Los estudiosos de la obra de Mario Vargas Llosa se han ocupado, normalmente, de analizar su obra de creación, ya sea sus novelas, cuentos y obras de teatro, atendiendo, obviamente, a su novelística. Sin embargo, no suelen abordar su producción de no ficción, es decir, sus ensayos, discursos, memorias, artículos y reportajes. La lectura de estos textos es de mucha utilidad para conocer su pensamiento, sus ideas sobre la literatura, la política, el arte, la cultura y su posición como intelectual frente a la sociedad contemporánea, entre otros temas.
Don Juan Manuel composed his main works (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) in the period of time when he was at war with his King Alfonso XI, and therefore his political and military activity was more intense. Many critics have pointed out this inconsistency between urgent political matters and the time he could dedicate to literature, aside with the presumably inconsistency traditional criticism finds between the high moral values enshrined in his writings, and the unescrupulous character of his public behavior. Analyzing a personal letter addressed to King Alfonso VI of Aragon, as well as certain passages of his Libro de las tres razones, and some enxemplos from El conde Lucanor,we can conclude that there must be an intimate relationship between political practices and discursive strategies, relationship that allows us to understand the assumed inconsistencies of this autor both as a writer and as a top political figure in the 14th century Castile. ; Don Juan Manuel compuso sus obras más importantes (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) en el período en que estuvo en guerra con su rey Alfonso XI y, por tanto, su actividad política y militar fue más intensa. Muchos críticos han señalado esta incongruencia entre las urgencias de la política y el tiempo dedicado a la literatura, a lo que se une –al menos en la crítica tradicional- el señalamiento de la inconsecuencia que habría entre los altos valores morales que exalta en sus obras y lo inescrupuloso de su conducta pública. Mediante el análisis de una carta personal dirigida al rey Alfonso IV de Aragón, de varios pasajes de su Libro de las tres razones y de algunos enxemplos de El conde Lucanor, se concluye que habría una íntima relación entre las prácticas políticas y las estrategias discursivas que permiten entender las supuestas incongruencias del autor en tanto que escritor y en tanto que figura política de primer rango en la Castilla del siglo XIV.
"What is the role of literature in the formation of the state? Anthony J. Cascardi takes up this fundamental question in Cervantes, Literature, and the Discourse of Politics, a comprehensive analysis of the presence of politics in Don Quixote. Cascardi argues that when public speech is constrained, as it was in seventeenth-century Spain, politics must be addressed indirectly, including through comedy, myth, and travellers' tales. Cervantes, Literature, and the Discourse of Politics convincingly reengages the ancient roots of political theory in modern literature by situating Cervantes within a long line of political thinkers. Cascardi notably connects Cervantes' political theory to Plato's, much as the writer's literary criticism has been firmly linked to Aristotle's. He also shows how Cervantes' view of literature provided a compelling alternative to the modern, scientific politics of Machiavelli and Hobbes, highlighting the potential interplay of literature and politics in an ideal state."--P. [i]
Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of "tyranny" is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an "absolute dictator."However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov's work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the "distribution of the sensible" (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new "politics of literature" (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls "a magic democracy" and considers to be a "critical art" whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including "in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become" (J. Rancière). ; Écrite d'abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l'œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d'origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l'achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. ...
Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of "tyranny" is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an "absolute dictator."However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov's work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the "distribution of the sensible" (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new "politics of literature" (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls "a magic democracy" and considers to be a "critical art" whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including "in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become" (J. Rancière). ; Écrite d'abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l'œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d'origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l'achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. Aboutissement de la quête moderne de l'autonomie de l'art et triomphe de l'autotélisme artistique, sa création se trouve alors interprétée en poétique « tyrannique » sur laquelle règne l'auteur en « dictateur absolu ». Vladimir Nabokov, pourtant, n'a cessé d'identifier dans l'Histoire et de combattre dans son œuvre deux questions politiques du vingtième siècle : celle de la soumission de l'art à l'idéologie (quelle qu'en soit le nom) et celle de la tyrannie (actualisée par les régimes politiques nazi et soviétique). Dès l'origine, sa création de langue russe, puis anglo-américaine, est synchronisée avec les conséquences, tant en Russie qu'en Occident, de la Révolution bolchevique, l'événement historique qui change le « partage du sensible » (Jacques Rancière) vingtiémiste. La nature autotélique de sa création, dont les caractéristiques sont à redéfinir en opposition aux formes artistiques prônant l'engagement de l'art, indique en réalité que Nabokov propose une nouvelle « politique de la littérature » (Jacques Rancière) de l'émancipation qu'il a lui-même appelée du nom de « démocratie magique » et fait d'elle un « art critique » dont l'effet politique passe par sa distance esthétique, incluant « dans la forme de l'œuvre la confrontation de ce que le monde est avec ce que le monde pourrait être » (Jacques Rancière).
Sostiene Pereira, la gran novela de Antonio Tabucchi, desarrolla uno de los personajes más memorables de la literatura contemporánea. Pereira, el periodista, paradójicamente se mueve entre la candidez y el total extrañamiento con su tiempo, y si bien es apenas casi un espectador de su mundo, sí es protagonista de un proceso que lo lleva en un viaje paulatino, en una especie de despertar hacia un nuevo "yo hegemónico", que lo libera de la pura literatura para condenarlo al compromiso con su mundo, con el futuro, con la política. Este artículo pretende hacer un enlace entre estas y otras cuestiones presentes en esta extraordinaria novela.
The main hypothesis of this study is that the works of Maurice Blanchot (collections of critical essays, novels as short stories) are part of a metapolitical projet pervaded by the question of sovereignty. And it is that precisely this inquiry that supplies the juncture point beteween Blanchot's public interventions and his literary texts. The crucial part played in this work by the Revolution and the Law, as well as the allegorical anchoring of his texts in the historical conditions that preside to their production, are elements that exceed the neo-modernist ideology. On the other hand, Blanchot's is a pivotal work that announces a turning point that equally affects the juridical mediation of power, focalized on the person of the Sovereign, and the idea of the aesthetic state that postulates an essential connection between the artistic creation and the constitution of the community. Blanchot's case is a token of a renewal in the conditions of representation, and this may be the reason why his work is a milestone for the contemporary thought that brings forth a post-sovereign paradigm. With regard to the body of work analyzed, we made the choice to study the texts less read by the critiques. Consequently, rather than focusing on the well known critical books, we investigated what seems to be the veiled section of Blanchot's undertaking : the texts of the 1930's, for a large part never reprinted since their apparition ; the literary columns published in Journal de débars between 1940 and 1944 ; the political and cultural articles subsequent of the political turn that takes place in 1958 ; and finally, the first dystopical stories, « Le dernier mot' and « L'Idylle », as well as the novel Le Très-Haut. ; L'hypothèse principale qui sous-tend cette recherche est que les œuvres de Maurice Blanchot (recueils critiques, romans et récits) s'inscrivent dans un projet métapolitique dont le fil rouge est la problématique de la souveraineté. C'est celle-ci qui fournit le point d'articulation entre les interventions publiques ...
The main hypothesis of this study is that the works of Maurice Blanchot (collections of critical essays, novels as short stories) are part of a metapolitical projet pervaded by the question of sovereignty. And it is that precisely this inquiry that supplies the juncture point beteween Blanchot's public interventions and his literary texts. The crucial part played in this work by the Revolution and the Law, as well as the allegorical anchoring of his texts in the historical conditions that preside to their production, are elements that exceed the neo-modernist ideology. On the other hand, Blanchot's is a pivotal work that announces a turning point that equally affects the juridical mediation of power, focalized on the person of the Sovereign, and the idea of the aesthetic state that postulates an essential connection between the artistic creation and the constitution of the community. Blanchot's case is a token of a renewal in the conditions of representation, and this may be the reason why his work is a milestone for the contemporary thought that brings forth a post-sovereign paradigm. With regard to the body of work analyzed, we made the choice to study the texts less read by the critiques. Consequently, rather than focusing on the well known critical books, we investigated what seems to be the veiled section of Blanchot's undertaking : the texts of the 1930's, for a large part never reprinted since their apparition ; the literary columns published in Journal de débars between 1940 and 1944 ; the political and cultural articles subsequent of the political turn that takes place in 1958 ; and finally, the first dystopical stories, « Le dernier mot' and « L'Idylle », as well as the novel Le Très-Haut. ; L'hypothèse principale qui sous-tend cette recherche est que les œuvres de Maurice Blanchot (recueils critiques, romans et récits) s'inscrivent dans un projet métapolitique dont le fil rouge est la problématique de la souveraineté. C'est celle-ci qui fournit le point d'articulation entre les interventions publiques et les textes littéraires de Blanchot. Le rôle central dévolu par cet auteur à la Révolution et à la Loi, ainsi que l'encrage allégorique de ses textes dans les conditions historiques qui président à leur émergence sont des éléments qui permettent de les soustraire à l'idéologie néo-moderniste. D'autre part, on a voulu montrer qu'il s'agit d'une œuvre charnière, à partir de laquelle peut être investigué un double tournant. Celui-ci affecte à la fois la médiation juridique du pouvoir, axée sur la figure du souverain, et la doctrine de l'Etat esthétique fondée sur la relation entre la production de l'art et la constitution du peuple. L'exemple de Blanchot permet d'envisager un renouvellement des conditions représentationnelles, et c'est sans doute pour cette raison que cet auteur est devenu une référence inaugurale pour les pensées contemporaines qui se proposent de dépasser l'horizon juridico-politique de la souveraineté. En ce qui concerne le corpus analysé, le parti-pris de cette thèse est de privilégier des textes moins discutés par l'exégèse blanchotienne. Ainsi, plutôt que de relire les grands recueils critiques, il s'est agi d'analyser de manière détaillée le volet en quelque sorte caché du dispositif mis en place par Blanchot: les articles des années 1930, qui n'ont pas été, pour la plupart, réédités ; les chroniques publiées dans le Journal des débats, entre 1941 et 1944 ; les interventions politiques et culturelles postérieures à 1958 ; sur le plan de la fiction, les premiers récits dystopiques, « Le dernier mot » et « L'Idylle », ainsi que le roman Le Très-Haut.
Summary: Bernardo kucinski published the novel K. in 2011, in which the main figure is a father whose daughter disappeared was the victim of state violence during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship. In 2019, kucinski published his new book A nova ordem, a narrative in which the country is governed by a totalitarian regime. The purpose of this test is to compare the two books to comment on differences between the two and to understand their specific approaches to authoritarianism. ; Resumen: Bernardo Kucinski publicó en 2011 la novela K., en la que el personaje principal es un padre cuya hija desaparecida fue víctima de la violencia de Estado durante la Dictadura Militar brasileña. En 2019, Kucinski publica su nuevo libro, A nova ordem, una narrativa en la cual el país está gobernado por un régimen totalitario. El propósito de este ensayo es comparar los dos libros para comentar diferencias entre ambos y comprender sus enfoques específicos en torno al autoritarismo.
Nos proponemos indagar en este artículo la concepción de lo político en la obra Los nuevos caminos (1904) del escritor anarquista argentino Alberto Ghiraldo. Analizamos en ella las consecuencias teóricas de la valoración anarquista de lo político como encubrimiento simbólico de de las relaciones materiales de dominio. ; We have tried in this paper to search in to the political conception in Los nuevos caminos (1904) by the Argentine anarchist writer Alberto Ghiraldo. We analize in it the theoretical consequences of the anarchist insight in which the political practice appears as a symbolic concealment of domination in material relationships. ; Fil: Olalla, Marcos. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo
P.207-208 ; La retórica política ha resultado un motivo de estudio recurrente. Desde el momento en que los esfuerzos por controlar el lenguaje se consolidaron en formas de participación en las decisiones, la literatura que actualizaba los valores de una sociedad se renovaba constantemente. Por eso las investigaciones en este sentido no cesan de aparecer. Esta colección de artículos ofrece otras tantas perspectivas pertinentes al uso de algunos textos humanistas. ; SI
In the interwar-period Miguel de Unamuno became one of the most well-known Spanish intellectuals in Central Europe, especially after his exile to France in 1924. This paper studies Unamuno's reception in the Czechoslovak cultural sphere. Dozens of letters written by Unamuno to his Czech and Slovak editors and translators have been analysed for this aim, together with more than hundred articles, appeared both in Czech and Slovak daily press and literary journals. ; En el período de entreguerras, Miguel de Unamuno se convirtió en uno de los intelectuales españoles de mayor reconocimiento en Checoslovaquia, muy especialmente tras su exilio voluntario en Francia ocurrido en 1924. Este trabajo estudia la recepción de Unamuno en el ámbito cultural checoslovaco de este período. Con este fin se ha revisado su correspondencia personal con los editores y traductores de las ediciones checas y eslovacas de sus obras, además de más de una centena de artículos checos y eslovacos, tanto de prensa generalista como de revistas literarias, que versan sobre el filósofo y escritor vasco.
En el período de entreguerras, Miguel de Unamuno se convirtió en uno de los intelectuales españoles de mayor reconocimiento en Checoslovaquia, muy especialmente tras su exilio voluntario en Francia ocurrido en 1924. Este trabajo estudia la recepción de Unamuno en el ámbito cultural checoslovaco de este período. Con este fin se ha revisado su correspondencia personal con los editores y traductores de las ediciones checas y eslovacas de sus obras, además de más de una centena de artículos checos y eslovacos, tanto de prensa generalista como de revistas literarias, que versan sobre el filósofo y escritor vasco. ; In the interwar-period Miguel de Unamuno became one of the most well-known Spanish intellectuals in Central Europe, especially after his exile to France in 1924. This paper studies Unamuno's reception in the Czechoslovak cultural sphere. Dozens of letters written by Unamuno to his Czech and Slovak editors and translators have been analysed for this aim, together with more than hundred articles, appeared both in Czech and Slovak daily press and literary journals. ; • Palacký University Olomouc. IGA_FF_2017_043 ; peerReviewed
