We provide a justification for political liberalism's Reciprocity Principle, which states that political decisions must be justified exclusively on the basis of considerations that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept. The standard argument for the Reciprocity Principle grounds it in a requirement of respect for persons. We argue for a different, but compatible, justification: the Reciprocity Principle is justified because it makes possible a desirable kind of political community. The general endorsement of the Reciprocity Principle, we will argue, helps realize joint political rule and relationships of civic friendship. The main obstacle to the realization of these values is the presence of reasonable disagreement about religious, moral, and philosophical issues characteristic of liberal societies. We show the Reciprocity Principle helps to overcome this obstacle.
This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.
This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.
The critique of the theory of secularisation has favoured the emergence of a series of concepts for the analysis of contemporary socio‐religious transformations, such as 'culturalised religion'. These categories constitute, in turn, an opportunity to rethink the process of secularisation from the perspective of historical sociology. Against this background, this article carries out a theoretical analysis of the ambiguities of secularisation in Spain from which a cultural approach to religion ('culturalised religion') emerges and its potential connection to the expansion of the radical right‐ wing party Vox, which became the third‐largest party in Spain's parliament in the 2019 national election. After analyzing this interrelation between 'culturalised religion' and the radical right on the basis of statistical sources, discourse analysis and bibliographical sources, the article concludes by stressing the importance of historical sociology for understanding phenomena like 'culturalised religion', which take us out of the binomial logic that has marked part of the interpretation of secularisation (revival of religions vs decline of the religious) and introduce us into the multiple interactions between the historical past and sociological reality.
An account of evil in classical political theory is the concept of evil government. The notion of political decay from good to evil government or to anarchy, the absence of government, among classical political theorists represents both a moral and a political problem. This essay argues that political decay remains a perennial problem because the political condition itself involves the seeds to its own destruction. Moreover, it is claimed that the nostalgic longing to a glorious past for nations or peoples risks turning into what is here labelled 'political arcadianism', fostering futile attempts to return to past conditions. The argument is that political arcadianism when focusing on the imagined past rather than the present is a possible cause of political decay.
Political culture is a very specific type of spiritual culture of society. The political culture includes, expresses the formation of a mechanism for purposeful political activity, the regulation of political relations.
Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions. Political interests and goals are reflected in certain values and orientations that create a functional model of political life. Such a model of political life is called a political system, which is a space of its own institutional and value orientation. Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions
This paper separates Wollstonecraft's critical concept of "machiavelian" power and the capacity for domination, from a neutral concept of politics as the complex processes surrounding the power to govern, from her normative account of popular sovereignty which emphasizes collective political power to ensure the discharge of natural duty by way of civil and political rights and duties. Wollstonecraft's voice as political judge—which is audible throughout her work, but particularly clearly in her book on the French Revolution—articulates the ways that political power can be abused and misused, and can also be effective. Her theory is political in several ways: she interrogates the nature of political power and its explanatory importance; she consistently articulates political judgment about matters both conventionally political and social; she offers a theoretical justification for the expansion of the scope of politics to cover relations that hitherto were thought to be outside its domain; and finally her work itself constitutes a political intervention.
Pemikiran tentang political marketing sudah menjadi bahan diskusi para pakar dan professor di bidang marketing sejak tahun 60-an. Sejalan dengan perkembangan ilmu pemasaran, bermunculan pula konsep-konsep pemasaran untuk organisasi non-profit motif atau seperti; LSM, Rumah Sakit, Parpol, caleg, Yayasan. Yang mendorong semakin kuatnya konsep political marketing, tak lain karena menguatnya demokrasi di banyak negara. Setelah konsep demokrasi berkembang kuat di Negara-negara Barat, disusul kemudian oleh Negara-negara Asia (termasuk di Indonesia), kemudian disusul oleh Negara-negara Eropa Timur, Afrika. Akibatnya, politik negara tidak lagi dimonopoli oleh satu kalangan.Adanya sistem multi partai, setiap partai harus memiliki startegi untuk merebut suara, maka muncullah kebutuhan mempergunakan konsep marketing sebagai sebuah ilmu tersendiri dibawah payung "ilmu marketing". Secara sederhana, "konsep marketing berpegang pada kebutuhan & keinginan konsumen, mengidentifikasikan kebutuhan & keinginan tersebut dan kemudian berupaya memenuhi kepuasan konsumen agar tercapai tujuan organisasi". Sebenarnya kegiatan marketing yang dilakukan caleg & parpol-parpol baru sebatas political selling belum masuk ek ranah political marketing. Artinya para caleg & parpol-parpol hanya sekedar merancag promosi. Namun, sesungguhnya telah lahir "atmosfir baru" dalam strategi kampanye parpol pada pemilu 2009 ini, suatu nuansa yang tidak diketemukan pada Pemili 2004 yang lalu, antara lain: Pemilu 2009 diwarnai dengan berbagai kegiatan parpol concern pada hasil riset yang dikeluarkan lembaga-lembaga riset. Bahkan tidak jarang sebuah parpol menyewa khusus lembaga survey atau yang sekarang lazim disebut "Konsultan Politik" guna melakukan riset atau memberikan sara-saran dalam berkampanye. Bermunculannya Konsultan politik yang memberikan jasa untuk kemenagan parpol kliennya. Key word: political marketing; political selling; promotion tools.
Michel Foucault's and John Rawls' respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault's arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls' preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls' later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls' and Foucault's historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l'existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l'établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l'esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l'ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l'affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation 摘要:政黨文化作為政黨研究中一個新概念,具有不同于其他組織文化的內涵、功能和特點。它制約和影響著政黨民主(特指政黨內部民主)的存在、發展和實現程度。文章分析傳統政黨文化對政黨民主的促進和阻礙,提出從《政黨法》的創建,傳統金字塔型組織結構、權力結構的變革,政黨內部民主制度及程式的建立,民主精神的培育等方面入手,構建以開放,民主、法治、意識形態弱化、網路狀關係為特徵的新型政黨文化,以促進政黨民主的發展和實現。 關鍵詞:政黨文化;政黨民主;實現途徑
This textbook is part of series on political science and focuses on political theory. Chapter titles include: Political Theory: An Introduction, Freedom, Equality, Social Justice, Rights, Citizenship, Nationalism, Secularism, Peace, and Development. Made available by the National Repository of Open Educational Resources of India.
The paper discusses how revolutionaries must comprehend how the sudden shift in the political situation at the aftermath of the February revolution to prepare refinements in revolutionary strategy and utilize new forms of struggle. The fascist rule was replaced by a bourgeois democratic regime overnight, which made such promises: the new democratic republic will represent the interests of all classes equally; free competition of ideologies and political programs; naked force will not be the main instrument of political rule, and so on. The Communist Party has yet to qualitatively rebound from the loss of political momentum it suffered as a result of the boycott blunder. To regain initiative, the Party must enrich its understanding of the specific characteristics of the Philippine revolutionary process, wherein the framework of national struggle is against imperialism. History necessitated that the struggle against fascism and for a democratic government be pursued as a substage in the national democratic struggle – a transition form for eventual political dominance which in turn is the basis to proceed step-by-step to socialist transformation. The Party must determine the form of struggle most appropriate to the prevailing conditions. In this case, from armed struggle there is a need to shift to the unarmed form as a means to educate the masses, through their own political experience, ultimately seize revolutionary power by force. The paper proposes strategy and tactics to approach political negotiations with the current conditions and as well as an alternative to the peace negotiations.
Political ecology has often defined itself against Eurocentric conceptions of the world. Nevertheless, recent contributions have questioned the ongoing reproduction of an Anglo-American mainstream against 'other political ecologies'. Decentering Anglo-American political ecology has therefore forced a greater recognition of traditions that have developed under the same banner, albeit in different linguistic or national contexts. In addition, thinking more about the situatedness of knowledge claims has forced a deeper questioning of the Eurocentric and colonial production of political ecological research. In this report I begin by reviewing a range of political ecological traditions before going on to look at decolonial moves within the field. I conclude by considering how political ecologists might reframe their practice as one of relational comparison.
Colombian professional political consultants couple information technologies and local political brokering to circumvent strict voter privacy regulations that limit campaigns' access to voters' personal data. I argue that political consultants use information technologies to bolster traditional vertical, personality-centered political organizations, and to produce tightly controlled "cyborg political machines." I challenge widespread notions that oppose media-based politics to traditional face-to-face politics (known also as clientelism). Instead, I show that although political elites introduced American political marketing methods hoping to modernize campaigns, the American way provided a new framework to preserve traditional authoritarian political arrangements after the extensive democratic reforms of the early 1990s.
