Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.
The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.
In this essay I attempt to defend Badiou's conception of inaesthetics, drawn from the Handbook of Inaesthetics, from the pertinent criticisms of Rancière. In doing so, it is possible to delimit the intra-philosophical effects (truth effects) of artistic events (this combination being the domain of inaesthetics). Badiou can be defended from all of Rancière's objections, save the objection that inaesthetics asserts a 'propriety of art.' However, in granting this objection, it is possible to open a different question regarding Badiou's work: what is the status of Badiou's comments on art outside of the Handbook of Inaesthetics? Through a reading of Le siècle, I show that, for Badiou, the importance of art extends beyond inaesthetics to other domains of thought. Yet Badiou has yet to answer the question of how art and truth relate outside of the domain of inaesthetics. ; Peer reviewed ; Final article published
This article provides an overview of censorship and book bans in Austria between 1751 and 1848. It is based on the catalogues and lists of banned manuscripts and books and the available censorship regulations and censors' protocols; moreover, the most important persons involved in censorship such as Gerard van Swieten, Count Sedlnitzky, and Metternich are introduced, and their impact on the book trade is shown. From an instrument encouraging Enlightenment and defending morality during the reign of Maria Teresa and Joseph II, censorship became a major factor of political repression after the French Revolution. The focus moved from the protection of Catholicism against Protestant "heresy" and superstition to the defense of monarchy against liberalism and nationalism. The aim of enlightening the citizens and promoting their happiness pursued during the second half of the eighteenth century was replaced by the will to maintain the "peace" of the state and suppress any ideas that confounded its interests. ; Razprava preučuje cenzuro in prepovedi knjig v Avstriji med letoma 1751 in 1848. Temelji na katalogih in seznamih prepovedanih rokopisov in knjig ter razpoložljivih predpisih o cenzuri in cenzorskih protokolih; poleg tega so predstavljene najpomembnejše osebe, vpletene v cenzuro, kot so Gerard van Swieten, grof Sedlnitzky in Metternich, in prikazan njihov vpliv na knjižni trg. Od instrumenta, ki je spodbujal razsvetljenske ideje in branil moralo, kar je bilo značilno za vladavino Marije Terezije in Jožefa II., je cenzura po francoski revoluciji postala glavni dejavnik politične represije. Težišče se je premaknilo z zaščite katolištva pred protestantsko herezijo« in vraževerjem k obrambi monarhije pred liberalizmom in nacionalizmom. Cilj razsvetljenja državljanov in spodbujanje njihove sreče, ki ga je zasledovala cenzura v drugi polovici 18. stoletja, sta nadomestila volja po ohranjanju »miru« države in za-tiranje vseh idej, ki so bile v navzkrižju z njenimi interesi.
Zadolževanje in razdolževanje je trenutno zelo aktualna tema tako v Sloveniji, kot tudi v svetu. V magistrski nalogi smo raziskali, kako so se zadolževala in razdolževala slovenska gospodinjstva in podjetja v obdobju 2004 -2015 in trende primerjali s trendi v državah EU. Podatki kažejo, da so slovenska gospodinjstva približno polovico manj zadolžena kot gospodinjstva ostalih članic Evropske unije. Čisto drugačna pa je situacija v sektorju podjetij, saj so slovenska podjetja v krizo vstopila z visoko stopnjo zadolženosti. Opazne so tudi bistvene razlike v strukturi financiranja slovenskih in tujih podjetij. Na osnovi raziskave ugotovljamo, da so se slovenska gospodinjstva in podjetja pred krizo bolj zadolževala od subjektov v ostalih članicah Evropske unije in kasneje začela izvajati proces razdolževanja. ; Indebtedness and deleveraging is currently a very topical issue in Slovenia, and as well in the world. In this Masters thesis we have researched indebtedness and deleveraging for Slovenian householders and companies in the period 2004-2015 and compared this trends with trends in other European Union states. The data show that Slovenian householders are approximately 50 % less overindebted then hoseholders in other European Union states. Quite different is situation in the corporate sector, where Slovenian companies entered the crisis with high debt levels. We also noticed significant differences in the financial structure of Slovenian and foreign companies. Based on our research we established that before the crisis Slovenian householders and companies were borrowing more like householders and companies in other states of the European Union, and started with proces of deleveraging much later.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
Eine pluridisziplinäre und interkulturell konzipierte Enzyklopädie der regionalen Kulturgeschichte der Kärntner Slowenen in Österreich mit Beiträgen von über 160 Autoren unterschiedlicher Fachrichtungen und ca. 1000 Schlagwörtern und insgesamt über 2100 konzeptuellen Einträgen aus den Bereichen Geschichte, Rechtsgeschichte, Soziologie, Sprachwissenschaft, Dialektologie, Literaturgeschichte, Ethnologie, Kunstgeschichte, Biographien, Terminologie u.a.m., das ein vernetztes Verständnis der geographischen und kulturhistorischen Räume und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse im Land aus einer innovativen Perspektive ermöglicht ; The Encyclopaedia of Slovenian cultural history in Carinthia (Austria) is conceaved as a pluridisciplinary and intercultural reference work with over 160 authors, some 1000 entries and in total over 2100 conceptual entries covering areas such as history, legal history, sociology, linguistics, dialectology, literature, ethnology, art history, biographic studies, terminology. It provides a cross-linked understanding of the geographical area as well as of the cultural and societal processes in the region from an innovative perspective.
My thesis is based on the premise that the change of the political system from socialism to post-socialism was not based on the otherwise branched out political education in socialism, but rather, on other factors of which the essential one is the third wave of democracy that swept across the Central, South and East European countries. (Inter)active citizenship can develop synergistically together with a positive attitude towards one's own country and with a stimulative influence on the citizens; with co-operation among the various (civil) groups and with modern education for citizenship (not only as the school subject of Citizenship Education and Ethics) as well as with its alternative goals together with the democratic and spiritual political culture. In view of the projected deadline for stability of democracy, which is expected to last 50 to 60 years, both types of culture are only at the initial phase of development in the new Slovenian state. ; Izhajamo iz teze, da spremembe političnega sistema iz socializma v postsocializem niso temeljile na sicer razvejenem političnem izobraževanju v socializmu, temveč na drugih dejavnikih, med katerimi je bistven tretji val demokracije, ki je zajel tudi srednje-, južno in vzhodnoevropske države. (lnter)aktivno državljanstvo se lahko razvija sinergično s pozitivnim odnosom do lastne države in spodbudnim vplivom na državljane, s sodelovanjem med različnimi (civilnimi) skupinami, s sodobnim izobraževanjem za državljanstvo (ne le s šolskim predmetom državljanska vzgoja in etika) in njegovimi alternativnimi cilji hkrati z demokratično in duhovno politično kulturo. Obe vrsti kulture sta v novi slovenski državi glede na predvideni rok za stabilnost demokracije, ki naj bi trajal 50-60 let, šele na začetni razvojni stopnji.
Predmet magistrskega dela se nanaša na analizo stanja internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in postopke vpisa tujih študentov oziroma procesne ovire pri vpisovanju tujcev iz tretjih držav (npr. vpisni roki, presoja dokazil ali (ne)sodelovanje med organi). Ključne ugotovitve na podlagi kvantitativnih metod, kjer sem analizirala javne statistične podatke, in kvalitativnih metod z analizo zakonodaje in s polstrukturiranimi intervjuji, so, da obstaja dokaj velika nekompatibilnost postopkov med univerzami, Ministrstvom za zunanje zadeve v povezavi z upravnimi enotami ter Ministrstvom za izobraževanje, znanost in šport in pri pridobivanju dovoljenj za začasno prebivanje v času študija pri tujcih iz tretjih držav. Opravljena je bila tudi mednarodna primerjava s Finsko, ki kaže visoko ciljno usmerjenost v internacionalizacijo in je enako kot Slovenija članica EU. Skozi raziskavo so bile potrjene podane izhodiščne hipoteze. Internacionalizacija za vse deležnike prinaša koristi. Toda rokovnik vpisnih opravil šolskega ministrstva in univerz, npr. Univerze v Mariboru, ni prilagojen tujcem iz tretjih držav. Tudi domet smiselne rabe Zakona o splošnem upravnem postopku v visokem šolstvu ni jasen. Posledica teh pojavov so predolgi postopki in dejanski prihod študentov v Slovenijo šele sredi študijskega obdobja, kar otežuje konkurenčnost slovenskih univerz. Normativni okvir vpisa tujih študentov in še bolj njegovo (ne)izvajanje pri nas tako nista povsem usklajena s cilji internacionalizacije visokega šolstva, kar potrjuje tudi bolj učinkovit sistem istovrstnih postopkov na Finskem. Rezultati magistrskega dela pa so prikazali pozitivne zglede in smeri razvoja, s katerimi bi lahko Slovenija v bodoče regulirala in izvajala vpise tujcev iz tretjih držav. ; The subject of this master's thesis deals with the analysis of the internationalization of higher education in Slovenia and the procedures for enrolment of foreign students or the procedural barriers in regard to the enrolment of candidates from the third world countries, (e. g. enrolment deadlines, assessment of certificates or (non) cooperation between authorities). The key findings, based on quantitative methods employing the analysis of public statistics data, and qualitative methods employing legislation analysis and semi-structured interviews, are that for foreigners from the third world countries there is a rather high incompatibility of procedures between universities, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in relation to administrative units and the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport in regard of obtaining temporary residence permits while studying. The research, further on, includes an international comparison with Finland, which is highly goal oriented towards internationalization and is the same as Slovenia member state of the European Union. Through the research, the baseline hypotheses were confirmed. Internationalization brings benefits for all stakeholders. But the schedule of enrolment tasks of the school ministry and universities, e.g. the University of Maribor is not suitable for foreigners from the third world countries. Also, the scope of meaningful use of the General Administrative Procedure Act in higher education is not clear. These phenomena result in lengthy procedures and the actual arrival of students to Slovenia only in the middle of the study period, which consequently hinders the competitiveness of Slovenian universities. The normative framework of enrolment of foreign students and, even more so, its (non) implementation in Slovenia are, thus, not completely in line with the goals of internationalization of higher education, which also confirms a more efficient system of similar procedures in Finland. The results of the master's thesis showed positive examples and directions of development, with which Slovenia could regulate and implement the enrolment of foreigners from the third world countries in the future.
Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.
Avtor v članku opredeli štiri faze razvoja prebivalstva v mestu Maribor. Hitri rasti števila prebivalstva v 60. letih 20. stoletja je sledila stagnacija v 80. letih in nato depopulacija v 90. letih in po letu 2000. V primerjavi z drugimi večjimi mesti v Sloveniji je bila depopulacija najbolj intenzivna prav v Mariboru (med letoma 1981 in 2008 se je število prebivalcev zmanjšalo za okoli 12 %). Naravni prirast je v mestu konstantno negativen vse od leta 1985 dalje, selitveni prirast pa je bil negativen med letoma 1992 in 2007. Maribor med večjimi slovenskimi mesti izkazuje tudi najbolj neugodno starostno sestavo prebivalstva z najvišjim deležem starega prebivalstva in najvišjim indeksom staranja, po zadnjem popisu prebivalstva pa zaostaja za drugimi mesti tudi po deležu prebivalstva z višje ali visoko šolsko izobrazbo, čeprav je drugo največje univerzitetno mesto v Sloveniji. Glede na ugotovljene demografske značilnosti se bo v naslednjih dveh desetletjih v mestu bistveno povečal delež prebivalstva v starosti nad 65 let, kar bo zahtevalo nove oblike organiziranja dejavnosti v mestu in prilagajanja starejši populaciji. ; Author identified four stages of demographic development in the city of Maribor (Slovenia). Population growth in the 1960s was followed by stagnation of population in the 1980s and depopulation in the 1990s and after 2000. In Maribor, compared with other major cities in Slovenia, depopulation have been more intensive (between 1981 and 2008, the population decreased by about 12 %). Natural growth is constantly negative from 1985 onwards, and net migration was negative between 1992 and 2007. Maribor is also showing the most unfavorable age structure of the population with the highest proportion of the elderly population and the highest aging index. Furthermore, according to the last census it lags behind other towns in the share of population with high school education, although it is the second largest university town in Slovenia. Considering the established demographic characteristics, and significant increase of the share of the population over 65 years in the next two decades, this will require new ways of organizing activities in the city and its adaption to the elderly population.
Magistrska naloga obravnava pomen neprofitnih organizacij pri izboljšanju kvalitete življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. S pomočjo različnih definicij sem umestila neprofitne organizacije v družbeni prostor, predstavila njihov izvor in pomen. Slepi in slabovidni ter gluhi in naglušni se lahko vključujejo v družbo in na trg dela, vendar pri tem zaradi svoje oviranosti potrebujejo pomoč. Posebej sem se osredotočila na dve neprofitni organizaciji, in sicer na Zvezo društev slepih in slabovidnih Slovenije ter Zvezo društev gluhih in naglušnih Slovenije. Obravnavala in opredelila sem programe, ki jih izvajata organizaciji v javnem interesu. V nadaljevanju empirični del vsebuje primerjavo programov med organizacijama. Pri tem sem si zastavila dve raziskovalni vprašanji. Pri prvem vprašanju sem ugotavljala ''Kakšne so podobnosti in razlike med programi?'' Odgovor na to vprašanje sem izoblikovala na osnovi analize vsebine programov. V drugem raziskovalnem vprašanju sem ugotavljala kako storitve, ki jih imajo programi vplivajo na kakovost življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. Odgovor na to vprašanje sem pridobila z intervjuji. Zaslediti je kar nekaj skupnih značilnosti med programi, vendar so tudi razlike. Obe organizaciji imata specifične programe glede na prilagojenost ciljnim skupinam. S pomočjo intervjujev z uporabniki programov sem ugotovila, da programi pomembno vplivajo na izboljšanje kvalitete življenja omenjenih ranljivih skupin. V zaključnem delu sem na podlagi analize vsebine programov in izkušenj uporabnikov oblikovala priporočila. ; This master's thesis deals with the importance of non-profit organizations in improving the quality of life of blind and partially sighted people, the deaf and hearing sighted people. Here, non-profit organizations were put into social spaces through various definitions and I will also present the origin and significance of the non-profit sector. The blind and the partially sighted, the deaf and hearing sighted can be involved in society and the labour market, but require help due to their disabilities. I specifically focused on two non-profit organizations, namely, the Union of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Slovenia and the Union of the Deaf and Hearing Sighted of Slovenia. I discussed and defined the programmes, which are implemented by organizations in the public interest. The following master's thesis contains a comparison of the programmes between the organizations. I developed two research questions. The first was defined as, ''What are the common characteristics and differences between the programmes in the organizations?''. I developed the answer to this question based on an analysis of the programme content. For the second research question, I determined how the services and the programs influence the quality of life of the blind and partially sighted, the deaf and the hearing sighted. I came to my conclusions through a number of interviews. There are quite a few common features to follow but there are also certain differences. Both organizations have specific programmes with regards to adjustments in such vulnerable groups. Through interviews with the programme users, the empirical part shows that such programmes influence the improvement of the quality of life of these vulnerable groups. In conclusion, I also made recommendations based on an analysis of the content of the programmes and user experiences.
Magistrska naloga preučuje dejavnike, ki so povzročili evropsko migracijsko krizo v obdobju 2015/2016 in njihov vpliv na politično dogajanje v Evropski uniji. Čeprav se je Zahodna Evropa srečevala s problematiko migracij že v preteklosti, Evropska unija ni imela izdelane in sprejete ustrezne skupne migracijske politike. Migracije so postale pomembno politično vprašanje in glavna tema volilnih kampanj. Namen naloge je predstaviti vpliv problematike migracij na odločanje volivcev. Slednji je bil dosežen z analizo volitev nekaterih držav članic ter volitev v Evropski parlament v obdobju od leta 2015 do leta 2019. Ta je pokazala vzpon desnih populističnih in nacionalističnih strank, ki so podporo volivcev pridobivale predvsem s protimigrantsko retoriko. Glede na njihov vzpon se je pojavilo vprašanje, ali bi lahko porast moči teh strank vplival na način izvajanja skupne migracijske politike in na politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na podlagi raziskovanja lahko ugotovimo, da migracije bistveno prispevajo k gospodarskemu in družbenemu razvoju posamezne države ter s tem posledično predstavljajo eno osrednjih predvolilnih tem. Rezultati volitev so sicer potrdili porast podpore tovrstnim strankam, vendar ne v tej meri, da bi v Evropskem parlamentu dobile moč oblikovati politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na kompleksnost migracij vplivajo različni dejavniki, predstavljeni v magistrski nalogi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju povezave problema migracij z dogajanjem v evropskem političnem prostoru. Ugotovili smo, da migracije predstavljajo pomembno politično vprašanje, saj so odprle ne samo politični, ampak tudi varnostni in ideološki diskurz združene Evrope, kar predstavlja nove izzive za oblikovanje nadaljnje skupne politike Evropske unije in zagotavljanje njene politične stabilnosti. ; This master thesis examines the factors that caused the European migration crisis in the period 2015-2016 and their impact on the political situation in the European Union. Even though Western Europe had encountered the problem of migration already in the past, the European Union did not develop and adopt a proper common migration policy. The issue of migration became an important political question and a central theme of election campaigns. The purpose of the thesis is to present the impact of the migration issue on voters' decision-making by analysing the national elections in some EU member states and the elections to the European Parliament during the 2015-2019 period. The analysis showed the rise of right-wing populist and nationalist parties that gained the support of the voters mainly by promoting their anti-immigration positions. That trend raised concerns on whether the growth in the power of those political parties could affect the implementation of the common migration policy and the European Union's political future. According to the data gathered, migration profoundly contributes to a country's economic and social development and is therefore among the main pre-election topics. Even though the election results confirmed that right-wing populist and nationalist parties were gaining increasing support, they were still not strong enough to gain power in the European Parliament and consequently change the political future of the European Union. There are different factors that affect the complexity of migration. These factors are presented in the master thesis and help understand the connection between migration issues and the European political situation. It was found that migration is one of the major political issues that has opened not only a political, but also an ideological and security discourse in the European context, which presents new challenges in further developing a common EU policy and ensuring its political stability.
The financial crisis and its consequences in European societies show the weaknesses of the current economic system. Especially in the so-called peripheral countries we can notice a dramatic increasing in unemployment, reduced public spending and security, poverty, evictions, etc. The neoliberal policy followed by most European governments offers little chance for a solution to this problem. ; Finančna kriza in njene posledice v evropskih družbah kažejo na pomanjkljivosti sedanjega gospodarskega sistema. Še posebej v t. i. obrobnih državah se dramatično povečujejo brezposelnost, nižanje porabe, občasnost del, prisilno preseljevanje delovne sile, revščina, deložacije itd. Neoliberalna politika, ki ji sledi večina evropskih vlad, ponuja malo možnosti za rešitev nastale situacije.
