Suchergebnisse

Se analiza la recepción del concepto de lo político de Schmitt en el realismo político de Hinkelammert. Al relacionar ambas propuestas, el planteamiento de Schmitt debe reformularse en buena medida. El concepto de lo político de Schmitt tiene dos partes: identificar al enemigo y enfrentarlo. La primera, en el realismo político de Hinkelammert, es aceptada de manera parcial; la segunda es rechazada por completo. Schmitt señala a las instituciones como el enemigo, en tanto que Hinkelammert indica que las instituciones absolutizadas son el enemigo. Ambos autores coinciden –relativamente– en quién es el enemigo, y señalan la necesidad de procesos instituyentes constantes para mantener el orden social. En la forma de operar estos procesos imperan las divergencias.

The aim of the study was to examine the positions of various social groups, reflecting the controversial and contradictory aspects of the process of identity construction in post-Soviet Russia and the factor of memory politics. The article reveals the characteristics of the post-Soviet identity-building process and the related politics of memory under the century-end systemic transformation that has launched a new existential project in Russia. Collective identity is formed in a new social space: the global dichotomy of globalization and localization. Methodologically, it is a documentary research close to the analysis of discourse. The process of transition from the Soviet Union to post-Soviet space and the construction of the new state on the ruins of the socialist empire will keep the problems of a new identity and the politics of memory relevant soon. It is concluded that thirty years after the liquidation of the socialist project, the crisis of collective identity in Russia and the "battle for history" and a new Russian national unity are not over. However, persistent social atomization and conflict-triggering narratives of various socio-cultural communities and ideological groups persist.

The implementation of gender quotas and parity policies led to more women in politics. However, these have been associated to an increase, or at least higher recognition, of violence against them. This phenomenon has been referred tocaso as political violence, political violence against women, gender-based political violence, and political harassment. The lack of consensus on both the name and its conceptualization has entailed legislative gaps and failures in prevention, assistance and sanction mechanisms. This study contributes to this conceptual debate by proposing the term gender-based violence against women in politics and examines the experiences of female representatives in the Constituent Assembly of Mexico City. Females in politics experience a myriad of expressions of violence that are often not recognized as such. Not only male and female peers are responsible of harassing, discriminating and exerting violence, but also constituents, security personnel and employees of the Constituent Assembly. Women display an array of individual and collective resistance strategies. Implications on legislative reforms and policies aimed at preventing and sanctioning gender-based violence are discussed.

The aim was to analyze the problems of global development of the modern world, including controversial global processes and to investigate the theoretical and practical aspects of modern politics in the conditions of challenges and reformatting of today's world. The novelty of the research lies in the understanding of objective processes of intensification of global political relations in extreme conditions, including war, crisis, uncertainty and instability. The methodology employed consisted of the use of tools such as political modeling and forecasting, which help to look behind the scenes of the global world as a new integral entity in a new way. The conclusion of the study is that the analysis of the new problems of reformatting the modern world in the context of globalization has been carried out and the ways of solving these problems have been shown. Theoretical and practical approaches to finding ways to increase the effectiveness of global management and activities of international organizations were considered. A new model of modern politics is analyzed, within which the basic problems of globalization are outlined and a solution to the negative political consequences of the existing world order is proposed.

The political theory of Thomas Hobbes consider that the social order started with three primaries states: natural state, social contract and civil state. This article tries to demonstrate that in order to better understand the political thinking of Hobbes we must take in consideration the materialist-mechanical principles of his ontology, because these explain the final aspects of human existence. The method used by Hobbes is descriptive-compositive which has as finality the knowledge of the whole reality by the meaning of discovering its origins. The establishment of civil order is based not only on the psychological premises of the people in the natural state, but also requires the support of a reality adapted to this state. In this sense the hobbesian determinism places the individual in a network of complex causal relations which oblige him to institute the social contract, which is needed by the functioning of the subject in the natural order.