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A survey of 2 violently contrasting books, A. Brecht's positivistic study, POLITICAL THEORY (1959) & B. Crick's attack on this approach. While noting Brecht's wide range & profound learning, it is suggested that he goes too far in confining 'knowledge', philosophically, to what is empirically verifiable. The criticism of Crick's book is that, apart from inadequate study of the selected sources, the principle of selection is radically unsound since the reconstruction of 'pol'al sci', taken seriously, is not at all limited to US writers, is not well exemplified (eg, by T.V. Smith's work), & cannot justly be said to be epiphenomenal to, & in its methods limited by, the US soc scene. The pol'al philosophy is defensible; but the thesis as it stands is more startling than impressive. AA.

The text of a speech from the Tenth World Congress of Sociology in Mexico City, 1982. Commentary is offered on the function of social science as unacknowledged ideology over the past two decades, focusing on changes brought on by the "events of 1968" & their aftermath. It is suggested that although the politicization of sociology after 1968 had negative effects, it nevertheless opened the eyes of many sociologists to their previous cultural & ideological blind spots. The nature of those blind spots, both in capitalist & socialist countries, is explored, & the tendency of "sunshine sociologists" to sociologize only about the positive aspects of their respective systems is deplored. It is suggested that a "depoliticization" of sociology would allow it to deal more effectively with the actual, existing social structures & problems in the West & the East, rather than ignoring major aspects of social reality or being crippled by unexamined reverence for the sanctity of emblems such as "the market" or "Marx." To come to grips with modern capitalist societies, a combination of Marxism, systems theory, & mathematics is needed; a combination of conflict theory, structural functionalism, & some aspects of Marxist theory would be of use in the analysis of socialist systems. Finally, it is maintained that the depoliticization of sociological theory (ie, the reduction of its ideological blind spots) would help social scientists to repoliticize politics by urging political debate on actual structural problems in society, as opposed to the current, depoliticized politics of cosmetic issues & debate. J. Weber.

Es wird der Versuch unternommen, die zentralen Elemente des Rokkanschen Makro-Modells Europa herauszuarbeiten und seine Zusammenhänge zu systematisieren. Der Schwerpunkt des Rekonstruktionsversuchs liegt auf einer Darstellung und nicht einer kritischen Interpretation der Theorie, wobei vor allem die Systematik und die allgemeinen Modellelemente zur Sprache kommen. Es wird die Frage diskutiert, ob Rokkan eine Entwicklungstheorie der politischen Systeme in Europa vorgelegt hat. Die konzeptionelle Karte Europas wird im Zusammenhang mit dem allgemeinen Grundmodell Rokkans behandelt, das als Gerüst für die verschiedenen Teilmodelle aufgefaßt werden kann. Es wird eine Zusammenfassung der verschiedenen Versuche gegeben, zentrale Variationen in den grundlegenden politischen Entwicklungsprozessen zu erklären: im Prozeß der Staaten- und Nationenbildung und in der Entwicklung der Massendemokratien. Rokkans zentrales Interesse an einem Studium der Entwicklung der europäischen Massendemokratien und einer Erklärung ihrer Strukturunterschiede wird hervorgehoben. Als Ziel des individuellen wie nationalen Lebens sah Rokkan eine Balance zwischen Optionen und Wurzeln, deren Gegensätze Versklavung und Anomie heißen. (GB)

Hispanics, the fastest growing minority in the US, are geographically separated from the black population & suffer from substantially lower incomes than whites. Over the past two decades, a movement for increased rights has begun to emerge in this population: important issues include improved income levels & occupational & educational opportunities. At the same time, voting turnout among Chicanos remains low, & it appears uncertain whether this is an irrational response; it may be that voting cannot be expected to have much effect on the Chicano situation. An alternative route of some promise has been formation of contacts with foreign governments. This & other forms of political action all appear to be needed if Chicanos are to be politically mobilized. 3 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

The patterns (structures) of modernization are seen as underlying all discussions of pol'al development. Patterns of relatively modernized & relatively nonmodernized societies are considered as variations overlying the common features of any society. Degrees of modernization are defined by the ratio of inanimate to animate sources of power. The specialization of org's, interdependency, relationship emphases, patterns of centralization, generalized media of exchange, & markets fit into the general structure. Bur'cy fam considerations, & townvillage interdependencies are seen as foci of diff's between the relatively modernized & nomnodernized. Change in a consistent direction, fam strains, problems of control, reactions, mobs, & problems of knowledge are seen as the diff's it makes. Alterations of town-village imbalances, creative uses of armed forces, pol as recreation, & the trickle effect are seen as some avenues of control. AA.

An investigation into the importance of beliefs underlying party identification. 341 R's from HSch students to adults were given a structured M. 3 hyp's were tested & confirmed: (1) R's will choose a candidate of the opposite party who agrees with them on an important issue rather than a candidate of their own party who disagrees with them on the same issue. (2) Style issues (broad, general moral issues) are more important than position issues (specific, concrete issues) as factors underlying party identification. (3) Issueoriented R's chose issues over party more often than did candidate & party-oriented R's. These 3 hyp's lend support to the general hypothesis that beliefs are an important component underlying party identification. AA.

From the evidence of regular polls on prohibition taken since 1937 it is possible to argue that there is approximate or working consensus in nat'l & state pot, but not possible, given the persistence of local option, to argue that prohibition is a dead issue. Yet the findings of the polls deal with the differential distribution of prohibition att's among demographic aggregates &, thus, they do not identify very clearly any psychol'al or sociol'al factors that mediate the voting decisions of people on this issue. To demonstrate the crucial relevance of some such factors in a non-partisan (or mono-partisan) context is the purpose of this paper. Data used comes from adult whites of Dixie City, Ala, in 1957. It seems that (1) voting decisions on local option r with the psychol'al variable of dogmatism & fundamentalism & with the sociol'al variables, SC & denominational preference, (2) the 4 independent variables are observably & empirically distinct from one another (3) the r between each independent & dependent variable may be a consequence of the decisionmaking context's partisan structure, (4) the sociol'al variables do not seem so highly related to prohibition att's as the psycho1'al variables, (5) a res strategy that commits itself solely to 'psychologism' or 'sociologism' is unjustified, & (6) the res design of a future study can learn from the deficiencies of the present one. IPSA.

Independent field experiments in the Cincinnati, Ohio, area indicate that changes in question order & context may account for an apparently precipitous decline of interest in politics at the time of the Center for Political Studies 1978 American National Election Study. Evidence from a question order experiment with the Survey Research Center/Center for Political Studies "feeling thermometers" also suggests that such contextual artifacts may not be atypical. Indeed, because of the many changes in the context & organization of the election studies over the years, context effects represent plausible rival hypotheses for a number of inexplicable shifts & trends in the time-series. In testing these hypotheses, an information-processing model of how Rs infer their political "states of mind" from observations of their own question-answering behavior in the survey interview are derived & validated. In addition, the wide applicability of the model to substantive problems in the discipline & its implications for the survey-based paradigm in political behavior research are illustrated. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 28 References. HA.

Daniel J. Elazar (American Federalism: A View from the States, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1966) has proposed a theory of US political life as shaped by three political subcultures: the traditionalistic, moralistic, & individualistic. It is hypothesized that the language used to talk about the political process should reflect these differences. Attitude survey data from 1968, 1970, & 1972 are used to form PO estimates for 36 states, with an average of 156 individuals representing each state (minimum 43, maximum 501). Content analysis is performed on 105 TV campaign spot ads used from 1964 to 1976 by political candidates for various offices in 18 states. Factor analysis of the sample of 36 states extracts a first factor from 68 PO measures that correlates highly with a one-dimensional solution from multidimensional scaling & with a political subculture score. Political subculture is also found to be a correlate of political ad content. 11 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AN INDIVIDUAL'S FEELINGS OF PERSONAL COMPETENCE OF EFFICACY & HIS SENSE OF POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IS INVESTIGATED. MELVIN SEEMAN'S WORK (SEE SA 0312/C7224) ON POWERLESSNESS & POLITICAL INFORMATION &/OR INTEREST IS THE BASIS. 347 HIGH SCHOOL YOUTHS WERE INTERVIEWED. POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT WAS MEASURED ALONG 3 DIMENSIONS: (1) COGNITION (POLITICAL INFORMATION, KNOWLEDGE, & COMPREHENSION OF CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES), (2) AFFECT (ATTACHMENT TO GOVERNMENT, POLITICAL CYNICISM), & (3) ACTIVISM (WILLINGNESS TO PARTICIPATE POLITICALLY & MAKE DEMANDS ON GOVERNMENT AS WELL AS APPROVED FORMS OF PARTICIPATION). SENSE OF PERSONAL EFFICACY WAS MEASURED BY JULIAN ROTTER'S SCALE OF INTERNAL/EXTERNAL CONTROL ("EXTERNAL CONTROL AND INTERNAL CONTROL," PSYCHOLOGY TODAY, 1971, 5, JUN, 42). FOLLOWING SEEMAN'S LEAD, IT WAS PREDICTED THAT INTERNALS (THOSE HIGH IN SENSE OF PERSONAL CONTROL OR EFFICACY) WOULD SCORE HIGHER ON ALL 3 DIMENSIONS OF INVOLVEMENT & ON THE SENSE OF POLITICAL EFFICACY SCALE. THE HYPOTHESIS WAS CONFIRMED FOR COGNITION & AFFECT, BUT THE FINDINGS ON ACTIVISM WERE INCONSISTENT. WE MAY NEED TO RECONCEPTUALIZE CURRENTLY USED MEASURES OF POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT. 3 TABLES. MODIFIED AA.

Political theory usually assumes that interest groups play an essential role in democratic polities, providing an instrument through which the individual may participate to some extent in the making of public policy. Such groups synthesize, express, & provide technical & ideological support for collective social demands which provide critical inputs into the political subsystem. Despite these contributions, interest groups are often regarded as both normatively & operationally marginal. Using cross-national survey data on interest group lobbying reveals that variations in group legitimacy & the intensity of lobbying, groups play a critical linkage role, bringing into concert the private & public sectors of North American society. 7 Tables. HA.