The last elections in Brazil have shown a growing participation of evangelicals in the political scenario and a majority identification with right-wing governments. A representative mark of this behavior occurred in the expressive support given to the presidential election of Bolsonaro and in the occupation of several positions in the exercise of his government. The article presents the historical trajectory of evangelical behavior in the political sphere and also the factors that historically configure theimagery of this religious segment, guiding its approaches to the right. Priority is given to the conceptual notion of "imaginary", as used by the so-called new political history. As sources of analysis, in addition to bibliographic texts, audiovisual resources, social media and lyrics from the Brazilian evangelical universe are used.
Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.
This article discusses artistic work, based on the concepts of self-invention and governmentality analyzed by Foucault, Veyne and Bennett. Life, in liberal rationalities, is understood as a field of government and as a capital. Artists invest their lives, perceptions and feelings in their artworks. Such interest, however, may conduct to identity politics. To avoid the fragmentation of the cultural field, the arts must be considered in their power relations and historical contingencies; understood as public and common goods that manifest more than mere capital but human power of invention. However, the transformation of cultural habits is a long-term task that involves the State, the private initiative and civil society. ; O artigo discorre sobre o trabalho artístico a partir dos conceitos de invenção de si e governamentalidade, analisados por Foucault, Veyne e Bennett. Nas racionalidades liberais, a vida é tomada como campo de governo e como capital. O artista investe sua vida, suas percepções e afetos na criação das obras. Mas esse interesse também pode conduzir a políticas identitárias. Para evitar que o campo se fragmente, as artes devem ser compreendidas, em suas relações de força e contingências históricas, como bens públicos e comuns, que manifestam, mais do que um capital, a potência humana de invenção. Contudo, transformar hábitos culturais é tarefa de longo prazo, que envolve o Estado, a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil.
As plataformas digitais de governos são percebidas pela literatura como uma ferramenta eficaz para aumentar a entrega de informações, interação com usuários e prestação de serviços de governos, sendo um dos aspectos mais visíveis dos cidadãos em relação à gestão pública. No entanto, a interação dos cidadãos com os governos ainda não está clara. Os efeitos práticos para a condução de um governo eletrônico, capazes de ampliar essa relação, ainda são invisíveis. Este artigo tem o objetivo de fornecer uma compreensão sobre como os portais públicos são utilizados como ferramenta de governo eletrônico em governos locais, destacando como os conceitos relacionados ao governo eletrônico têm sido empregados empiricamente. O estudo adota uma abordagem qualitativa, analisando cinco municípios de uma microrregião do estado da Bahia. As informações foram obtidas por meio de uma triangulação que envolveu entrevistas semiestruturadas, análise dos portais e aplicação de questionários de opinião aos cidadãos. As análises indicam uma ausência de ações de convencimento e de processos internos alinhados dos governos, que acabam gerando um descolamento entre a prática e as políticas de governança digital, o que resulta em baixa participação dos cidadãos e desconhecimento dos canais de comunicação governamentais. O estudo contribui para a literatura de governo eletrônico e dá mais informações sobre como pessoas e organizações afetam o uso de tecnologias, fornecendo elementos que podem guiar gestores públicos motivados a aumentar a relação e a comunicação com a sociedade. Destaca-se a necessidade de investigar, no nível organizacional, os fenômenos de transformação digital em governos. ; The literature perceives governments' websites as an effective tool for increasing information delivery, user interaction, and the government services' supply, being the most visible aspects of citizens concerning public management. However, the interaction of citizens with governments is still unclear. The practical implications of conducting e-government, capable of expanding this relationship, are still invisible. This study aims to provide an understanding of how governments' websites are used as an e-government tool in local governments, highlighting how e-government concepts have been empirically employed. The study takes a qualitative approach, examining five municipalities in a microregion in the Brazilian state of Bahia. We gathered the data using a triangulation process that included semi-structured interviews, analysis of the websites, and opinion questionnaires to the citizens. Our research shows that governments lack compelling actions and coordinated internal procedures, resulting in a gap between practice and digital governance policies, resulting in low citizens' participation, and unfamiliarity with government communication channels. The study contributes to the e-government literature by offering further insight into how people and organizations influence technology use, providing elements that can guide motivated public managers to increase relationships and communication with society. We highlight the need to investigate the phenomenon of digital transformation in governments at the organizational level.
I propose in this work to show a possible connection between two anthropological images or ways of understanding humanity,along with the respective political implications of each. These two ways are "person" and "subject". I will also make use of Boethius' definition of person and assume that human political community is natural, at least in that even when the political does not constitute a natural dimension of human life but is solely contractual there is still there the disposition to make political contracts. ; Me propongo en este trabajo mostrar una posible conexión entre dos figuras antropológicas o modos de entender lo humano, con sus respectivas prolongaciones políticas. Esos dos modos son la "persona" y el "sujeto". Me serviré también de la definición boeciana de persona y asumo la politicidad humana como natural, una vez que mismo cuando el político no constituye una dimensión natural de la vida humana sino sólo contractual, hay la la disposición para hacer contratos políticos.
L'article se penche sur la "participation" des populations à la régulation des techno-sciences et des techno-produits qui arrivent sur les marchés et affectent les modes de vie, l'environnement ou la santé. Une double thèse y est développée. La première conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir aux moyens de défendre et protéger celles et ceux qui interrogent les pratiques techno-industrielles (quant à la sécurité des systèmes mis en oeuvre par exemple) ou qui questionnent les certitudes académiques (lorsque celles-ci légifèrent trop vite sur des questions en jeu dans l'espace public). La deuxième thèse propose de placer la question de la participation dans des perspectives politiques et économiques plus vastes, en lien aux univers des marchés et de la politique professionnelle. Une conclusion majeure est que la participation est toujours invoquée formellement mais qu'on tend en pratique à réduire son usage aux cas exceptionnels où la bataille publique fait rage et ne peut être évitée ; dans les autres cas, on la contourne en la remplaçant par exemple par l'éthique instituée en comités – comités fermés mais censés "représenter la Société Civile", capables d'agir vite et, s'ils sont bien choisis, dans la bonne direction. On passe ainsi d'une régulation par la loi et le droit d'une part, des procédures participatives ouvertes de l'autre, à des formes de régulation fermées et ad hoc permettant la mise rapide sur le marché de nouvelles technologies. ; The article focuses on the "participation" of the populations in the regulation of techno-sciences and techno-products that get to the market and affect the way of life, the environment or health. In this case, a double thesis is developed. The first leads to the need to reflect on the means of defending and protecting those who challenge techno-industrial practices (for example, regarding the safety of the implemented systems) or those who question academic certainty (when these legislate very fast on issues at play in the public sphere). The second thesis proposes to place the issue of participation in wider political and economic perspectives, in relation to the market and professional politics. In the end, it is realized that participation is always formally invoked, but, in actual fact, the trend is to reduce participation to exceptional cases where the public struggle is violent and cannot be avoided; and in other cases it is sidestepped or forgotten, being substituted by ethics instituted in committees – closed committees, but supposedly "representing Civil Society", able to move rapidly and, if well chosen, in the right direction. Thus, going from one regulation by the law and by rights, onone side, and participative processes, on the other, to closed and ad hoc forms of regulation allowing for the fast introduction of new technologies in the markets.
The paper contrasts the government accountability in the financing of K-12 education in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. It describes the countries' specificities in two periods with distinct government political lines: the 1990s, with the adoption of policies with a neoliberal matrix, and the period from 2000 to 2014, with the enactment of progressist policies for expansion of public expense in the three Latin American States. The topics presented in the comparative analysis represent the priorities of the state action regarding education, such as the right to it, compulsory and free education, public resources aimed to education, accountability between spheres and instances of government, and public expense. Each topic was analyzed in view of the situations of maintenance, redefinition, or partial redefinition concerning the two historical periods. The most usual situation in these countries was the redefinition of compulsory education, the change for higher in the references for expense in education, as well as renegotiations in the distribution of accountability between national and subnational governments in Argentina and Brazil.
O artigo discute, em um primeiro momento, questões relativas à configuração da política de Educação Especial no Brasil a partir dos anos 2000, destacando elementos que marcaram o processo de institucionalização da inclusão dos alunos, público alvo da educação especial na escola comum, bem como seus desafios atuais. Tendo como referência essas problematizações, busca-se, em um segundo momento, contextualizar os trabalhos que compõem esta Seção Temática. Partindo de abordagens teórico-metodológicas distintas, esses textos conservam em comum uma preocupação ética com os desdobramentos da Educação Especial para a sociedade e com a efetivação do princípio constitucional da educação como um direito de todos. ; The article discusses, at first, questions related to the configuration of the Special Education policy in Brazil from the 2000s, highlighting elements that marked the process of institutionalization of the inclusion of students, the target audience of special education in the common school, as well as challenges. With these problematizations as reference, it is sought, secondly, to contextualize the works that make up this Thematic Section. Based on different theoretical and methodological approaches, these texts share an ethical concern with the development of Special Education for society and with the implementation of the constitutional principle of education as a right of all.
O artigo oferece uma série de reflexões a respeito de uma fase dos trabalhos de Michel Foucault e de alguns de seus colaboradores apresentada no volume The Foucault effect: studies in governmentality (1991), coeditado pelo autor. Tais reflexões se organizam em três partes. Primeiro, há uma revisão de alguns aspectos das aulas de Foucault sobre governamentalidade que, por diferentes razões, foram deixados de lado quando o livro foi publicado. Em seguida, faz-se um balanço de temas importantes que, embora presentes no livro, não receberam suficiente atenção dos leitores. Finalmente, no eixo que ocupa a maior parte do artigo, examinam-se as últimas discussões de Foucault a respeito do que o autor denomina múltiplos nascimentos da política, a fim de demonstrar a continuidade da pertinência do empreendimento foucaultiano nos anos 1970, tornado possível devido à noção de governamentalidade, ao mesmo tempo tão estranha e operacional. Tal atualidade é indicada não somente pelo incremento dos estudos sobre governamentalidade após o aparecimento dos cursos que Foucault deu no Collège de France, mas principalmente pelos dilemas e aporias que a cultura política em que estamos mergulhados nos trouxe. Nesse sentido, o artigo se encerra com uma espécie de agenda de pesquisa para dar continuidade ao trabalho inacabado de Foucault, uma agenda que nos convida a aprofundar nossa compreensão das relações entre a filosofia crítica, a racionalidade política e a cultura política, compreendidas como um conjunto de formas de conduta e de sociabilidade, modos de vida e estilos de subjetivação e dizer verdadeiro. ; The article offers a series of reflections on the presentation of a phase of work by Michel Foucault and some of his co-researchers in the volume The Foucault Effect: studies in governmentality (1991), co-edited by the author. These reflections fall into three parts. First, there is a review of some important aspects of Foucault's 'governmentality' lectures that, due to different reasons, were left aside when the book was published. Second, there is the account of important themes that, although presented in the book, have not received so much consideration from the readers. And last, in the axis that occupies the greater part of the article, the author examines Foucault's later discussions of what Gordon calls "the multiple births of politics", in order to show the continuing pertinence of Michel Foucault's enterprise during the 1970s, made possible by this notion of governmentality, at once so strange and so operative. That this is an enterprise of continuing contemporary relevance is indicated not only by the spread of governmentality studies since the appearance of Michel Foucault's lectures at Collège de France, but specially by the dilemmas and "dead-ends" that our political culture has brought us to. In this sense, the article concludes with a sort of research agenda for continuing Foucault's unfinished investigation, one that invites us to deepen our understanding of the relationships between philosophical critique, governmental rationality and political culture, understood as a set of forms of conduct and sociability, modes of life, and styles of subject-formation and truth-telling.
This article aims to analyze two fields of the Brazilian cultural policy developed since 2000, during the governments of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. The first analysis focus on the Nacional System of Culture and its goal of generating stability to the national cultural policy through the linking of the federal entities. In this context, the text addresses aspects related to the challenges involved in the multilevel governance in Brazil considering, on the one hand, the tradition of the country in developing systemic policies, and by the other hand, the problems faced to promote a democratic, decentralized and cooperative cultural management. The second analysis seeks the role of the country, represented by the Ministries of Culture and of Foreign Affairs, in processes of cultural cooperation and multilateral negotiation in the Ibero-American space. Thus, the article approaches the unprecedented international dimension that culture has achieved to the Brazilian's policy of foreign affairs, becoming an important diplomatic tool.
O artigo trata da presente crise do capitalismo internacional, interessando-se pelo nexo entre seus aspectos propriamente econômicos e as questões políticas e institucionais que ela suscita. São discutidos alguns elementos de caráter cognitivo e metodológico importantes para uma agenda de pesquisa da crise, e em seguida é apresentado um panorama do processo de globalização neoliberal que caracterizou o mundo nas ultimas décadas e que está no centro da crise contemporânea. O artigo conclui com uma breve prospecção das mudanças que poderão advir da crise, sobretudo no que diz respeito à revalorização da política e ao fortalecimento do papel do estado. ; The article deals with the current crisis of world capitalism, relating its specifically economic aspects to political and institutional questions raised by the financial crash. It discusses some cognitive and methodological issues which are relevant for a research agenda of the process, followed by an overview of the development of neoliberal globalization. This model, which characterized the world during the last few decades, is in the heart of the contemporary economic problems. The article concludes with a brief prospect of the changes that may be stemming from the crisis, especially those related to the strengthening of politics and the state's role.
Apresenta-se a resenha crítica da obra A mediatização da política na era das redes sociais recentemente lançada em Portugal. Tecemos comentários sobre a sua importância para os estudos nos processos de mediatização da política. ; We present the recent book A mediatização da política na era das redes sociais. Following the author, we try to comment the book and its importance in the mediatization studies' context inside the politics.
This text aims to analyze the process of interpenetration between the public and private spheres in two videos of the channel Porta dos Fundos on YouTube, Questão de Ordem and Nome na Lista, problematizing the notion of politics of emotions through the videos. Therefore, will be made a dialogue between a theoretical discussion about the evolution of the notions of public and private, through Richard Sennett (2014) and Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), the analysis of emotional discourses as political practices, through by Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine Lutz (1990) and Claudia Rezende and Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) and the channel's humour about politics, by analyzing these two videos. ; Este trabalho analisa o processo de interpenetração entre as esferas pública e privada em dois vídeos do canal Porta dos Fundos no YouTube, Questão de Ordem e Nome na Lista, problematizando a noção de política das emoções através dos vídeos. Para tanto, será feito o diálogo entre uma discussão teórica sobre a evolução das noções de público e privado, através de Richard Sennett (2014) e Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), a análise dos discursos emocionais como práticas políticas, por meio de Lila Abu- Lughod e Catherine Lutz (1990) e Claudia Rezende e Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) e o humor sobre política feito pelo canal, pela análise destes dois vídeos. ; This text aims to analyze the process of interpenetration between the public and private spheres in two videos of the channel Porta dos Fundos on YouTube, Questão de Ordem and Nome na Lista, problematizing the notion of politics of emotions through the videos. Therefore, will be made a dialogue between a theoretical discussion about the evolution of the notions of public and private, through Richard Sennett (2014) and Sandra Jovchelovitch (2000), the analysis of emotional discourses as political practices, through by Lila Abu-Lughod and Catherine Lutz (1990) and Claudia Rezende and Maria Claudia Coelho (2010) and the channel's humour about politics, by analyzing these two videos.
This study aims to analyze the use of public procurement that, besides providing the government what is needed to reach the objects, is used as a tool to boost technological innovation in the country, which is beneficial to national development. It also presents the short Brazilian experience of using the purchasing power as inductive mechanism for science and technology. ; O presente estudo tem por finalidade analisar o uso das contratações públicas, que além de prover a Administração daquilo que é necessário para atender seus objetivos, é utilizado como instrumento para impulsionar a inovação tecnológica no país, o que é benéfico para o desenvolvimento nacional, apresentando, ainda, a tímida experiência brasileira de utilizar o poder de compra governamental como mecanismo indutor de ciência e tecnologia.
Este trabalho trata-se de uma resenha crítica do livro Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, escrito por Néstor García Canclini, em 2019. Na obra, o autor discute, em forma de ensaio, como ser cidadão no capitalismo global e eletrônico, em um contexto no qual se reorganizam conceitos, antes seguros, de cidadania, política e globalização. Quando os sistemas tradicionais de fazer política parecem falhar, o autor busca compreensão, respostas e saídas nas novas formas de participação e reinvindicação, nos jovens e nas culturas do hackeamento, atentando para a perigosa combinação da opacidade dos algoritmos e da transparência dos nossos dados. ; This work is a critical review of the book Ciudadanos reemplazados por algoritmos, written by Néstor García Canclini, in 2019. In the work, the author discusses, as an essay, how to be a citizen in global and electronic capitalism, in a context in which, previously safe, concepts of citizenship, politics and globalization are reorganized. When traditional systems of making politics seem to fail, the author seeks understanding, answers and solutions in new forms of participation and claim, in young people and in hacking cultures, paying attention to the dangerous combination of the opacity of the algorithms and the transparency of our data.
