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Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. Politics becomes a profession -- 2. A sacred trust -- 3. Broken promises -- 4. The great salary grab -- 5. The good local Member (then) -- 6. A political birth right -- 7. Pensions and pay rises -- 8. Fear of the monster -- 9. People power -- 10. Betrayal -- 11. Women will make it better -- 12. Managing trust -- 13. Blaming the media -- 14. The good local Member (now) -- 15. Trust now -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Explores the origins, extent, & development of professional politics & the political class in Australia. Professional politicians are those elected to state/territorial assemblies & national office in the federal Parliament. The political system, including the electoral systems & structure of the political parties, is reviewed. The size, composition, socioeconomic status, & activities of the Australian political class are discussed, with conclusions concerning politicians' roles in institutional reform & importance of party affiliation. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 28 References. L. Collins Leigh

AN INDEX OF MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY TARIFF PROTECTION IS CALCULATED FOR EACH AUSTRALIAN FEDERAL ELECTORAL DIVISION AND USED TO TEST FOR THE PRESENCE OF VOTING FACTORS IN THE ELECTORAL INCIDENCE OF TARIFF PROTECTION. THERE IS A STRONG POSITIVE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE LEVEL OF TARIFFS AND THE LABOR VOTE IN AN ELECTORATE, THOUGH THIS IS MORE LIKELY TO BE EVIDENCE FOR THE EFFECT OF LEVELS OF MANUFACTURING ACTIVITY THAN FOR SYSTEMATIC ELECTORAL MANIPULATION OF TARIFFS. SMALLER SAMPLES OF ELECTORATES DO SUGGEST THAT GOVERNMENTS SHIFT THE LARGEST TARIFF INCREASES INTO ELECTORATES WHICH THEY WON AT THE PREVIOUS ELECTION.

An index of manufacturing industry tariff protection is calculated for each Australian federal electoral division and used to test for the presence of voting factors in the electoral incidence of tariff protection. There is a strong positive relationship between the level of tariffs and the Labor vote in an electorate, though this is more likely to be evidence for the effect of levels of manufacturing activity than for systematic electoral manipulation of tariffs. Smaller samples of electorates do suggest that governments shift the largest tariff increases into electorates which they won at the previous election. (International Political Science Association)

A lively look at the deep distrust between Australians and the people they elect to office, this book showcases the long history of such an uneasy relationship. From the 1850s to the 2013 election, Jackie Dickenson traces the ways in which such animosity has, and hasn't, changed over the course of time. While acknowledging the maxim that cynicism about politics is always on the rise, she argues that having blind trust in the government is not a desirable alternative either. Asking tough questions, revisiting scandals, and exploring times of trauma and difficulty for Australia, this work ultima

The first major biography of Don Dunstan, one of the few state premiers to stride the national stage and make a lasting mark on Australian life.

AbstractSociologist Peter Berger once said that if India is the most religious country and Sweden the least, then the United States is a nation of Indians ruled by Swedes. In terms of use of religious rhetoric by politicians, however, the United States actually comes closer to being a nation of Indians ruled by Indians, while Australia a nation of Swedes ruled by "Swindians," and Canada a nation of "Swindians" ruled by Swedes. This article provides evidence for these claims and assesses theories as to what causes greater use of religious rhetoric by politicians. Size of the religious population and the rights revolution are not decisive in determining whether politicians heavily use religious rhetoric. The article argues that the politicization of religion is related to coalition-building incentives with Catholics.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface : The Victory -- Part One : The First Days -- The Women Problem -- Power Steering -- Budget Failure -- Fighting Wars -- The Bishop's Move -- Part Two: On the Brink -- In Denial -- Building Bridges -- Spoils of Power -- Arise, Sir Prince -- The Shorten Factor -- Minister For Women -- Lost Jewels -- Part Three : Narrow Escape -- First Blood -- No Recriminations -- Going To War -- The Money Problem -- How To Lead -- Fallout -- Part Four: The Last Chance -- The Onion -- U-Turn -- Hockey vs Turnbull -- Citizen Abbott -- Kill Bill -- Falling A Part -- Part Five : A New Leader -- Warrior Falls -- The Turnbull Government -- Why Abbott and Credlin Failed -- Author's Note -- Back Cover.

Intro -- Foreword -- McCult of Personality -- 1: How Blue Was My Valley -- 2: A Poacher's Instinct -- 3: 'Hullo, Hullo, We are the Billy Boys' -- 4: 'Do you want to be a professional footballer, son?' -- 5: The Magic of the Cup -- 6: The Road to Wembley -- 7: Power, Pain and Passion -- 8: One Door Closes … -- 9: Thieves and Billionaires -- 10: Heaven and Hell -- 11: The Agony, the Ecstasy and the Agony -- 12: The Extra Mile -- 13: May You Be Fated to Live in Interesting Times -- 14: Changes in the Land Where Nothing Ever Happened -- 15: Reflections and Projections: The Dangerous Truth -- From Lawrie's Mates: Tributes and Reflections -- Playing and Coaching Record.

This article explores the major influences on pay‐TV policy‐making in Australia from the late 1970s, when the issue was first discussed in the context of proposals to establish a domestic communications satellite, up until the introduction of pay‐TV in Australia in 1995, thereby placing current developments in the pay‐TV industry in context. The article argues that among larger broadcasting and telecommunications issues, pay‐TV has never been 'the main game'. For both Coalition and Labor governments, the expansion of existing free‐to‐air television services in regional Australia and the introduction of competition in telecommunications have been much more important policy priorities than the introduction of pay‐TV. Furthermore, because pay‐TV policy‐making largely took place in this wider policy context, the structure of the broadcasting and telecommunications industries also shaped pay‐TV policy outcomes.