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The article deals with the relation of political messianism to ongoing debate
on the crisis of democracy. The conceptual framework of political messianism
is the convenient analytical tool because it makes the concept of crisis a
starting point for formulating a different politics of redemption. Three
conceptions of political messianism are being analyzed: as a revolutionary
policies, as critical tool, as well as open possibility of radical changes.
It shows in all three cases that deep beliefs play an important role in
politics and that it is not possible to immunize political order from them.
The second part of the paper points to the significance of these insights for
understanding the discourse on the crisis of democracy which important part
represents the loss of faith in the ability of democratic institutions to
formulate a framework for meaningful political actions of citizens. As a
result, there has been a transformation of the concept of democracy which now
sees political actions of citizens-amateurs as a nuisance. Such a condition
produces tensions which are burdening the functioning of democratic regimes.
In conclusion, it is noted that contemporary democracies are not able to
restore faith in the fundamentals of its existence as long as they insist on
the primacy of the form of democracy, which in the meantime has become the
norm, but fails to convince the citizens in their intrinsic values.

Walter Benjamin has not been considered one of the most popular philosophers. There are only mentions of his name in certain fields. In this article we try to bring back some short works that have a definite and important message for the present time: on the one hand, the need for a political messiah figure as an area of intersection between religion and politics and, on the other hand, this messiah's attempts not to allow the poor to be forgotten as a basis for the interpretation of justice. ; Walter Benjamin no es uno de los filósofos más populares. Solamente en algunos campos es en donde aparece referencia de su nombre. En este artículo intentamos rescatar unas pequeñas obrillas que retienen en su interior un mensaje determinante e importante para la actualidad: por un lado, la necesidad de la figura del mesías político como campo de intersección entre religión y política y, por otro lado, la labor que este mesías tiene de no permitir el olvido de los sin voz como clave de interpretación de la justicia.Palabras claves: Religión. Política. Mesianismo político. Historia.Memoria.Walter Benjaminand the political messianismAbstractWalter Benjamin has not been considered one of the most popular philosophers. There are only mentions of his name in certain fields. In this article we try to bring back some short works that have a definite and important message for the present time: on the one hand, the need fora political messiah figure as an area of intersection between religion and politics and, on the other hand, this messiah's attempts not to allow the poor to be forgotten as a basis for the interpretation of justice.Keywords: Religion. Policy. Political messianism. History. Memory.

According to modern social theory political science belongs to secular domains of social sciences, it is scientific and it immunes from theology. However, in political theory and political philosophy this view is outmoded and one sided today. In this paper I will examine the transformation of modern political theory after German political philosopher Carl Schmitt's understanding of modern political theory as "political theology". With this aim, I will evaulate theologicopolitical leitmotives of modernity and modern political theory such as reason and revelation distinction in philosophy, immanentize the Christian Eschaton, millenarianism (belief that an ideal world will be achieved in the near future), worldly or immanent salvation and particular attention is paid to political messianism and religiosity after secularism. ; Modern sosyal teoride entellektüeller arasındaki genel eğilim, politikayı bir "bilim" olarak teoloji, tarih gibi diğer sosyal bilim disiplinlerinden bağımsız, ayrı ve sosyal bilimlerin seküler alanına dahil olarak görme eğilimidir. Bu bildik yaklaşımın aksine günümüzde politika biliminde ve özellikle de politika felsefesinde ortaya çıkan yeni entellektüel gelişmeler ile birlikte yukarıda ifade edilen bakışın oldukça tek taraflı olduğu ve bir tür dinselliği içinde barındırdığı düşünürler tarafından ifade edilmeye başlandı. Bilhassa Alman politika filozofu Carl Schmitt'in Politik Teoloji: Egemenlik Tasarımı Üzerine Dört Bölüm adlı çok önemli eseri yayınlandıktan hemen sonra modern devlet teorisinde kullanılan teolojik kavramlar ve Batı ideolojilerinin apokaliptik (tarihi bir aşamada durduran ve kıyametçi) yaklaşımları politik bilimcilerin ilgisini çok daha fazla çekmeye başladı. Schmitt'in eseri kendisinden kaçınılmaya çalışılan dinsel dilin modern teorilerde devam edip etmediği meselesini ele alıyordu ve Schmitt tarafından modernitedeki sekülerizm iddiasına rağmen dinsel dilin modern teoride varlığını devam ettirdiği ileri sürülüyordu. Schmitt'in söylediği üzere söz gelimi modern devlet teorisinde kadim "kadir-i mutlak Tanrı" kavramı "egemen devlet" kavramına, teolojik bir kavram olan "mucize" kavramı ise, "istisna hali" gibi modern ve politik bir kavrama dönüşüyordu. Schmitt'in "modern teorinin bütün önemli kavramlarının sekülerleşmiş teolojik kavramlar olduğu" iddiası ile birlikte bu türden ifadeler sosyal bilimler ve bilhassa da politika bilimi için meydan okuyucuydu çünkü Schmitt'in iddia ettiği üzere eğer modern devlet teorisinin bütün önemli kavramları kökeninde teolojik ise ve dinselliği barındırıyorsa bilimi dinden, felsefeyi dinden, bilgiyi inançtan, ya da bilmeyi inanmadan vb. nasıl ayırabiliriz? sorusu sosyal bilimcinin cevaplamak zorunda olduğu ve kendisinden kaçınılamayacak bir soru olacaktı. Bir diğer önemli soru da şudur: Sosyal bilimlerde objektiflik kriterimiz bu noktadan sonra ne olabilir?

The article deals with the relation of political messianism to ongoing debate on the crisis of democracy. The conceptual framework of political messianism is the convenient analytical tool because it makes the concept of crisis a starting point for formulating a different politics of redemption. Three conceptions of political messianism are being analyzed: as a revolutionary policies, as critical tool, as well as open possibility of radical changes. It shows in all three cases that deep beliefs play an important role in politics and that it is not possible to immunize political order from them. The second part of the paper points to the significance of these insights for understanding the discourse on the crisis of democracy which important part represents the loss of faith in the ability of democratic institutions to formulate a framework for meaningful political actions of citizens. As a result, there has been a transformation of the concept of democracy which now sees political actions of citizens-amateurs as a nuisance. Such a condition produces tensions which are burdening the functioning of democratic regimes. In conclusion, it is noted that contemporary democracies are not able to restore faith in the fundamentals of its existence as long as they insist on the primacy of the form of democracy, which in the meantime has become the norm, but fails to convince the citizens in their intrinsic values. ; Tekst se bavi odnosom političkog mesijanizma i rasprava o krizi demokratije. Pojmovni okvir političkog mesijanizma je pogodno analitičko oruđe jer u njemu pojam krize čini polaznu tačku na osnovu koje se formulišu različite politike izbavljenja. Analizirana su tri shvatanja političkog mesijanizma: kao revolucionarne politike, kako kritičkog oruđa i kao otvorene mogućnosti radikalne promene. U sva tri slučaja pokazuje se da duboka uverenja imaju važnu ulogu u politici i da nije moguće imunizovati politički poredak od njih. U drugom delu teksta ukazuje se na značaj ovih uvida za razumevanje diskursa o krizi demokratije čiji važan deo čini gubitak vere u sposobnost demokratskih ustanova da formulišu okvir za smisaono političko delovanje građana. Usled toga, došlo je do transformacije pojma demokratije koji sada političko delovanje građana-amatera vidi kao smetnju. Takvo stanje proizvodi napetosti koji opterećuju funkcionisanje demokratskih režima. U zaključku se konstatuje da savremene demokratije nisu u stanju da obnove veru u osnove svog postojanja sve dok insistiraju na primatu forme demokratije, koja je u međuvremenu postala norma, a koja nije u stanju da uveri građane u svoje intrinsične vrednosti.

From the analysis of Jewish messianism as a theological, political and philosophical problem, the main objective of the article is to reconstruct archaeologically the relationship between the messianic ideal and sovereign power. On the base of this objective, we would like to show the prophetic origin of messianism and the consequences that prophetism produces in the messianic ideal. At the same time, we want to see the consequences that this revolutionary power generates in the figure of the Prophets and in the constitutive principles of Judaism. Finally, is necessary to analyze how the sovereign effects in the material world through messianism are possible as a result of the appearance of a Messiah in History and the intertwining between Christianity and the Roman Empire. From this point, our reflections focus in the theological-political transformations of the messianic sovereign power. The conclusion of the article is the proposition of new theses that wants to open the debate on messianism, sovereign power and our pandemic time. ; Partiendo del análisis del mesianismo judío como problema teológico, político y filosófico, en estas reflexiones se busca reconstruir arqueológicamente la relación entre el ideal mesiánico y el poder soberano. Con este objetivo, se indaga y analiza el origen profético del mesianismo, las implicaciones y consecuencias que produce el profetismo en lo mesiánico como también las consecuencias que esta potencia revolucionaria genera en la figura de los profetas y en los principios constitutivos del judaísmo. Finalmente, se intenta mostrar de qué manera los efectos soberanos que están en juego en el mundo material a través del mesianismo son posibles como resultado de la aparición de un mesías encarnado en la historia y del entrelazamiento entre el cristianismo y el Imperio Romano. Desde este punto, se reflexiona sobre las transformaciones teológico-políticas del poder soberano mesiánico hasta concluir con la proposición de nuevas tesis que abran el debate sobre los mesianismos, el ...