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Conventionally, the concept of cosmopolitanism is dealt with as a normative discourse. However, a far more useful understanding is to focus on the practices that the concept enables. The aim in this article is to highlight two manifestations of such practices, namely those that have as their imperative security, the cosmopolitanism of government, and those that might be defined in terms of solidarity, the cosmopolitanism of politics. Both the socio-historical context of the rise of liberal modernity as well as its late-modern manifestations in contemporary security practices suggest that these two articulations of cosmopolitanism should not be seen in oppositional terms, but rather as being mutually implicating and mutually present. While the concept enables a government of populations, containing within it a colonial rationality, the article suggests that there is an excess to the concept that steers it beyond government through security and towards the politics of solidarity. Placing the lens on the forms of political subjectivity generated through cosmopolitan practices, the article highlights the concept's potential in revealing the political implications of contemporary practices that have the postcolonial world as the primary target of their operations. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

Conventionally, the concept of cosmopolitanism is dealt with as a normative discourse. However, a far more useful understanding is to focus on the practices that the concept enables. The aim in this article is to highlight two manifestations of such practices, namely those that have as their imperative security, the cosmopolitanism of government, and those that might be defined in terms of solidarity, the cosmopolitanism of politics. Both the socio-historical context of the rise of liberal modernity as well as its late-modern manifestations in contemporary security practices suggest that these two articulations of cosmopolitanism should not be seen in oppositional terms, but rather as being mutually implicating and mutually present. While the concept enables a government of populations, containing within it a colonial rationality, the article suggests that there is an excess to the concept that steers it beyond government through security and towards the politics of solidarity. Placing the lens on the forms of political subjectivity generated through cosmopolitan practices, the article highlights the concept's potential in revealing the political implications of contemporary practices that have the postcolonial world as the primary target of their operations.

IT IS THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER TO OFFER A QUALIFIED YES TO THE QUESTION: WILL THE INFORMATION AGE BE AN AGE OF FREEDOM? ACCEPTING THE NOTION OF A CONSTRUCTED SUBJECTIVITY HAS LED SOME THEORISTS TO RECONSIDER THE NOTION OF HUMAN FREEDOM AND TO CALL FOR A HEIGHTENED ROLE FOR DEMOCRACY. THIS PAPER ENCOURAGES SUCH REEVALUATIONS BY DECONSTRUCTING A BOOK IN THE LITERATURE OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS. ITS STRATEGY IS TEXTUAL. IT REPLACES METAPHORS WITH OTHER METAPHORS AND THEN PROCEEDS TO SHOW HOW THIS SUBSTITUTION MIGHT EFFECT THE APPROACH TO ISSUES SUCH AS LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND ORGANIZATIONAL REFORM.

A reevaluation of human freedom in the information age is considered through a deconstruction of David Osborne's & Ted Gaebler's Reinventing Government (1992). Current intergovernmental relations are characterized by the metaphor of the immunological orchestra: antigens trigger immune responses similar to how citizens & policymakers alternate roles. Information offers change, but the status quo is maintained. Contrary to Osborne & Gaebler, who see a return to a previous era in government, it is argued here that change can occur. Using the works of Barbara Cruikshank (1993) & Donna Haraway (1991) to illustrate the concepts of economic development & consumer-driven government, politics can be seen to contest current constructions & offer alternative visions & identities. 49 References. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article explores the idea of political subjectivity in Hannah Arendt and Jacques Rancière, both of whom I see as thinkers of ruptural and inaugurative politics with a particularly spatial conceptualisation of politics. I start by distinguishing between three strands of thinking about the nature of political subjectification, and I situate Arendt and Rancière's conceptualisations in relation to these. After an examination of their idea of political subjectivity, I offer an interpretation of the movement of sans papiers as it relates to political subjectification. This interpretation also brings out the similarities and differences between Arendt's and Rancière's understanding of politics.

International audience ; This article explores the idea of political subjectivity in Hannah Arendt and Jacques Rancière, both of whom I see as thinkers of ruptural and inaugurative politics with a particularly spatial conceptualisation of politics. I start by distinguishing between three strands of thinking about the nature of political subjectification, and I situate Arendt and Rancière's conceptualisations in relation to these. After an examination of their idea of political subjectivity, I offer an interpretation of the movement of sans papiers as it relates to political subjectification. This interpretation also brings out the similarities and differences between Arendt's and Rancière's understanding of politics.