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An experiential exercise is described for simultaneously predicting political races and teaching price theory. Political candidates are treated as futures contracts. These contracts are then traded by the class in a futures market.

"This paper reviews research on the role of communication in political socialization. Starting from a basic definition the impact of different agents (family, peers, school, mass media) and communicative processes (interpersonal vs. mass communication) on various outcomes of political socialization (i.e. political knowledge, norms and values, attitudes, participation) is discussed. It is argued that research has amply demonstrated the role of media and communication as agents of socialization. However, the paper highlights that changes in parental generations, the media landscape, and in adolescents themselves provide good reason to revisit questions of how communication impacts how adolescents develop into citizens in democratic societies. Finally, the chapter addresses several aspects that researchers should consider in their future work on political socialization." (publisher's description).

This paper presents a new model of political competition where candidates belong to factions. Before elections, factions compete to direct local public goods to their local constituencies. Voters view the public goods as a credible signal that their local candidate is in the right (i.e., powerful) faction. The model of factional competition delivers a rich set of implications relating the internal organization of the party to the allocation of resources. Several key theoretical predictions of the model find a counterpart in our empirical analysis of newly coded data on the provision of water services in Mexico.

I analyze the view that most political conspiracy theories should be rejected on the grounds that they embody "an almost nihilistic degree of skepticism". This view has been widely criticized, but I will aim to show that the objections presented so far are not wholly convincing. I will argue that the claim that most conspiracy theorists end in making claims of larger and larger conspiracies is mistaken, as the empirical evidence concerning conspiracy theories does not support such view. Expanding one's theory in the face of criticism has been only one strategy among many, and conspiracy theorists need not accept skepticism.

The article deals with the methodological problems of transformation processes in political science in the late XIX-th-early XX centuries and in the period between the two world wars. The author reveals the causes and origins of the crisis phenomena in political science due to the new political realities in the world and new trends in the political science development. The process of modern political science formation is analyzed in its gradual development (formal-legal, traditional, behavioral and post-behavioral). The special role of the Chicago revolution in political science, which created the environment and the ground for the emergence of the "behavioral" revolution, is revealed. The main program provisions of the "behavioral" revolution are indicated, its results, the main vectors of political science development in the post-behavioral era are revealed.The role of structural functionalism (G. Almond and his school) in the formation of modern political science is revealed. The article deals with the interaction of political science with related social disciplines, which led to the emergence of some hybrid disciplines of political knowledge, including political sociology and political management. The content of the hybridization concept is revealed. The role of sociology in this process as the "main donor" of political science in the considered era is revealed. Object-subject areas of political sociology and political management, their place and role in the mechanism of socio-political systems functioning in the subject field of political science are defined. Generalizing conclusions are made. ; В статье рассматриваются методологические проблемы трансформационных процессов в политической науке в конце XIX — начале ХХ столетий и в период между двумя мировыми войнами. Раскрываются причины и истоки зарождения кризисных явлений в политической науке, обусловленные новыми политическими реалиями, сложившимися в мире, и новыми тенденциями в развитии самой политической науки. Процесс становления современной политической науки анализируется в ее поэтапном развитии (формально-правовом, традиционном, поведенческом и пост-поведенческом). Раскрыта особая роль "чикагской революции" в политологии, создавшей среду и почву для возникновения "поведенческой" революции. Обозначены основные программные положения "поведенческой" революции, выявлены ее результаты, основные векторы развития политической науки в пост-поведенческую эпоху.Раскрыта роль структурного функционализма (Г. Алмонд и его школа) в формировании современной политической науки. Рассматривается взаимодействие политической науки со смежными социальными дисциплинами, приведшее к появлению целого ряда гибридных дисциплин политического знания, в том числе политической социологии и политического менеджмента. Раскрыто содержание понятия "гибридизация". Выявлена роль социологии в этом процессе как "главного донора" политической науки в рассматриваемую эпоху. Определены объектно-предметные области политической социологии и политического менеджмента, их место и роль в механизме функционирования социально-политических систем, в предметном поле политической науки. Сделаны обобщающие выводы.

This paper studies the effect of candidates' personal vote ranks on promotions to political power in an open list proportional representation system. Using a regression discontinuity design and data from Finnish local elections, we find that ranking first within a party enhances a politician's chances of getting promoted to the position of a municipal board chair, the most important task in Finnish local politics. Other ranks matter less. We document that the effect of ranking first is larger when there is less within-party competition, but the role of external competition is ambiguous. Our evidence suggests that the mechanism behind the rank effects is primarily unrelated to electoral incentives but rather to party-specific norms or political culture. Ranks seem to be, however, only a complement to other promotion criteria such as politicians' previous political experience or how close to the party lines their policy positions stand.

Einstellung zum Dritten Reich und zur Demokratie im
Nachkriegsdeutschland. Politische Einstellungen.

Themen: Beurteilung der derzeitigen finanziellen Situation; Beurteilung
der Entlohnung von Arbeitern; Beurteilung der Wertschätzung der Arbeiter
im Dritten Reich; Einverständnis mit der Politik Adenauers; Einstellung
zur Notwendigkeit besonderer Fähigkeiten für Bundestagsabgeordnete;
Bundestagsabgeordneter im Wahlkreis; Kenntnis von Aktivitäten des
Wahlkreisabgeordneten; Bereitschaft des Abgeordneten, sich mit den
Problemen des Befragten zu beschäftigen; Kenntnis der Abgeordnetenzahl
im Bundestag; Einstellung zu einem Parlament mit deutlich verringerter
Abgeordnetenzahl; Beurteilung der Situation im Jahre 1933 als Wahl
zwischen Kommunismus oder Nationalsozialismus; Verantwortung für den
Kriegsausbruch; Einschätzung Hitlers als großen Staatsmann unter der
Annahme, daß es keinen Krieg gegeben hätte; politisches Interesse;
Einstellung gegenüber einer neuen nationalsozialistischen Partei;
Einstellung zu vermehrtem Protestverhalten gegenüber der Regierung;
Beurteilung der Arbeit des Bundestages; Kenntnis der Regierungsparteien;
Parteinähe und Parteipräferenz; Einstellung zu einem Ein- bzw.
Mehrparteiensystem; Einstellung zur Verteidigung der Demokratie um jeden
Preis.

Demographie: Bundesland; Ortsgröße; Konfession; Alter (klassiert);
Schulbildung; berufliche Position; Einkommen; Befragter ist
Haushaltsvorstand; Familienstand; Parteineigung; Geschlecht.