so at two levels: (1) micro-economic or individual and (2) macro-economic and social. We find that both factors and forces at work are significantly adverse to political participation at all levels. The prime intermediate factor here is economic inequality, which is the subject of a companion essay published earlier.

A Strongly charged Swahili political vocabulary has emerged in Tanzania, which sharply distinguishes persons and nations, in both domestic and foreign affairs, as being either for or against Tanzania's policies. The implications of the selection and usage of this vocabulary are considerable in any assessment of political trends in Tanzania, since language and culture are certainly related. Not only does language reflect cultural patterns, but language also imposes its patterns on culture.1

STUDIES IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY MAY BE APPROACHED FROM SEVERAL DIFFERENT POINTS OF VIEW AND MAY FOCUS ON A VARIETY OF DIFFERENT QUESTIONS. THE GREATEST QUESTION IS THE DIVISION OF THE WORLD INTO SOVEREIGN STATES AND NON-INDEPENDENT TERRITORIES, INCLUDING THE GEOGRAPHICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE INTEGRATION OF CERTAIN STATES IN A WAY WHICH IS ABOVE ALL ECONOMIC. STATES ARE BOUNDED BY BORDERS, ON EITHER SIDE OF WHICH BOTH MARITIME AND CONTINENTAL FRONTIER ZONES SHOULD BE ANALYSED. MOST STATES, EXCEPT THE SMALLEST OF THEM, ARE SUBDIVIDED INTO ADMINISTRATIVE UNITS, THE SIGNIFICANCE OF WHICH VARIES ACCORDING TO WHETHER THE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE IS A FEDERAL OR A CENTRALIZED ONE. IT IS AT THIS LEVEL THAT THE QUESTION OF REGIONALIZATION OR REGIONAL POLICY ARISES. THE FINAL ELEMENT OF THIS ANALYSIS IS THE EXAMINATION OF THE GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL OPINIONS THROUGH ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY. THE ANALYSIS WHICH FOLLOWS DOES NOT CLAIM TO BE COMPLETE, AND MOST OF MY SUGGESTIONS ARE THE FRUIT OF A VARIETY OF STUDIES STRETCHING OVER 35 YEARS

Is religion a form of political tribalism? Conventional wisdom suggests it is. Discussion of religion and American politics generally focuses on the "God Gap"—the tendency for religious Americans to vote Republican, while the non-religious vote Democratic. However, there is also reason to argue that religion cannot be reduced to political tribalism. The God Gap is found mostly among white voters; among people of color, religiosity is a far weaker predictor of the vote. Even among white voters, the size of the God Gap varies across different religious traditions. Furthermore, there is more nuance to the non-religious population than suggested by the standard account of the God Gap. When the analysis includes the full scope of the American religious landscape, religion is not as "tribal" as conventional wisdom suggests.

Political parties are historically and logically connected to democracy. This article examines models of political parties and their relationship to democratic philosophy, with primary attention to normative rather than empirical models. Three dichotomous, analytical dimensions are developed: the parties' elite or mass focus, their collective or coalitional goals and their instrumental or expressive mode. Combining these dimensions results in eight abstract party concepts, each identified with particular theorists and practitioners. These concepts portray party, variously, as: governing caucus, cause advocate, ideological community, social movement, bureaucratic organization, rational team of office-seekers, urban machine and personal coalition. In an analysis of democratic theory, parallel dimensions are developed: the accessibility of leadership, voter goals and the character of popular participation. Particular kinds of parties are associated with these different concepts of democracy and with particular forms of government.

The period of reasonably free and vigorous political party activity in Iran was remarkably brief when viewed in the perspective of the very long history of that ancient land. Beginning slowly after the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941, party activity became steadily more intense until August 1953 when it was suddenly suppressed. But as brief as this period was, these twelve years witnessed patterns of political party development which deserve comparison with the experience of other developing states.The term "developing" has been in vogue throughout the post-World War II era. But for all that the term remains a vague one. Why Iran with its recorded history of over twenty five hundred years should be classified as "developing" while the United States with a history of less than two hundred years should be classified as "developed" is not immediately obvious.