Suchergebnisse

The importance of green and renewable energy sources, as well as environmental awareness, is playing an increasing role in our lives as we move forward in time. Even at the conceptual level, it is already understandable and clear to most people what should or could be done to protect the Earth. The use of renewable energy sources, such as the energy of the sun, wind, water, and geothermal energy all contribute to the development of the environmental values of the individual and society, which is shaped by knowledge and moral convictions about the environment. As irresponsible energy-wasting behavior is unsustainable in the long run and can lead to the depletion of natural resources, the use of alternative energy sources can provide a solution to this global problem. For this reason, the main goal of the representative research is to examine the possibilities of using and applying green and renewable energy sources in the case of all 25 settlements of the micro-region of Gyöngyös in the region of Northern Hungary. A questionnaire survey was used as the primary research method, the aim of which is to explore the extent of local governments' investments in renewable energy sources, and what other methods these local governments contribute to the development of environmental awareness of the local population. Based on the results obtained, according to the investments of the local governments, solar energy (e.g. solar panels) is the most efficient energy source, which is closely followed by the use of biomass. Developments and investments related to renewable energy are implemented to a significant extent from domestic or European Union tender sources. The amount of renewable energy investments planned in the future is expected to be between HUF 10 and 25 million in the case of smaller local governments, and more than HUF 100 million in the case of larger local governments. ; A zöld- és megújuló enerigaforrások, valamint a környezettudatosság jelentősége egyre nagyobb szerepet játszik az életünkbe, ahogy haladunk előre az időben. Fogalmi meghatározás szintjén is, már a legtöbb ember számára érthető és egyértelmű, hogy mit kellene vagy lehetne tenni a Föld megóvása érdekében. A megújuló energiaforrások használata, mint pl. a nap-, szél-, folyóvizek energiája, illetve a geotermikus energia, mind hozzájárulnak az egyén és a társadalom környezeti értékrendjeinek fejlődéséhez, melyet a környezetről alkotott tudás és morális meggyőződés alakít ki. Mivel a felelőtlen energiapazarló magatartás hosszútávon nem fenntartható, és a természeti erőforrások kimerüléséhez vezethet, így az alternatív energiaforrások használata nyújthat megoldást erre a világméretű problémára. Ennek okán, a reprezentatív kutatás legfőbb célja, a zöld- és megújuló energiaforrások felhasználási és alkalmazási lehetőségeinek vizsgálata, az Észak-magyarországi régióban található Gyöngyösi járás mind a 25 településének esetében. Elsődleges kutatási módszerként kérdőíves megkérdezés került alkalmazásra, melynek célja, hogy az önkormányzatok megújuló energiaforrásokkal kapcsolatos beruházásainak mértékét feltárja, illetve, hogy ezek az önkormányzatok milyen egyéb módszerekkel járulnak hozzá a helyi lakosság környezettudattosságának fejlesztéséhez. A kapott eredmények alapján, az önkormányzatok beruházásai szerint a napenergia (pl. napelemek) a leghatékonyabb energiaforrás, amelyet szorosan követ a biomassza felhasználás. A megújuló energiához kapcsolódó fejlesztések és beruházások jelentős mértékben hazai vagy európai uniós pályázati forrásokból valósulnak meg. A jövőben tervezett megújuló energia beruházások összege, a kisebb önkormányzatok esetében várhatóan többnyire 10 - 25 millió forint között lesz, a nagyobb helyi önkormányzatok esetében pedig, több mint 100 millió forint.

On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.

The aim of the study and the related presentation was to analyze the rules of the Hungarian and Polish administrative procedures in relation to the client status of (minority) NGOs, especially those belonging to the Polish nationality, in order to draw conclusions and make recommendations in the administrative proceedings to develop and promote the participation of non-governmental organizations. The presence of these organizations, especially in cases where there is a conflict of interest and / or the presence of a large number of clients, can make a major contribution to increasing the transparency of the regulatory process, achieving the actual objectives of the regulatory process and exercising adequate social control. A comparison of the experiences of Hungary and Poland is made possible by the accession to the supranational legal order of the European Union, which started at a similar time, and by the harmonization processes and similar legal and social conditions. The research related to the lecture was supported by the Wacław Felczak Foundation, with a scholarship called "Jagello".

A nacionalizmus jelensége különböző módon nyilvánul meg a különböző államok közszférájában. A diszkurzív megközelítés fogalmi eszközkészlettel szolgál a nacionalizmus empirikus szintű tanulmányozásához és annak megértéséhez, hogy a nacionalizmus hogyan működik az adott esetben. A nacionalista diskurzus összehasonlító tanulmányai lehetőséget kínálnak mind az egyedi, mind az univerzális értékelésére. Mindezeket figyelembe véve, a disszertáció összehasonlító keretek között elemzi a Fidesz és az Ak Párt nacionalista diskurzusait, és ily módon kíván hozzájárulni a nacionalizmus meglévő irodalmához azáltal, hogy az uralkodó pártok többségi nacionalizmusainak összehasonlító tanulmányozására összpontosít, amely viszonylag elhanyagolt terület.

The migration of health workers is a global phenomenon with considerable impact on health care systems, which issue became a policy concern in Hungary after the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union in 2000s and early 2010s. The main aim of this paper is to reveal the migration intentions and motives of Hungarian medical students and health professionals.

A szélsőjobboldali populizmus közép- és kelet-európai előretörését és választási kontúrjait magyarázó irodalom egyre növekvő mennyisége ellenére a kutatók csak szórványos ismeretekkel rendelkeznek a szélsőjobboldal tömegkommunikációs csatornáiról és média diskurzusairól. Több országra kiterjedő, összehasonlító jellegű kutatásokra különösen szükség lenne annak érdekében, hogy nagyobb betekintést nyerjünk a szélsőjobboldali populizmus mai jellemzőibe. A projekt ezt a rést tölti ki egy Romániára és Magyarországra összpontosító átfogó elemzés elvégzésével. A kutatás célkitűzése kettős volt. Egyfelől a kutatók elvégezték a szélsőjobboldali média diskurzus jellemzőinek elemzését. Másfelől célul tűzték ki a szélsőjobboldali populista média megjelenések az általános média szféra hálózati struktúrájában elfoglalt helyzetének meghatározását. A kutatók célja a régió egyik legfontosabb közügyének, a szélsőjobboldali populizmus kommunikációs konstrukciójának és a közszférában elfoglalt helyzetének a feltárása volt. A két évig tartó empirikus kutatás fő kérdése az volt, hogy milyen különbségek illetve hasonlóságok vannak a szélsőjobboldali populizmus magyarországi és romániai média megjelenésében. A kérdés megválaszolására kvantitatív és kvalitatív módszereket egyaránt igénybe vettek a 3 román - Adrian Nastase elítélése, - Funar és Vadim Tudor között belső pártkonfliktusa, - Bodgan Diaconu új pártalapítása, és a 3 magyar - Paksi atomerőmű bővítése, - Kovács Béla európai parlamenti képviselő kémügye, - megismételt ózdi polgármester választás téma vizsgálata során. A gyűjteményben mind egyes témához három file – egy korpusz, egy kódkönyv és adatbázis – tartozik.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

The integrity advisers are the central actors of integrity management systems of the administrative organizational structure, whose main task is to promote the implementation of the integrity approach within state administration institutions. As a complementary part of this task, we can separate the tasks of corruption prevention and the improvement of organizational integrity, of which the latter being discussed in more detail in this research and presentation. Integrity advisers play a key role in the development of organizational culture among public administration bodies, such as bodies exercising administrative authority. Looking at the topic more closely, with regard to the activities of integrity advisers, it can be clearly established that one of the engines of their operation is the proper and deep communication, which is not only necessary within the public administration and inter-agency transactions, but it also means communication activities that can be interpreted in the relationship between the public and clients. Equally important is their training and other activities aimed at developing staff awareness, relationships, situation assessment and action practices, which, in addition to and in part within public service training, provide an opportunity to shape organizational culture. The presentation and the paper aims to show the role of integrity advisors in developing organizational culture and transparency in the administration based on recent research experience about online presence of integrity advisors and in-depth interview surveys.

Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.

A DEMOS projekt abból a feltételezésből indul ki, hogy a populizmus a demokratikus berendezkedések működése, illetve az állampolgárok törekvései, igényei és identitásai közötti törés tünete a politikai rendszereken belül. Ennél fogva a DEMOS a demokratikus hatékonyságot vizsgálja, mint a politikai elkötelezettség feltételét, amely szükséges a populizmus megragadásához és megvitatásához. A koncepció attitűd-vonásokat is magában foglal (mint politikai hatékonyság), illetve a politikai készségeket, tudást, és a demokratikus lehetőség-struktúrákat. A populizmus mélyebb megértéséhez a DEMOS eddig kevésbé kutatott területeket vizsgál mikro- mezo- és makroszinteken: a populizmus szocio-pszichológiai gyökereit, a társadalmi szereplők reakcióit, és a populizmus hatását a kormányzásra. A DEMOS nem csupán az államigazgatással foglalkozik, hanem az állampolgárok szempontjaival is: hogyan hat rájuk a populizmus, illetve hogyan reagálnak rá. A projekt középpontjában a politikailag alulreprezentált csoportok állnak, úgy mint fiatalok, nők és bevándorlók. Mivel a populizmusnak számos, társadalmilag beágyazott megjelenési formája van, a DEMOS arra törekszik, hogy összehasonlító elemzéseken keresztül vizsgálja meg a kontextusát, beleértve annak történelmi, kulturális és társadalmi-gazdasági gyökereit.

The representative of the Hungarian peace delegation took over the final regulations of the peace conference that closed the I. World War, in the beginning of May 1920. The peace treaty dislocated Hungary and with the disannexed territories millions of Hungarians were forced to live in the neighbouring countries. The Hungarian government could react for this dramatic and significant event in two ways: on one hand accept and undersign, on the other side refuse its signatory. After a long debate, the government and the assembly –notwithstanding the public"s dismissal –were under the necessity of the pressure of the victorious powers, and made up their mind of signature. This study leads on this decisionmaking progress, on the strength of the elaboration and analysis of the reports of the government meetings in May 1920. The first part of the study shows debates in the meetings of the cabinet council and the political circumstances of the decision. The second part, in turn, shows the dramatic progress of the decisionmaking, as a result of which they pointed the representatives, whose task was the signature on the 4th June 1920 in the Castle of Grand Trianon. As a part of this, the study examines the personal decisions, the possible signatories, the ones who previously undertook the task. The study furnishes an answer for the controversial question, that why Dr. Ágost Benárd, welfare and labour minister and Alfréd Drasche-Lázár, extraordinary delegate were chosen by the government for the signature.

The Great Depression that broke out on 24th October 1929 resulted a severe agricultural and credit crisis in Hungary. Therefor the Hungarian foreign policy's aim was to encourage the foreign investments on the one hand, and to circulate loans for the country ont he other hand, and last but not least obtain foreign markets for the Hungarian agricultural products. The present study summarize the attempts of the Hungarian foreign policy between 1929 and 1932, that the Hungarian government led by István Bethlen and Gyula Károlyi trying to achieve in order to overcome the crisis. The study describes Bethlen's negotiations in Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, that brought part success, but did not result a breakthrough and Hungary's external action concerning the German-Austrian customs union plan. It presents the two foreign ministers Lajos Walko's and Gyula Karolyi's attempts. Concerning Gyula Károlyi is about the Hungarian foreign policy's French orientation attempt. Finally, the study summarize the reasons that ultimately led to the failure of both governments. Finding the foreign policy solution for recovering from the crisis left for the 1932 October founded government and for Gyula Gombos.

Based primarily on election campaigns, public opinion surveys (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) and the official election results, this study analyses how and to what extent the Institutional Revolutionary Party, that governed Mexico for more than 70 years, has lost power. To what extent can the elections of 2000, that changed the political system, be considered as a break with the past or part of an on-going process? Why did the PRI achieve the worst election results in its history in 2006? What new political dividing lines were formed in Mexico after the disappearance of the hegemony of the PRI? What can we expect at the 2012 presidential elections? ; Választási kampányok, közvélemény kutatások (Consulta Mitofsky, Latinobarometro) és a hivatalos választási eredmények segítségével a tanulmány azt elemzi, hogy az 1920 - es években megalakult, később nevét PRI-re változtató politikai erő, amely több mint 70 éven át kormányozta Mexikót, hogyan illetve milyen mértékben szorult ki a hatalomból. Mennyire tekinthető a 2000-es rendszerváltás a múlttal való szakításnak, törésnek, illetve egy folyamat részének? Miért szerepelt a PRI még rosszabbul 2006-ban? Milyen új politikai választóvonalak jöttek létre Mexikóban a PRI hegemóniájának szétfoszlásával? Mi várható 2012-es elnökválasztásokon?

On 28th April 2019 parliamentary elections were held in Spain, which won the left-wing Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. As a result of the elections the party system, which was characterised by the dominance of two main political forces (the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the People's Party) continued to transform significantly. The People's Party suffered one of the worst election results during the three decades of its history, which could be explained by the strengthening of Ciudadanos and the emergence of the radical political force, Vox.It must be noted that neither the left-wing, nor the right-wing political parties succeeded gaining absolute majority (176 mandates) in the Congress of Deputies. Taking into account of the division of political sphere and the ideological differences among the parties, it will probably take a long time until the main political forces can strike a compromise to form a coalition government in the Iberian country. This requires mutual concessions by the Spanish political elite.Besides the evaluation of the antecedents of parliamentary elections the objective my paper is to analyse the peculiarities of election campaign, but I will also highlight which factors played crucial role in the transformation of the party system in Spain. In my essay emphasis will be given to the different scenarios as regards negotiations for constructing a stable government. Because of length constraints, I will not deal with the foreign affairs- and economic policy of the socialist government.

The study examines the results of the 1922 general elections on the basis of new research into so-far unexplored sources. One novelty of the present paper is that it compares these results to the already existing research on the field, and debates the arguments of other scholars discussing the topic. The study proves that besides the 140–143 mandates of the United Party (Egységes Párt), the government was also supported by approximately 30 members of the parliament. This altogether meant 170–173 Christian-conservative MPs. It really stood for the "Two-Third" parliamentary support of Bethlen's government. However, the paper also calls attention to the fact that the elections yielded this result not only because of the open ballot system of the rural areas, but also due to corruption and breaching of law in the sphere of civil service. Consequently, whoever praises the system of consolidation by István Bethlen's government, should also keep in mind that it was not based on universal suffrage and secret ballot that were deemed necessary in a modern parliamentary democracy.