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SUMMARYAn extended editorial essay examines the nature of the basic needs debate, providing a context for the discussion taken up in subsequent articles. Particular and distracting attention is usually paid in that debate to national "count‐cost‐supply" exercises—assessing physical deficits and social targets and establishing the capacity to supply and ensure service delivery. But the emphasis should be rather on the systematic study of class and other political demands and their implications for 'basic needs' project formulation and implementation. The complexity and contingency of the linkages between needs should re‐focus the debate on the critical process of exclusion and the structure of demands for minima. The concern with basic needs is more than a new fashionable slogan but might be more effective if access to political and administrative institutions was at the top of its agenda and the rallying cry became 'essential guarantees'.RESUMENExigencias políticas y garantías fundamentales: EditorialEn este extenso ensayo editorial se examina el carácter del debate sobre las necesidades básicas que ofrece un ámbito para el estudio que se hace en artículos posteriores. Se suele prestar especial atención en dicho debate, que sólo sirve para distraer a los ejercicios nacionales sobre "numero‐costo‐efectivos" evaluándose los deficits fisicos y los objetivos sociales y estableciéndose la capacidad para proveer y garantizar la entrega de servicios. Pero debiera más bien ponerse de relieve el estudio sistemático de las exigencias de clases y otros tipos politicos y sus reper‐cusiones para formular y ejecutar proyectos sobre "necesidades básicas".La complejidad y contingencias de los vínculos entre las necesidades debieran permitir un reenfoque del debate sobre el proceso critico de la esclusión y la estructura de las demandas de mínimos. La preocupación con las necesidades básicas es algo más que un nuevo tema de moda pero podria ser más eficaz si en cabeza de su orden del día se colocase el acceso a las instituciones administrativas y politicas y el grito solidario fuera "las garantías fundamentales".RESUMEExigences politiques et garanties essentielles: éditorialCe long éditorial examine la nature du débat sur les besoins fondamentaux, fournit un contexte pour la discussion entamée dans les articles suivants. Dans ce débat il est en général prêté à tort une attention particulière aux exercices nationaux "compte‐coût‐fourniture", évaluant les déficits physiques et les objectifs sociaux et établissant la capacité à fournir et à assurer la prestation de services. Mais l'accent devrait plutôt porter sur l'étude systématique des exigences politiques de classes et autres et leurs implications pour la formulation et la mise en oeuvre de projets de "besoins fondamentaux". La complexité et la contingence des liens entre les besoins devraient ré‐orienter le débat sur le processus critique de l'exclusion et de la structure des demandes pour un minimum. L'intérêt porté aux besoins fondamentaux est plus qu'un slogan à la mode, mais serait peut‐être plus efficace si l'accès aux instititutions politiques et administratives était en tête de ses priorités et si le cri de ralliement devenait "garantie essentielle".

Using Deng Xiaoping's military reform in China as an empirical case, this article discusses how the military uses five attributes as its power base from which to make three types of political demands. The top leadership in turn can exert a certain degree of political control, eight tactics of which are discussed. The three sets of variables (power base, political demands, and political control) are seen in a state of interaction and flux. Political control can be effectively applied if the primary authority patterns that make up the political system (party-state) remain intact. The critical variables here are internal and external order, ideology, socialization, leadership, and tradition. Finally, the paper suggests that the importance of national security forces the leadership to make compromises and put the relationships among the three sets of variables into some kind of workable order.

Factors that created the army coup in Sept. 1988; situation since the May 1990 elections; lecture.

Based on conference paper. Uses Deng Xiaoping's military reform as an empirical case.

Suggests that to allow themselves to continue in a traditional lifestyle, the Indians have had to maintain a degree of isolation from the dominant society. In doing so they follow somewhat the pattern of other peoples in the world whom the author has called cultural isolationists. Argues that in a country like Canada, where the idea of cultural pluralism plays an important role in national policy, it can best be judged if the country respects the cultural isolationists. If cultural pluralism is an important aspect of democratic governance in a country, then it is strengthened and made more secure by its manifestations on the edges of majoritarian society. (Original abstract - amended)

Canadian Indian policy is examined in light of the efforts of isolated Indian bands in British Columbia to maintain their culture by staying outside governmental structures. Illustrated is how, while promoting a policy of multiculturalism for the mainstream population, Canada's policy has only recently begun to recognize the rights of isolated minorities. In turn, isolated Indians have had to seek territorial autonomy, contrary to their concept of territory, to obtain functional autonomy. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
Popular unrest is a source of worry also for seemingly stable authoritarian regimes. Young faces have become the image of protest in Russia over the last two years, and they convey the importance of protests that may emerge in any authoritarian regime. Nevertheless, it remains unclear what kind of young people are taking to the street and how their mobilisation is judged by their peers. This paper draws on survey data from 2018 and 2019 on the political attitudes of young Russians alongside focus group interviews generated in 2019 in Yekaterinburg and St. Petersburg. The combination of these two sources allows us to explore the shifting assessments of political and environmental protests and young people's participation therein. It is argued that young Russians of different political orientation agree that Putin has been in power for too long and that also regime supporters do not, in principle, oppose regime critical protests. Rather, supporters insist on the importance for protests to be officially approved but question the genuine political nature of oppositional mobilisation. Friendship networks and institutional trust emerge as the key variables for understanding assessment of protests.

Jesus sides with the oppressed. Will you? In a world divided by left and right, red and blue, many Christians have upheld a "third way" approach in pursuit of moderation, harmony, and unity. But if Christians are more concerned with divisiveness than with faithfulness, we have failed to grasp the gospel's political demands. We do not see Jesus taking a "third way" between oppressor and oppressed. And as followers of Jesus, neither should we. For the sake of our faith, for the sake of the least of these among us, and for Christ's sake, Christians need to stand firmly for truth, peace, and justice. In Jesus Takes a Side, author Jonny Rashid lays out the political demands of following Jesus and offers strategies for how to engage politics practically and prophetically--even if it means taking a side.