Suchergebnisse

THE TITLE OF MY THESIS IS THE ROLE OF THE IDEAS AND THEIR CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE UNDER A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AIM OF MY WORK IS TO CARRY OUT A RESEARCH MODELLED ON THE CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY. IT FOCUSES ON THE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF IDEAS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLICY MAKING BY MEANS OF EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES, THINK TANKS AND VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS THAT MAY HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DIFFERENT PATHS. FROM MY POINT OF VIEW IDEAS CONSTITUTE A PRIORITY RESEARCH FIELD WHICH IS WORTH ANALYSING SINCE THEIR ROLE IN POLICY MAKING PROCESSES HAS BEEN TRADITIONALLY RATHER UNEXPLORED. IN THIS CONTEXT AND WITH THE AIM OF DEVELOPING A RESEARCH STRAND BASED ON THE ROLE OF IDEAS, I INTEND TO CARRY ON MY STUDY UNDER THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHANGE. DEPENDING ON THE DATA AND INFORMATION THAT I COLLECTED I EVALUATED THE WEIGHT OF EACH OF THESE VARIABLES AND MAYBE OTHERS SUCH AS THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS, WHICH MAY HAVE INFLUENCED THE FORMATION OF THE POLICY MAKING PROCESSES. UNDER THIS LIGHT, I PLANNED TO ADOPT THE QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH WHICH I BELIEVE TO BE VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST THE MORE DIFFICULT AND POSSIBLY REDUCTIVE APPLICATION OF QUANTITIVE DATA SETS. I RECKON THEREFORE THAT THE MOST APPROPRIATE TOOLS FOR INFORMATION PROCESSING INCLUDE CONTENT ANALYSIS, AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS TO PERSONALITIES OF THE POLITICAL PANORAMA (ÉLITE OR NOT) WHO HAVE PARTICIPATED IN THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY. THE TWO CASES TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION SURELY SET AN EXAMPLE OF RADICAL REFORM PROCESSES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN QUITE DIFFERENT CONTEXTS DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THE TRAITS OF THE ÉLITE. IN NEW ZEALAND THE DESCRIBED PROCESS HAS TAKEN PLACE WITH A STEADY PACE AND A GOOD GRADE OF CONSEQUANTIALITY, IN LINE WTH THE REFORMS IN OTHER STATE DIVISIONS DRIVEN BY THE IDEAS OF THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. CONTRARILY IN ENGLAND THE REFORMATIVE ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER HAS ACQUIRED A VERY RADICAL CONNOTATION AS IT HAS BROUGHT INTO THE AMBIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY CONCEPTS LIKE EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE, RATIONALIZATION THAT WOULD CONTRAST WITH THE GENERALISTIC AND MASS-ORIENTED IDEAS THAT WERE FASHIONABLE DURING THE SEVENTIES. THE MISSION I INTEND TO ACCOMPLISH THORUGHOUT MY RESEARCH IS TO INVESTIGATE AND ANALYSE INTO MORE DEPTH THE DIFFERENCES THAT SEEM TO EMERGE FROM TWO CONTEXTS WHICH MOST OF THE LITERATURE REGARDS AS A SINGLE MODEL: THE ANGLO-SAXON MODEL. UNDER THIS LIGHT, THE DENSE ANALYSIS OF POLICY PROCESSES ALLOWED TO BRING OUT BOTH THE CONTROVERSIAL AND CONTRASTING ASPECTS OF THE TWO REALITIES COMPARED, AND THE ROLE AND WEIGHT OF VARIABLES SUCH AS IDEAS (MAIN VARIABLE), INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS AND INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS ACTING IN EACH CONTEXT. THE CASES I MEAN TO ATTEND PRESENT PECULIAR ASPECTS WORTH DEVELOPING AN IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS, AN OUTLINE OF WHICH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THIS ABSTRACT. ENGLAND THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT, SINCE 1981, INTRODUCED RADICAL CHANGES IN THE SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION: FIRST CUTTING DOWN ON STATE FUNDINGS AND THEN WITH THE CREATION OF AN INSTITUTION FOR THE PLANNING AND LEADERSHIP OF THE POLYTECHNICS (NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR). AFTERWARDS THE SCHOOL REFORM BY MARGARET THATCHER IN 1988 RAISED TO A GREAT STIR ALL OVER EUROPE DUE TO BOTH ITS CONSIDERABLE INNOVATIVE IMPRINT AND THE STRONG ATTACK AGAINST THE PEDAGOGY OF THE 'ACTIVE' SCHOOLING AND PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, UNTIL THEN RECOGNIZED AS A MERIT OF THE BRITISH PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN THE AMBIT OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION THIS REFORM, TOGETHER WITH SIMILAR MEASURES BROUGHT IN DURING 1992, PUT INTO PRACTICE THE CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES THROUGH A SERIES OF ACTIONS THAT INCLUDED: THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRREMOVABILITY PRINCIPLE FOR UNIVERSITY TEACHERS; THE INTRODUCTION OF STUDENT LOANS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS AND THE CANCELLATION OF THE CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES AND POLYTECHNICS. THE POLICIES OF THE LABOUR MAJORITY OF MR BLAIR DID NOT QUITE DIVERGE FROM THE CONSERVATIVES' POSITION. IN 2003 BLAIR'S CABINET RISKED TO BECOME A MINORITY RIGHT ON THE OCCASION OF AN IMPORTANT UNIVERSITY REFORM PROPOSAL. THIS PROPOSAL WOULD FORESEE THE AUTONOMY FOR THE UNIVERSITIES TO RAISE UP TO 3.000 POUNDS THE ENROLMENT FEES FOR STUDENTS (WHILE FORMERLY THE CEILING WAS 1.125 POUNDS). BLAIR HAD TO FACE INTERNAL OPPOSITION WITHIN HIS OWN PARTY IN RELATION TO A MEASURE THAT, ACCORDING TO THE 150 MPS PROMOTERS OF AN ADVERSE MOTION, HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED IN THE ELECTORAL PROGRAMME AND WOULD RISK CREATING INCOME-BASED DISCRIMINATION AMONG STUDENTS. AS A MATTER OF FACT THE BILL FOCUSED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VERY LOW-INTEREST STUDENT LOANS TO BE SETTLED ONLY WHEN THE STUDENT WOULD HAVE FOUND A REMUNERATED OCCUPATION (A SYSTEM ALREADY PROVIDED FOR BY THE AUSTRALIAN LEGISLATION). NEW ZEALAND CONTRARILY TO MANY OTHER COUNTRIES, NEW ZEALAND HAS ADOPTED A VERY WIDE VISION OF THE TERTIARY EDUCATION. IT INCLUDES IN FACT THE FULL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME THAT IS INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED AS THE POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION. SHOULD WE SPOTLIGHT A PECULIARITY OF THE NEW ZEALAND TERTIARY EDUCATION POLICY THEN IT WOULD BE 'CHANGE'. LOOKING AT THE REFORM HISTORY RELATED TO THE TERTIARY EDUCATION SYSTEM, WE CAN CLEARLY IDENTIFY FOUR 'SUB-PERIODS' FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: 1. BEFORE THE 80S': AN ELITARIAN SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY LOW PARTICIPATION RATES. 2. BETWEEN MID AND LATE 80S': A TREND TOWARDS THE ENLARGEMENT OF PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATED TO A GREATER COMPETITION. 3. 1990-1999: A FUTHER STEP TOWARDS A COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM. 4. FROM 2000 TO TODAY: A CONTINUOUS EVOLUTION TOWARDS A MORE COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM TOGETHER WITH A GROWING ATTENTION TO STATE CONTROL FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION. AT PRESENT THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ZEALAND OPERATES TO STRENGHTHEN THIS PROCESS, PRIMARILY IN RELATION TO THE ROLE OF TERTIARY EDUCATION AS A STEADY FACTOR OF NATIONAL WALFARE, WHERE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONTRIBUTES ACTIVELY TO THE GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM5. THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND ARE THE FOCUS OF AN IN-DEPTH INVESTIGATION THAT STARTS FROM AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF EACH NATION AND DEVELOP INTO A COMPARATIVE STUDY. AT THIS POINT I ATTEMPT TO DRAW SOME PRELIMINARY IMPRESSIONS ON THE FACTS ESSENTIALLY DECRIBED ABOVE. THE UNIVERSITY POLICIES IN ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND HAVE BOTH UNDERGONE A SIGNIFICANT REFORMATORY PROCESS SINCE THE EARLY EIGHTIES; IN BOTH CONTEXTS THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEAS THAT CONSTITUTED THE BASE OF POLITICS UNTIL 1980 WAS QUITE RELEVANT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, IN BOTH CASES THE PRE-REFORM POLICIES WERE INSPIRED BY EGALITARIANISM AND EXPANSION OF THE STUDENT POPULATION WHILE THOSE BROUGHT IN BY THE REFORM WOULD PURSUE EFFICIENCY, QUALITY AND COMPETITIVENESS. UNDOUBTEDLY, IN LINE WITH THIS GENERAL TENDENCY THAT REFLECTS THE HYPOTHESIS PROPOSED, THE TWO UNIVERSITY SYSTEMS PRESENT SEVERAL DIFFERENCES. THE UNIVERSITY SYSTEM IN NEW ZEALAND PROCEEDED STEADILY TOWARDS THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A MANAGERIAL CONCEPTION OF TERTIARY EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY FROM 1996 ONWARDS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFORMATORY PROCESS OF THE WHOLE PUBLIC SECTOR. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, AS IN THE REST OF EUROPE, THE NEW APPROACH TO UNIVERSITY POLICY-MAKING HAD TO CONFRONT A DEEP-ROOTED TRADITION OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE IDEA OF EDUCATION EXPANSION THAT IN FACT DOMINATED UNTIL THE EIGHTIES. FROM THIS VIEW POINT THE GOVERNING ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER GAVE RISE TO A RADICAL CHANGE THAT REVOLUTIONIZED THE OBJECTIVES AND KEY VALUES OF THE WHOLE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, IN PARTICULAR IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR. IDEAS AS EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE AND CONTROL OF THE PERFORMANCE BECAME DECISIVE. THE LABOUR CABINETS OF BLAIR DEVELOPED IN THE WAKE OF CONSERVATIVE REFORMS. THIS APPEARS TO BE A FOCAL POINT OF THIS STUDY THAT OBSERVES HOW ALSO IN NEW ZEALAND THE REFORMING PROCESS OCCURRED TRANSVERSELY DURING PROGRESSIVE AND CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATIONS. THE PRELIMINARY IMPRESSION IS THEREFORE THAT IDEAS DEEPLY MARK THE REFORMATIVE PROCESSES: THE AIM OF MY RESEARCH IS TO VERIFY TO WHICH EXTENT THIS STATEMENT IS TRUE. IN ORDER TO BUILD A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYLIS, FURTHER SIGNIFICANT FACTORS WILL HAVE TO BE INVESTIGATED: THE WAY IDEAS ARE PERCEIVED AND IMPLEMENTED BY THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ELITES; HOW THE VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS INFLUENCE THE REFORMATIVE PROCESS; HOW THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES CONDITION THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES; WHETHER INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS PLAY A ROLE AND, IF YES, TO WHICH EXTENT.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 Obscenity, Literacy, and the Franchise, 1857–1918 -- Chapter 2 The Censorship versus the Moderns, 1918–1945 -- Chapter 3 Protecting Literature, Suppressing Pulp, 1945–1959 -- Chapter 4 The Lady Chatterley's Lover Trial, 1960 -- Chapter 5 The Liberal Hour, 1961–1969 -- Chapter 6 Subversion from Underground, 1970–1971 -- Chapter 7 Campaigners and Litigants, 1972–1977 -- Chapter 8 Philosophers and Pluralists, 1977–1979 -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Notes -- Manuscript Sources -- Index -- A note on the type

Professional civil service recruitment is a core component of governance for development, as it is necessary for ensuring the capacity of civil servants, service delivery, fiscal sustainability, and proper salary management. Through an ambitious mixed method approach, this study seeks to provide a political economy analysis of civil service recruitment in Comoros—a fragile and decentralized state with a relatively large portion of spending on government salaries. More specifically, it aims to explain the recent dramatic increases in the number of civil servants in Comoros. The paper presents three main findings from the analysis. First, in 2010, elections at the national and local levels were associated with the largest recruitment in the past decade, due in part to the interplay of informal institutions such as political clientelism with the current public financial management system. Second, the institutions involved in recruitment are not permanent; they are evolving with the balance of power between the national and island governments. Third, civil service recruitment respects qualification standards.

MAY, 1901 o oTheo o Qettysbur Mercury VOL. NO PENNSYLVANIA COLLEGE GETTYSBURG,PA PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Amos Eckert Dealer in Hats, Shirts, Ties, Um-brellas, Gloves, Satchels, Hose, Pocket Books,J-Trunks, J>J> Telescopes, Rubbers, Etc., Etc. AMOS ECKERT. PRICES ALWAYS RIGHT. TUB Llltta No. 1424 Arch Street, PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for Any-thing and Everything- in the way of Books for Churches, Families, Colleges and Schools, and Literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending- your orders to us you help build up* and develop one of the church institutions, with pecuniary ad-vantage to yourself. Address HENRY S. BONER, Supt., No. 1424 Arch St. Phila. 50 YEARS' EXPERIENCE TRADE MARKS DESIGNS COPYRIGHTS &C. Anyone sending a sketch mid description mnv quickly ascertain our opinion free whether ah invention is probably pulentable. Communica-tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patents sent free. Oldest apency for securing patents. Patents taken throuph Munn & Co. receive special notice, without charge, in the Scientific American, A handsomely illustrated weekly. Largest olr-culationof any scientific journal. Terms, $3 a year; four months, $1. Sold by all newsdealers. MUNN & Co.36lB">adwa>- New York Branch Office, 626 F St., Washington, D. C. J. I. MUMPER, PHOTOGRAPHER, 29 Baltimore Street, Gettysburg, Pa. Special attention paid to COLLEGE WOKE A fine collection of Battlefield Views always on hand. Mail orders receive prompt at-tention. C. A. Blocher's Jewelry Store, For Souvenir Spoons, Sword Pins, Etc. All kinds of Jewelry. Repairing a Specialty POST OFFICE CORNER CENTRE SQUARE THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Literary Journal of Pennsylvania College Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., MAY, 1901 No. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS The Social Qualities of Robert Burns as Manifested in His Poems, 70 The Cultivation of Patriotism, . 77 Superlatives, . 80 Perseverance, . 82 A Dutch Schoolmaster's Adventure, . . . . .84 Editorials, . 88 An Old Reader, . 90 Pictures, . 91 Spontaneity in Literature, . . . . . .93 In Nature's Realm, . 96 A Country Barn on a Rainy Day, . . - . 97 All Souls Day, . 98 Exchanges, . 100 Now the bright morning-star, day's harbinger, Comes dancing from the east, and leads with her The flowery May, who from her green lap throws The yellow cowslip and the pale primrose. Hail, bounteous May, that dost inspire Mirth, and youth, and warm desire; Woods and groves are of thy dressing; Hill and dale doth boast thy blessing! Thus we salute thee with our early song, And welcome thee, and wish thee long. -Milton. Through wood, and stream, and field, and hill, and Ocean, A quickening life from the Earth's heart has burst As it has ever done, with change and motion, Prom the great morning of the world when first God dawned on Chaos; in its stream immersed The lamps of heaven flash with a softer light; All baser things pant with life's sacred thirst; Diffuse themselves; and spend in love's delight The beauty and the joy of their renewed might. -Shelley. 70 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE SOCIAL QUALITIES Of ROBERT BURNS AS MANIFESTED IN MIS POEMS D. C. BURNITE, '01 [Graeff Prize Essay] A CAREFUL comparison of the lives of poets, with their pro- ■*"*• auctions, discloses this fact, that almost universally there exists more or less inconsistency betiveen their true characters and the characters which their poems would lead us to believe they really possessed. In some cases the former belie the latter completely. In others, the works are in a large measure faithful transcripts of the men. Great uncertainty would attend an at-tempt to paint pictures of the natures of many poets were we to use as materials only the evidence drawn from their productions. Recurring bombast and affectation preclude any possibility of using their poems, with any great amount of reliability, as stand-ards by which to judge their real characters. Not so, however, with all poets. Here and there in the field of our inspection appears a bard, whose writings are a faithful reflection of his real nature. But before we can be sure that this is true of any poet, we must be certain that he is thoroughly sin-cere. So, before we can proceed to show that the qualities indi-cated in the poems of Burns are revelations of his actual personal characteristics, we must prove his sincerity. And we do this, not by a comparison of his verses with his biography, but by testi-mony drawn from the poems themselves, apart from all historical evidence. Men who talk much of themselves, as Burns does, are not gen-erally prone to admit their own shortcomings. But this poet, contrary to general practice, makes no attempt to present only the good side of his character. Frequently he gives us glimpses of his own weaknesses; not a shameless exhibition of guile, but always with expressions of sorrow and remorse. Never hidden, always open, he bares his whole heart, and shows himself as he is. He seems anxious to have us see him in a true light. How frankly and clearly he reveals his true self when he proposes "A Bard's Epitaph" for his own tomb. Read his condemnation of his own self: . THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 71 " Is there a man whose judgment clear, Can others teach the course to steer, Yet runs, himself, life's mad career, "Wild as the wave; Here pause—and thro' the starting tear Survey this grave. " The poor inhabitant below Was quick to learn and wise to know, And keenly felt the friendly glow, And softer flame; But thoughtless follies laid him low, And stain'd his name !" Can we read this and believe that Burns was not sincere ? But there are other evidences of his genuineness. Affectation and sincerity are incompatible. But, no matter how closely we scrutinize his lines, we find no indications of the former in Burns' works He must have been a lover of the truth, for he never descends to the expression of feigned emotions. His pictures are real; all are undoubtedly the products of his own experience. Of his hundreds of poems, with one or two exceptions, none are the offspring of imagination. All he presents he himself has seen and felt. We see no indications of anything assumed about his addresses "To a Mouse" and "To a Mountain Daisy." Neither is there anything false or overdrawn in his descriptions. Per-fectly natural himself, he presents things as they are. Nothing could be written with much more fidelity to life than his "Cotter's Saturday Night." Without his characteristic straightforward-ness such complete depiction of Scottish peasant life would have been impossible. All his poems manifest in the man a spirit of genuineness and deep sincerity. With this conviction, then, that Burns wrote exactly as he saw, thought, and felt, we can be certain that the social qualities which his poems suggest are identical with those he really pos-sessed. Our investigation, then, involves an answer to the question, What social qualities do Burns' poems make us think he pos-sessed ? With this answered, we then know, with some measure of accuracy, what Burns himself was socially—what it was that, in all probability, must have rendered him an ever-welcome guest both in the humble homes of the Scottish peasantry and in the mansions of the gentry. But in order that we may be competent judges as to what features in his social nature were attractive and 72 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY what were not, we must make allowance for the differences in time, place, and circumstances, and view the matter, not from oicr point of view, but from the standpoint of his Scottish contempo-raries. Only then can we avoid the danger of an over or an under estimation of the man's social constitution. We have already spoken of what we regard as the crowning social virtue of any man—sincerity. "L,et a man but speak forth with genuine earnestness the thought, the emotion, the actual condition of his own heart, and other men must and will give heed to him."* Burns, as we have stated, does this. We here have a certain quality which would of itself draw men to its possessor. A writer whose poetic works are imbued throughout with the truth must himself have been sincere. Burns must have attracted his fellows because of this one social quality, if for nothing else. The whole world loves a patriot. Even those of other nations than his own admire him; but especially his own countrymen. Burns' poems indicate the presence of patriotism in the heart of their author. Compare his stanzas with those of former Scottish bards, and what do we find ? The subjects of their themes are foreign, and they even scout their own native dialect. The poeti-cal works of Burns are the initial achievement of a new era in his nation's literature. He is the first to give out a body of dis-tinctively Scottish poetry. He saw no need to step beyond the borders of his own laud for things of which to sing. He writes of things, not English, or Irish, or Continental, but of things Scottish—thoroughly so, from his country's ' 'braes'' to her moun-tains, from her field-mice to her horses, from her beggars to her kings, from her daisies to her trees, from her " burns" to her rivers; all of his own "bonnie laud." Nor does he hesitate to take the initiative of using the language of his fireside; not, however, because he was unable to write in pure English. Some of his poems show that he could. But he prefers his native tongue, and seems to delight in the use of its quaint expressions. He appears proud of his dialect, and all he describes with it. In almost every poem there breathes the true spirit of patriotism, a quality which we believe helped to make his society desirable. What Scotchman could have avoided a feeling of attraction to the "loyal native" who wrote such things * ♦Carlyle. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 73 .'* ' j as "My Heart's in the Highlands" or "Scots wha hae wi' Wal-lace bled?" Another social characteristic is revealed in his verses; a trait indispensable to gaining the good-will of the Scottish peasantry. How generously he applies himself to the faithful interpretation of the thoughts, feelings and manners of that class amongst whom he was reared ! His poetry teems with this natural sympathy for the lowly inhabitant of the thatched cottage. His were the first Scottish poems to show it, and from it we can be sure that the man himself thoroughly loved the humble people of whom he writes. How nobly he exalts their simple lot in the words he puts into the mouth of Luath, "the ploughman's collie" in "The Twa Dogs." In the "Cotter's Saturday Night" he brings to the notice of the humble bread-winners, not the ills, but the blessings of their toilsome lives. He would make them proud of their station and their labor. He appears at all points to have been a thorough democrat, and evidently was in close touch with the lives of the poorest people. It is such qualities as these that hold men in social esteem, with thehighas well as the low. A highly sympathetic nature was a social trait which undoubtedly helped to make Burns popular. Cheerfulness is a prime essential to social success. A glance convinces us that the man who wrote these poems surely had this attribute. Such a one must have cheered the lives and bright-ened the very faces of those with whom he came in contact. At every turn we meet his genial poetic laughter. And this, too, in the same poems in which he tells of his own misfortunes. To be happy in adversity; what an enviable trait! And if he could shake off his coil of pitiful thought and recognize the good things in his own life, he surely would shed some beams of happiness on the lives of those about him. All his songs attest this quality. "When at his best, you seem to hear the whole song warbling through his spirit, naturally as a bird's."* Note it in this stanza: "Ye banks land braes o' bonnie Doon, How can ye bloom sae fresh and fair? How can ye chant, ye little birds, And I sae weary, fu' o' care?" A vein of humor makes its possessor welcome. "I,augh, and the world will laugh with you." Doubtless Burns' little world "Jeffrey. 74 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY enjoyed many a laugh with him. For some of his poems fairly bubble with humor. And the author of these must have exhibited a like trait when he spoke, as well as when he wrote. We realize this when we "Remember Tarn O'Shauter's Mare;" or read the following from "Death and Dr. Hornbook": "The Clachan yill had made me canty, I was nae fou, but just had plenty; I stacher'd whyles, but yet took tent ay To free the ditches; An' hillocks, stanes, an' bushes, kenn'd ay Frae ghaists and witches. "The rising- moon began to glow'r The distant Cumuock hills out owre; To count her horns wi' a' my pow'r, I set mysel'; But whether she had three or four, I could na tell." These and many other poems, manifest in Burns himself a spirit of jocularity which, we believe, heightened the attractive-ness of his nature wherever he went. That a man was a friend of "John Barleycorn" was no social defect in Burns' day. And he'seems, from his poems, to have been a participant in "those convivial enjoyments which were not only counted excusable by the temper of the time, but gloried in by all whose heads were strong enough to indulge in them without ruin."* In fact, as a "total, abstainer" Burns' social career would likely have been curtailed. It is perfectly natural, therefore, that he gives drink and drinking a very prominent place in his verses. And the fact that he does so leads us to conclude that he was a not infrequent participant in the then prevalent jolly tavern carouses. Many evidences in his poems manifest his inclination toward convivial enjoyments of a more healthy character. He seems to have had a fondness for other gatherings than those where the consumption of "usquebae" was the central feature. We refer to such social functions as he speaks of in his "Hallow E'en." He evinces perfect familiarity with the jolly practices of that mysterious night, as he describes the mirthful sports of the country "lads and lasses." In fact, his frequent description of J *Blackwood'6. Feb., 1872. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 75 such scenes convinces us that he must have been an important member of the peasant society of his locality. But we see evidences that he would also make a valuable ad-dition to a higher plane of society than that of his own country-side. The mere fact that he was able to produce such remarkable verses is enough to show that he was fitted to move on a higher level than that of the peasant class. We can treat only briefly of a few of the many manifest traits which, besides those already cited, would make him a social attraction in the hall as well as in the hut. It is hard to prove conclusively from his poems that Burns was a good conversationalist. But we think there are indications that warrant us in believing that he was. The ease with which we understand the thoughts he wishes to convey in his lines, i. e., his extreme simplicity, together with his vivacity of expression and his powers of vivid description, lead us to think that he was a good talker. Nor would such a writer be at a loss for topics for conversation. He seems perfectly familiar with the full details of an immense variety of topics. Burns undoubtedly was at perfect ease in conversation. A keen insight into human nature, as we see it in his verses, would enable him to throw himself quickly into close sympathy with new associates; an almost invaluable social quality. His oft-appearing spirit of independence would gain him respect. The thoughtful tenderness he exhibits, not only for his fellow-men, but for beasts and flowers, too, suggests a feature in his nature which would draw men to him. Thus we see in his poetry, char-acteristics which would make his company acceptable to those of high rank. Of Burns' actual social successes in a certain direction, we have positive evidence. The great majority of his poems are con-cerning women with whom he has been in love, or at least ad-mired greatly. And we can easily see that, if not as a lover, at least as an admirer, he was accepted in .some cases. At any rate, we can judge from these poems that he had sufficient attractions to make him acceptable among the lasses of his native land. This gives us a clue, though an uncertain one, to his personal appear-ance and manners. To have been admired by so many women, he must have been to some degree attractive in looks and move-ments. 76 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURi Thus far we have considered only those things in Burns for which he was undoubtedly admired. But he shows traits that we cannot believe were acceptable to all of his contemporaries, for he refers in different passages to the fact that he had enemies. Certainly there were some who did not admire all he did; but just as we are limited in giving all his good qualities, by the fact that he does not make manifest in his poems all the traits he really pos-sessed, so are we limited, but to a greater degree, in observing all his bad qualities; for though he constantly confesses that he had monstrous faults, he has not specified what the particular immor-alities were that he committed, and we cannot know all these without referring to his biography. However, he does exhibit definitely some traits which, we believe, would be hindrances to his free movement among all classes of society. Profanity may have been attractive to his tavern associates, but must have been a shock to the strict piety which we know prevailed in his community. Reference to "Holy Willie's Prayer" manifests a spirit approaching blasphemy, an indication that the poet himself was probably not averse to the use of strong expressions by word of mouth, as well as pen. As a sincere man, Burns was a hater of hypocrisy, upon which subject he wrote several poems. But this feeling leads him into a fault. The satires he has written against hypocrites are too bitter to be commended. Were we to see only those works, we would have little desire to meet their writer. The acrimony of his invective seems unreasonable and repulsive, rather than at-tractive. We have mentioned Burns' drinking habits; but though we have no direct testimony in his poems that he himself was over indulgent, yet some of the scenes he depicts make clear that he must have been present at them, or he could not have described them so well. He at least practically confesses that he frequented places and associated with persons of low repute. Whether it is likely that he indulged in the orgies he describes, the reader can judge from the evidence. Such tendencies as these thus indi-cated certainly did not at that time constitute admirable social qualities. That Burns was positively vulgar, we must admit. A look into certain of his poems, which we do not deem fit to make more public by quoting them here, will convince us of this. It is seen, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 77 for instance, in certain lines of ' 'The Kirk's Alarm.'' A betrayal of such lack of decency, in the eyes of some, would seriously affect his social character. Though to many persons the absence of Christian qualities in a man would be no social objection, yet we must be of the opinion that Burns' great lack in this regard would form a barrier to his entrance into close acquaintance with many persons at his time. We are sorry to admit that such a genius, in all his works, shows no spirit of true devotion to his Creator and His Son. Probably a closer inspection of Burns' lines would manifest more qualities wherein he would be attractive or not; but we think we have drawn from his poems enough of both kinds to indicate whether or not he deserved to be popular. It is our decision that his good far outweigh his bad social qualities. We believe that were Burns' biography to be forever lost, with noth-ing but his poems for grounds from which to reason, the world today, were he to come back again, would greet him—just as Scotland would have done immediately after his death—with open arms. And we would welcome him, if for nothing else, because of his social qualities as manifested in his poems. THE CULTIVATION OP PATRIOTISM FRANK LBNKER, '03 HPO have a thorough understanding of the subject one must ^ necessarily have a full and true conception of the meaning of the word patriotism. Patriotism is—" L,ove and devotion to one's country, the spirit that originating in love of country prompts to obedience to its laws, to the support and defense of its exist-ence, rights and institutions and to the promotion of its welfare." From the definition of the word it is readily seen that without patriotism no good government can exist and by as much as the people of a nation are patriotic or unpatriotic, by so much that nation will be either pre-eminent or debased in the galaxy of nations. Patriotism is of different kinds. It is patriotism that leads a man to shoulder his musket and amid storms of applause and the entrancing strains of his national air to dare to fight for his country's honor. It is still greater patriotism that enables him to endure 78 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the privations and hardships of a severe campaign and which enables him, when some very daring service is required, willingly to lay down his life. It is patriotism that a man displays when for a season he leaves the pleasures of his home, neglects his business and exposes himself to the censure of those opposed to him, to become a voice of the people in the nation's council. But only the true statesman, the man who stands for right and principle against personal interests, displays this patriotism. Then, too, anyone may be a true patriot. He need not be a soldier, he need not be a statesman, but one thing Me must be—a man—a man true and firm, a man of high principle and lofty sent-iments and above all he must dare to stand by the right. If each one should place his country's welfare above his struggle for per-sonal gain and aggrandizement, what a powerful nation such men would constitute. It is acknowledged that there is no power equal to the mother's in shaping the characters and disposition of the young. If the solemn duties and obligations of motherhood could but be more strongly intrenched in the minds of those who have assumed the positions of wives and mothers, patriotism would surely become a more self-sacrificing and deep-seated kind. Mothers should endeavor to bring their children up to maturity even-minded and devoted to their country and to their God. Early in life children should be taught to reverence the starry ensign—the symbol of their freedom, to respect the nation's laws —safeguards of their liberty, and above all to know our history. Let them know how the nation was established on a foundation of right, cemented with the blood of some of the noblest men who ever lived. Let them know how, when the nation was in its in-fancy, our statesmen studied and planned so that laws tending only to progress might be promulgated. Let them know how gallantly our warriors punished England's insult to that banner, which so long as the true American spirit prevails will tell of the freedom of our nation and assure every American citizen protec-tion abroad or a speedy vengeance if molested. It should not be forgotten to tell them of the Civil War which for a time threatened to disrupt the Union. Tell them how the North was arrayed against the South and how bravely brother engaged brother to the death. But most emphatically tell them that each fought for principle. They fought not concerning petty THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 79 matters but rather concerning deep-rooted belief that each was right. Then review how at first there seemed to be bitter feeling, then gradually take them through the intervening space of time and at last show them how gloriously a united, a thoroughly . united and closely associated baud of men, representing the North, South, East and West, defeated the cruel Spaniards on San Juan hill. Our young should also be led to hate the greatest curse of the nation, they should be taught to abhor the greatest enemy of true manhood and upright living—the moral-debasing and character-weakening rum. Can a drunkard be a true patriot? No, most decidedly not. For how can a man who weakens himself morally, physically and mentally by using the vile stuff offer his ablest and best services to his country either as a statesman, a soldier, or as an exemplary private citizen. Double-dealing, rottenness and corporation influence in politics is another great evil and the one which probably above all others might possibly cause the downfall of these United States. Oh, would that some of our statesmen were more honorable men, would that they were more stalwart warriors in the defense of right and more zealous to forward measures drawn up for the public good rather than for personal gain and advantage ! L,et those, in whose power it is to elect the law-makers, cast their ballots for none but honest men. Then, with an honorable man guiding the ship of state, and none but honorable men on the crew, how can it be otherwise than that a more patriotic spirit would be displayed in the next generation. We turn our sad, reluctant gaze Upon the path of duty; Its barren, unwilling' ways Are void of bloom and beauty. Yet in that road, though dark and cold, It seems as we begin it As we press on—I/O ! we behold- There's Heaven in it. —Ella Wheeler Wilcox. 80 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY SUPERLATIVES J. B. BAKER,'01 WHEN, in accusing Peter of affiliation with Jesus of Nazareth, the morbid scions of Jewish authority, said "Thy speech bewrayeth thee," they described a condition of more than local interest. The sentiment their charge embodied has outlived the perverted Sanhedrin. It prevails to-day and applies to us. We are the heirs of a rich language; londled were we in the lap of opulence and children of fortune are prone to squander. Our language, being as it is a composite one, necessarily, by the survival of the fittest, contains the accumulated grace and vigor of its varied progeny. Its verbs express accurately every shade of human thought, even to the antipodal range of a Shakespeare. Its nouns are like the notes of a pianoforte, so varied is their tone. Its adjectives, in their several degrees embellish even that which already is sublime. They are the grace notes in the vernacular strains and of all things the most difficultly used. The proper adaptation of an adjective, even in the positive de-gree, to its corresponding noun is of itself a task of no mean im-port; the comparative requires more skill, while the superlative, like a run of extras on a key board, is accomplished gracefully, only by a practiced man. And yet how prone we are to use them. With what readiness we carry every thing to a ne plus ultra. Why is it thus? Wherein lies the cause ? Emerson has probably answered it, in his essay on history, without intending directly to do so. After a short disser-tation on the various nations that have come and gone over the highway of time, he says, "But I will make no more account of them. I believe in Eternity, I can find Greece, Palestine, Italy, Spain, the islands, the genius and creative principle ofeach andall eras in my own mind." The much-travelled man does not call each high hill a cloud-piercing peak, nor does he speak of every landscape as nature's last attempt. Those are the foibles of childhood. The evolutions of such whose peregrinations have not as yet translated them be-yond their native shire. Precisely the same is true in the world of thought. The cos-mical mind uses few superlatives. The farther out it pushes into unknown tracts, the more it discovers of hitherto unrevealed re-ality, the closer appears its affinity with it, and with that increasing THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 81 identity there comes an increasing frugality of terms. He who has thoroughly established his identity with all reality could not possibly predicate a superlative of any thing without paying his own self an indirect compliment, and this, if report be true, is of all things the most odious to men of a larger growth. So much' so at least that they will use them stintingly, save only as applied to Divinity. As proof of this we need but resort to the sayings and writings of such great men. The genial paternal Emerson is judiciously sparing even in the use of his comparatives and yet there \s an ex-hilarating loftiness in all his thoughts. The many sided Ruskin speaks most frequently in simple, homely, childlike terms, and yet Carlyle compared his words to copious lightning bolts pour-ing incessantly into the black words of anarchy about him. Tolstoi, whose boldness has incurred the hostility of the Russian royalty, seldom calls things by their hardest names, yet his pen is a very scramasax in the side of monarchial iniquity. Nor is this abstemiousness from any thing that smacks of hy-perbole a characteristic only of him who sits down quietly at his desk and writes in his pacific words. It is characteristic of great men everywhere. Even in the forum, tempest-tossed and raging. The men who kindled and maintained the fires of patriotism through seven years of blood strife were men whose speech was as plain as their garb. A few months training in a country school and a six weeks course in law would not be likely to embellish much the speech of any one. But "give me liberty or give me death" had a potency that added superlatives could not augment. Daniel Webster, in that paragon of American philippics, his reply to Senator Hayne, is deadliest when he is plainest. His unadorned arrows are the swiftest. Lincoln, the great, in his speech on these hallowed grounds, gives us not only a model in structure well worth study, but manifests a chastity in terms seldom seen. Not once, in referring to the war in which we were then engaged, does he use an extravagant term such as thousands of others might with apparent justification have employed, and yet there is an Alpine sublimity pervading it all. So we might continue our citation almost indefinitely, pushing our observations out even beyond the confines ofour native tongue; including all ages past and present, all lands and climes, and find the great men every where corroborating the truth. The greater 82 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the man, the smaller will things appear, and with the diminution of things will come a corresponding frugality of terms; deducting from this the converse and we have in very truth the modern ap-plication of those ancient words, "Thy speech bewrayeth thee." PERSEVERANCE EMORY D. BREAM, '02 T^HE old saying, " A rolling stone gathers no moss," has been * illustrated so often, and in so many ways, that when we see a young man going from one thing to another, not following one pursuit long enough to overcome its difficulties, we at once con-clude that he will never amount to much. The youth who comes to college with the intention of being a doctor, a lawyer, or having in view some other profession, and when he encounters difficulties in Greek, mathematics and other hard studies, has not the conquering spirit to master them, shows to a marked degree the lack of persistency. Or if, during his college course, he is swayed from his purpose, and decides to take a special course because he has failed in some department, or there is in the regular course a laborious, abstract subject which he dislikes, and which he has not the courage to attempt, it is evi-dent that he will never be well prepared to face the more difficult problems of life. Hence, instead of steering to a position of trust and honor, he will drift down the stream along with thousands of aimless beings like himself. On the other hand, the young man who chooses a worthy and honorable calling because he knows it is right and noble to do so; because he knows that to attain the desired end he will have to work long and hard; if such a young man will do with his might what his hand findeth to do, and, like Henry Clay, Daniel Webster or Abraham Lincoln, overcome every obstacle that comes in his way, each victory won will strengthen and encourage him for something higher. With such persistency he is bound to make life a success. The boy who enters life as a clerk, and looks forward to the time when he will be a prominent business man, lending a help-ing hand to the needy, using his influence in every good cause or having some other worthy aim, and takes for his motto this I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 83 proverb of Solomon, "Seest thou a man diligent in his business? He shall stand before kings;" the boy who enters a blacksmith shop, determined to hammer out, as it were, link by link the very chain by which he is to be raised to honor and usefulness; if such boys keep in mind the life of Iceland Stanford or P. D. Armour or Clem. Studebaker, never dreaming of failure, future genera-tions will not fail to call them blessed. The drummer-boy who says to himself, '' I shall not always beat the drum. I will rise just as high as my talents or the neces-sities of war will permit;" the youthful soldier behind the gun, who performs faithfully every duty, no matter how small it may be; if within his breast burns the spirit of patriotism ; if he feel that faithful work insures success, and that success means that a man must make the best possible use of his God-given talents for the benefit of his fellow-men; if he never allow himself to be deceived nor turned from the path of martial glory by spending his time, strength and money in the regimental saloon; if such drummer-boys and soldiers take as their ideal Paul Jones or An-drew Jackson or Ulysses Grant, their names will be recorded on the pages of history. To-day there is a greater need than ever for able men in the pulpit; for h°nest cashiers in our banks; for upright and noble statesmen, who do not enter politics for money or the gratifying of selfish desires; for truly patriotic generals and admirals, like him who was called "Father of His Country," and who will not, after the war is over, fill the columns of our newspapers with abominable wrangling as to who won certain battles, Santiago for instance, or who will be promoted-and who will not. We shall be needed. Our future depends upon the present. To make the best use of our present opportunities, we must per-severe. "Build thee more stately mansions, O my soul, As the swift seasons roll! Leave thy low-vaulted past! Let each new temple, nobler than the last, Shut thee from heaven with a dome more vast, Till thou at length art free, Leaving' thine out grown shell by life's unresting sea." —The Chambered Nautilus. 84 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY A DUTCH SCHOOLMASTER'S ADVENTURE A. 0. WOLF, '04' SOME eighty years ago, in the vicinity of the little village of Gettysburg, there lived two celebrated characters. One a long, lank, ungraceful Dutch schoolmaster by the name of Joseph Sleutsenslizer, who wielded the birch in a most prolific manner and who was noted for his arrant cowardice and marked suscepti-bility to feminine influences; the other, Mike Miller by name, a type of Herculean manhood, famed for his ability to break the most vicious horse, and for a diposition to indulge in all the pranks and roguish proceedings-of the most recklessly disposed element of the mischievous young men among whom he lived. It so happened that these worthies were rival suitors for the hand of the village belle. Their antagonism had attained to such proportions that our friend Joseph had felt himself constrained to exert his influence to prevent his rival from receiving an invita-tion to a ball which was to be held at a neighbor's home some distance south of the village. For thus, the schoolmaster argued to himself, he would be able to anticipate the advances of his rival and to monopolize the society of the fair one in question. His plans had worked well. The revelry was over. The tracing and retracing of the woof and weft of the dizzy dance by the light of the roaring logs had ended. The dingy rafters had ceased to ring with peals of girlish laughter and strains of the violin. The swish, swish of fantastic feet was no longer heard. Echo from her rocky cavern stepped forth perplexed at the sudden transformation. A scamper for wraps, a change from almost tropic heat to the crisp atmosphere of a November night, and the terpsichorean revelers bid adieu to their host and the dancing. As they trudge homeward beneath the brilliant emblazonry of a star-lit sky, oceans of midnight air poured over the mountains into the forest-covered valley making its branches groan with forebodings of the coming storm. The maidens became startled at the demoniacal laughter of some melancholy night-bird only to give the attentive swains an opportunity for reassuring them. Jest is passed from couple to couple, and their hilarious spirits find vent in snatches of song and in pertinent thrusts of wit. At the fork of the road they separate with a hasty "good night" and a counter ejaculation of unthought-of-until-the-last-moment inter-rogations hurled at each receding party. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 85 Joseph was now reaping the fruit of his well laid scheme, as, with the fairest of the fair maids in the little village on his arm, he turned to the right on the road that leads past Devil's Den. His heart beat wildly for it was rarely that he had the opportunity of enjoying the society of the beautiful but somewhat reticent maid. In fact, the society of others seemed preferable to his own. This made him gloat over his good fortune as an ogre would gloat over his cannibal repast. The infatuated schoolmaster failed to conceive himself anything but a brilliant courtier in at-tendance on the object of his affection. Moreover, his bigotry would not permit him to offer his awkward, uncouth appearance and decidedly rustic air in striking contrast to the trim figure of his companion, as a possible explanation of her reticence and her disposition to indulge in a peculiar sort of suppressed laughter. Suddenly she became communicative and deftly turned the drift of their conversation on ghosts, hobgoblins and other super-stitious fancies so dear to the heart of the early Dutch settler. Oh, what's that ! she cried, clasping his arm in terror. His heart stood still. But just then a passing breeze rustled the dead leaves on a bush by the roadside which she had mistaken for the crouching figure of some wanderer from Spiritland. After this his aroused imagination saw ghosts innumerable; headless hobgoblins and winged fairies. Even the murky air seemed teeming with imaginary hosts. The drift of his com-panion's conversation by no means tended to allay his trepida-tion. In a fearful whisper she told him of a time when her father passed along that very road after nightfall, and how a horned creature with gleaming eyes and nostrils that breathed forth sheets of flame snatched him up and was bearing him away. It became frightened at the wild cry of a panther, dropped him half dead and galloped into a cavern in the adjacent hillside. Again, she related the story of the adventure of a certain deacon which happened at the rocks which they were then Hear-ing. The deacon was going home from a visit to a sick neighbor and on passing the rocks he heard an unearthly crash and felt the rock on which he stood heave under him. Thunder pealed. The sky was kindled by a lurid blaze. The ground was on flame, and fiery torrents came down in tumultuous avalanches. The rocks melted and the valley assumed the aspect of a basin of glowing ore. He bounded with the speed of the wind through the raging 86 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY conflagration. The sulphurous molten tide pursued him, spouting white columns of vapor and sheets of vitreous lava. As he ran, it gained speed on him; when he bounded, the spot Irom which he sprang was on fire before he alighted on the ground. At length he sank exhausted, but the indefatigable lava rolled on like armies rushing to battle. Suddenly the earth quaked and a fissure appeared, out of which leaped a compan}' of devils as if shot from a subterranean catapult. The foremost, whose stature was as that of a tree, advanced and with a claw-like hand had picked him up and was about to hurl him into the bottomless pit. The deacon recollecting himself cried, "Get thee behind me, Satan,'1 which so enraged his captor that, with a horrible roar, he hurled him through the air with such force that he continued his aerial course until he lauded on his own door step. Joseph was now fully aware of his danger. His natural cow-ardice prompted him to cast his eyes in every nook and cranny of that mass of rocks which now bears such a sinister name, and from which he firmly expected to see the beginning of a sponta-neous combustion which would overwhelm him. Nor had he long to wait. Just as they came opposite the rock a blood-curd-ling yell resounded which would have put to shame a vociferous Comanche brave. By a sudden contraction and relaxation of his muscles, Joseph was elevated some three or four feet in the air. He turned to look for his companion, but she was fleeing with the speed of a whirlwind and giving vent to that series of ex-quisitely rendered screeches, in which startled women delight to indulge. Another whoop from the rock, accompanied by the rattle of chains and clank of iron, and Joseph's knees began to strike each other in a remarkable manner. He looked up, and there on the summit of the rock stood his Satanic Majesty plainly outlined against the stony vault. To the excited beholder he seemed panoplied in all the regal habiliments of a prince of the nether world. His hoofs and horns gleamed in the starlight, and from his eyes scintillated the fiery sparks of his wrath. The poor pedagogue was in a serious predicament. His limbs moved convulsively. His hair rose and with it his hat, allowing the cool breeze to fan his throbbing forehead. His heart palpitated wildly. His breath came in short quick gasps. Hoping that he was in some horrible nightmare, and that his visitor would soon vanish, he looked up. His majesty was de- I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 87 liberately stepping to the edge of the rock where he tore a tree from its roots, and with a sepulchral roar leaped headlong, with the tree in his grasp, upon the terrified Joseph. The branches of the tree struck him and bore him to the earth. His tormentor leaped upon him, kicked him, pulled his hair, spat upon him, at the same time producing the most hideous noises. Tired of his diversion, he threw the trunk of the tree across the breast of the prostrate pedagogue and started, roaring like an enraged buffalo, in pursuit of the fleeing girl. A rescuing party, aroused by the clamor, came and released the terror-stricken Joseph and heard his fabulous tale. Their mirth knew no bounds. And ever after when the irate school-master was asked to relate his adventure at the Devil's Den he would exclaim, "Vat ! you dink a Dutchman's a geece, hugh ! Do you dink I shust come over tomorrow ?" This, dear reader, is how Devil's Den came to be so named. Again the sun is over all, Again the robin's evening call Or early morning lay; I hear the stir about the farms, I see the earth with open arms, I feel the breath of May. Century Magazine. Oh, the merry May has pleasant hours, And dreamily they glide, As if they floated like the leaves Upon a silver tide. The trees are full of crimson buds, And the woods are full of birds, And the waters flow to music, Like a song with pleasant words. Willis. & There is something grander than the ocean, and that is con-science; something sublimer than the sky, and that is the interior of the soul. —Victor Hugo. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entertd at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., MAY, 1901 No. 3 E. C. RUBY, 'Oi, Editor-in-Chief R. ST. CLAIR POFFENBARGER,' 02, Business Manager J. F. NEWMAN, '02, Exchange Editor Assistant,-E.d,.it.ors Advisor•*y Board . -K, o ,"-. PROF. J. A. HIMES, A. M., LIT. D. M. IS"S "ANNIE M. .S"W" ARTZ, '02 _ " _ " ." ~ PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. A. B. RICHARD, '02 _ T _. _ ' -. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Assistant Business Manager CURTIS E. COOK, '03 Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Peuusj'lvania (Gettysburg-) College. Subscription price, One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Fifteen Cents. Notice to discontinue seudiug the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS '"pHE first day of May was once a festival in honor of an Ameri- *■ can "saint," canonized simply by popular acclamation. Our colonial troops deprived themselves of the patronage of St. George by their rebellion, and at once they looked about for a saint of their own. Their choice fell on Tamina, a sagamore of the Delaware Indians, who, tradition says, bad whipped satan. Naturally the soldiers concluded that the conqueror of satan could also overcome St. George. The name of St. Tamina was in-scribed upon the banners of the colonial troops and on the first day of May celebrations were held in his honor. These celebra-tions were a combination of the Indian war dance and the old English May Day frolics. The May-pole was crowned with a THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 89 liberty cap, and bore a tomahawk instead of the garlands of flowers used to decorate the English May-pole. The army was not alone in doing honor to the "saint." Poets sang of his virtues. His life was dramatized and appeared on the stage in many places. Societies, which usually took the place of the modern club, were formed under his name. In England it was customary, on the first day of May, to wear a sprig of green gathered in the early morning and worn all day. This sprig was called the " May." The narrow-leaved elm and the hawthorn were the trees from which the sprig was usually taken. The expedition into the grove after it was called " going a-Maying," and the carrying of it home was " bringing in the May." The erecting of a May-pole, the young men and maidens dancing around it with flowers and song, and the choosing of the most attractive maiden as the " Queen of the May," to whom homage was paid as long as the day lasted, were characteristic features in the observance of May Day. This festival was quite general in England until the Puritans of the Commonwealth put a stop to it and uprooted the May-poles. It was again revived after the Restoration, but has now nearly, if not entirely, died out. In the New England States this same festival had been observed for a short time. Here it was also opposed by the Puritans, who regarded it as an emblem of satanic rule. In such an atmosphere it could not flourish long, and soon became a thing of the past. The custom of giving " May baskets," however, survived a little longer, and for aught we know may still be observed in some places. A basket, tastefully arranged with flowers, was left by the love-sick swain at the door of his lady-love; children tied baskets and bouquets on the door-knob of the house wherein dwelt their playmates, and friends remembered each other by gifts and flowers on May Day morning. r"pHEPvE is a surprising lack of knowledge in regard to *■ South America, its people and their ways. There is more known of Europe, Asia and Africa than of South America, once an echo of Spain in her glory and the home of a brave people con-quered by treachery and deceit. When we do study its history at all, we start with its discovery and almost abruptly end there. 90 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Perhaps it is because we do not have so much in common as we have with the people of other countries that we know so little about the people, but it would be better to be more familiar with the doings and character of the people who live on the same side of the world as we do. We usually regard South America as made up of a number of little republics always at odds and the people as indolent and uneducated. We might change our minds some-what if we knew more about them. The natural resources of the country are worth study also, the magnificent mountain-ranges, the valuable forests and mines, the rivers and bays, the fertile plains equal to any which nature has ever bestowed on any country. —S. AN OLD READER CHAS. W. WEISKB, '01 I picked up an old school reader, Which up on the attic lay, Covered with the dust of ages, Brown with mold and decay. I opened its well-worn pages— They were soiled and marked with grime, By the little hands which used them In a by-gone, happy time. And out came the flood of memory, "With a rush, a flutter and sweep, And I lived those days all over— Those days ere I climbed life's steep. Aye! there was the old brown school house, With its warped and beaten floor, And there were the old wooden benches, Arid the old thumb-latch on the door. And there was the rude cut initial, Carved on the desk and seat, And under the forms the shuffling Of stout-booted restless feet. Around me arose a murmur, A chatter and whisp'ring gay, The humming of happy children, In the school beside the way. But the cold winds weirdly sighing, Awoke me from my dream; The present lay before me— Iafe's bright and silvery stream. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 91 PICTURES MARY C. SIELING, '03 HPHERE are pictures not painted with the brush of the artist. * The hills, the valleys, the sky, the rivers—all the works of God—what are they to him that see, aught but so many beautiful pictures ? How the hills, with their trees rising rank above rank, brighten the valleys between them. What artist can imitate the delicate shade of their green ? What colors mixed by man are so beautiful as their red and gold in autumn, and in what picture hung in our houses is there expressed the desolation of those same hills in winter, when the trees are bare and the winds moan through their branches ? The stream sings through the valley, hurrying on to the sea. The sunbeams dance upon the waters, making the scene still more pleasing, while the flowers along its banks add to its,beauty. All this is a beautiful picture, and it fills our hearts with peace. In the sky, too, there are pictures. The heavens are a moving panorama. The blue of the noon-day sky is to the sight what far-off beautiful music is to the ear. It fills us with a vague longing, and turns our thoughts to what is high and spiritual. The sunset is the most beautiful of all pictures, for do not the rifted clouds, bordered in gold, with the splendor spreading from them, seem like outer battlements of heaven when the inner gates are opened ? These pictures are around us and above us day after day. They gladden us, purify us and uplift us. He who can copy these pictures on canvas is the painter, and that man is the best painter who can most com-pletely forget himself and yield his soul and his hand to the Mas-ter of all paintings, content to let himself be the means through which the copies of the paintings, engraved deep on his own soul, are made to stand out on canvas. Raphael painted his beautiful Madonna because, in his mind, there was a beautiful picture of the purity and love of the mother of Jesus, and this picture was his, not only from a study of the Bible, but from the memory of his own pure and noble mother. Michael Angel o, who in the age in which Christian art had reached its zenith, stood almost unrivaled as a painter, sculptor, architect and poet. He painted and carved as never man painted and carved before or since, because he more fully than other men let nature and the God of nature speak through his life and his hand. 92 THE GETTYSBURG MEBCURY But artists are not the only men who try to copy these pictures which God has painted. The poets and prose writers also paint pictures, not with brush and palette, but with words in writing. "The Great Stone Face," how clearly we see with Hawthorne the long valley with the great family of lofty mountains beyond, the great face of stone carved in the side of the mountain, the people of the valley. Ernest, who, as a boy and man, looked through a long life for the face that should resemble the great face carved in stone, and who should thus fulfill a tradition of the valley ! With him we look into the face of the rich man, warrior and poet, and with him we are saddened to find in each one something lacking, but with the people we shout to see at last that he, Ernest himself, is the man who resembles the great stone face. But these pictures drawn by prose writers and painters, in the end mean to us only as much as we put into them. We cannot enjoy a poem or a painting of a forest stream unless we ourselves have felt the restfulness and delightful coolness of a streamlet murmuring over the pebbles under the shade of the overhanging trees, nor will the most beautiful pictured children Millias appeal to us before we have learned in some way the beauty and inno-cence of childhood. Thus in truth, all the pictures, of which we have spoken, depend on the great painter, Nature. But every-body is to a certain extent an artist, because everybody is paint-ing a picture called character. This picture is of more importance in the sight of God and to us than any other kind of picture. Upon this picture depends our happiness hereafter. Some people are trying hard to paint the picture well, while others handle the brush so carelessly that in the end the picture is a mere daub. There are a few men whose characters stand out above others like the paintings of the mas-ters. We should study these pictures, and let the beauty of their character enter into our own lives. If you would teach a boy self-poise, coolness of judgment and majesty of character, let him read about George Washington. If you would have him sincere, looking through the glamour of symbols to the things beneath, let him study long and well the lives of such men as Socrates and Lincoln. But if you would have him to be a true man, rounded, combining all virtues, let THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 93 him study the life of Him more majestic than Washington, for He was the God of man, and more sincere than Socrates. "We should study His life until just as Ernest, by looking long and lovingly into the great stone face, grew like it in feature, we also, by looking at the picture of His character, may grow more and more like Him. SPONTANEITY IN LITERATURE J. RUSH STONER, '01 QPONTANEITY, applied to literature, may be used to desig- ^ nate that spontaneous flow of eloquence or spirit from the depth of the author's own nature, giving to literary work spice and attraction. It may have an ennobling effect, or it may have a degrading effect, according as the life and ethical ideas of the author are high or low. It constitutes the ground upon which what is commonly called good and bad literature are distinguish-able. In the higher sense it might be looked upon as inspiration in literature; in the lower sense, merely as an evil tending to de-moralize the race. All who are familiar with the poetry of Robert Burns have recognized there the naturalness with which the poet gave vent to his feelings. And with the exclusion of his coarser poems, he might be taken as a good type of authors, whose writings flow with natural freshness of pure humor, pathos and wit, appealing strongly to the higher sympathies and the nobler passions. There is in literature a force that molds the character or indi-viduality of the reader. This element, or subtle force, makes itself clearly manifest in the life principles of different individuals, through the subconscious impressions it ingrains upon the mind. For the reader, if he is in the highest sense a true reader, must be in a receptive state, imbibing the spirit and tone of the litera-ture perused. And these impressions are stored up for future reproduction in the principles of life. Enthroned thus in the ruling element of the world, this force becomes at once a power in shaping the destiny of the race. Those who are at all susceptible to literature resort to it either for rest, pleasure, instruction, or for its ennobling influence. The scientist, exhausted from his deep abstraction in the realms of nature, searching for laws and principles in large collections of 94 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY facts, comes hither to quaff from this sparkling fountain, this source of the emotional nature. It is to him a source of rest and pleasure, indispensable to his well-being, that he may draw from his life's work the best results. And, too, what wealth of in-struction is yielded to the earnest seeker after knowledge as he pries into this mine of wisdom. Above all, the ennobling effect ofgood literature is universal; experienced alike by scientist and all who come within the scope of its power. The existence of this subtle force in literature may be verified by the career of a distinguished scientist of the nineteenth cen-tury, who neglected entirely the fine arts and the reading of in-spired writings for the absorbing interests of his life's work. In this description of his own life, Darwin tells his pathetic story. He tells how in the early part of his life he took great delight in poetry and music, and then, after many years of their utter neglect, he tried to read some poetry. But he could no longer appreciate it. His mind had become a kind of machine for grinding general laws out of large collections of facts, and was so revolutionized that poetry seemed unendurably dull and even nauseating. He had lost all appreciation of the higher tastes. He says this atrophy of the emotional nature is doubtless a loss of happiness. And he expresses an intense regret that he could not have his life to live again, that he might, at regular intervals throughout his busy career, pay some attention to those things which appeal to the spiritual side of life, that this horrible atrophy in his mind might have been averted. Here was a man who accomplished a vast work in science, but his absorption in the work, and neglect of the finer arts, brought him to a painful consciousness of the reality of this element in literature, and its influence upon the reader. While there are many instances that demonstrate the reality of this force by showing the change brought about in the indi-vidual who is isolated from its influences, there are also numerous evidences of its positive influence upon the individuality of the reader. So positive is this influence, that the literature a person enjoys is an unfailing index to his character. If the mind be turned into the channels of heroic and active literature, a heroic spirit of'strong and manly principles, master of circumstances and capable of resisting the most powerful evils, is the inevitable re-sult. If, on the other hand, time is spent in devouring nonsensi- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 95 cal trash of a doubtful, or possibly degrading moral tone, you have as a reward, or rather demerit, a nerveless, sentimental tem-perament, unfit for the accomplishment of any great work, be it in the study or in life's profession. There is no more contemptible type of human character than the nerveless sentimentalist and dreamer, who spends his life in a "weltering sea of sensibility," and never does a concrete, manly deed. But, ah ! the individuality formed by contact with inspir-ing and ennobling literature ! How sublime is that character, standing firm amid the tempests, like a tower when everything rocks about it, and the weaker fellow-mortals are winnowed like chaff in the blast ! Since there is. a spontaneous force in literature exerting its influence over every reader, whether he is conscious of the fact or not, how essential it is that all current literature and fiction should be idealistic, upholding the ideal of the race; for this is the law of human progress. It would be better if the realistic novel were never published. What we want is a stalwart ideal-ism. In life " aim and ideal are everything;" so it is in litera-ture. And if these be high and just, the author is true to his profession, and will be false to no one. How great is the responsibility resting upon the author ! He may be the agency through which humanity is brought into the most exalted phase of moral excellence, or into the vilest degen-eracy, endowing the race with real wealth to promote its civiliza-tion, or bringing upon it the deadliest curse. Then let those who are looking forward to a higher order of things, social and politi-cal, equip themselves and aspire to win the favor of the people by making the idealistic literature surpass in splendor the low-grade realistic novel, as the glorious mid-day sun outshines the insignificant glow-worm. And let the unscrupulous author, who has no higher ambition than to cater to the populace, sink into oblivion beneath the weight of a refined popular taste and criti-cism. This mournful truth is everywhere confessed, Slow rises worth by poverty depressed. -Johnson. 96 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY IN NATURE'S REALM J. RUSH STONER, '01. How oft in life's deep vestige sought,— Be it in Nature's realm and throne, Where fleeting time has strata laid, And plant life quivering, by zephyrs blown, Wafts perfume o'er the sacred dead, Or in the search of truth and lore,— The Unintended lifts its head And speaks in oracles of yore! In the closing days of winter drear, When anon begins through Nature's veins To course the life of a living world, We strolled through field and rustic lanes; Enchanting for romance were they, In facts for science richer still. We searched for minerals, types of rock And phenomena caused by rippling rill. And lo! within a fractured rock A microscopic plant was seen. Perennial, delicate, tiny thing, It has of Nature's marvels been One oft escaped the human eye; A life unscathed by Aeolian breath Or Zeus' cataclysms wild, Nor felt Apollo's scorching dearth. But clinging to the rugged cliff A lonely, solitary form; In all the great, wide universe Only a little speck forlorn; Yet symmetry and order plain Are there set forth in clear design By the Supreme Intelligence, Its "Great Original," benign. A useless infinitesimal plant! But it a mission has to fill: It may proclaim the law Divine, And be of greatest value still. If it but shows that God, who keeps The stars in cosmic beauty bright, Regards the smallest forms of being, It turns on science floods of light. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 97 i And man, a spark of the Divine May see in this the message clear, That God who rules things great and small In sweet compassion holds them dear. And he may catch the inspiration, That love, the essence of the soul, Controls and rules the universe And pilots safely to the goal. A COUNTRY BARN ON A RAINY DAY D. S. Weimer, '03 TT is a warm summer morning, the folks have arisen from the long, A sweet slumbers of the night, breakfast has been prepared and served, the horses have been fed and harnessed, and all are ready to go to their respective duties, when, lo! the sky becomes dark, ened and in a short time the rain begins to descend upon the parched earth, causing the drooping plants to lift their heads, as it were, and to spread out their leaves that they may be bathed by the gentle rain. All stand wrapped in delight, as they watch the rain which has been needed so long, no one being unwilling to rest from his labor, while the gentle rain descends to replenish the earth with flowers and fruits. Soon the scene changes. The father, ever mindful ofhis duties, bids the sons go to the barn to unharness the horses. When this is done, they are told that they must go to the barn-floor and pre-pare to thresh some rye in order to have some long straw for tying the corn in the autumn. Soon the doors are thrown open and you see the boys sweeping the floor to get ready to place upon it the sheaves of grain ready for the flail. When the sweeping is completed, you see James climb thelad-der and pass into the mow, while Henry remains upon the floor to arrange the sheaves in order, one after the other, until the floor is fairly covered, when James ceases to throw them from the mow and descends to the floor and prepares to begin with the flail. Taking their flails, they step to their places, and at once begin to strike with alternate strokes, creating a great noise so that it is very difficult to be understood in speaking, but doing the work to which they were appointed with apparent ease and skill. They 98 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY labor during the long hours of the day, ceasing only when thefact that it is time to perform the regular evening duties is made known to them. From what I have said, you may infer that the "Country Barn" is, besides being a protection for the animals against the inclem-ency ofthe weather and a storehouse for grain, a kind ofworkshop, where boys are taught to improve their time and not to throw away the golden moments. We shall see that it is something more. While James and Henry are busy at their work, Willie, Ned, and Joe, who are yet too small to bear the greater burdens of life, are rolling over the hay, turning somersault, standing upon their heads, playing "Run and Jump," "Hide and Seek," and indulg-ing in other sports. Seated in the corner of the barn-floor or run-ning to and fro, or lounging in the swing made by Henry, are Jane and Nell, too selfish to engage in sport with the boys, or probably keeping away, pouting on account of some trick which the boys have served them. Thus wesee that the "Country Barn" is a shelter, a storehouse, a workshop, and a playhouse, teaching to us the lesson that the things which exist may be used for different purposes, each pur-pose in its own time, being necessary for full and complete devel-opment and advantageous to all. «f^£> ALL SOULS DAY W. H. B. CARNEY, '99. Arched above, a reefless ocean Gray of clouds; no sunny glow: Leafless trees affect no motion To the biting' winds which blow. Everywhere are solemn faces,— Father, mother, daughter, son; Over all I see the traces Of a sorrow, deep and lone. Towards God's acre slowly walking Where a loved one lies "At Rest"; Thinking all, but none are talking: Sometimes Silence speaks the best. w THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 99 On the arm a wreath of holly With white flowers wove between; But the gnawing melancholy Of the heart cannot be seen. In the churchyard there is weeping Over every ivied mound; Some have infant forms in keeping, Some by sculptor's hand are crowned. On the graves the wreaths are lying, Glistening with blood-warm tears, Tribute of a love undying, Living on through dragging years. In a homestead sits a maiden Sighing o'er a golden band ; For his grave her hands not laden; There's a trench in foreign land. In her dreams a wife is hearing Lashing waves that froth and roar; And she sees a boat that's nearing,— But it never reached the shore. • In the church is told the story How the Christ, in village Nain, Gave a widow cause to glory, Raising up her son again. While the trumpet tones are blowing All the dead in Him shall rise; And the living, those reknowing. Shall meet with them in the skies. Every desert yield the treasured, Every mountain, and the Bea, Thousands in whose deeps unmeasured Toss like leaves upon the lea. Then I see the faint hearts strengthen And the tears are wiped away; For the shadows soon will lengthen, Herald of Eternal Day. —Berlitz School of Languages, Berlin, Germany. 100 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY EXCHANGES TVTE have been pleased to receive more than the usual number " of magazines and journals from different colleges and universities during the past month, many of which visited our desk for the first time. Among these the Red and Blue, because of its neat and attractive appearance, and wealth of both poetry and prose, will always be most heartily welcomed. The Harvard Monthly is unassuming in appearance, and filled with excellent literary productions. The Nassau Literary Magazine and the University of Virginia Magazine are both entertaining as always. In addition to these, many others could be mentioned. It has been interesting to note that nearly all the magazines have given considerable space to poetical selections, and also that the number of really good prose articles is greater than dur-ing the previous month. The Lesbian Herald contains a tender and beautiful poem, "The Trailing Arbutus," whose title was probably suggested by John Burrough's poem on the" same subject. We quote the fol-lowing : " Her presence like glimmering sunshine seemed, And the soft sweet breath of the spring, The blue of her eyes was the blue of the heaven, Her voice had a gladsome ring. " Like the voice of the birds as they sing in the trees, When the sweet April shower is done, Or lift to the heavens their anthems of praise When a glad new day has begun. " But the wind swept by with a wailing moan, And the maiden so wondrous fair Was gone in her glory of summer sheen, But the prints of her feet were there. " You call it the trailing arbutus flower, A sweet breath of spring, you say, But I know the glory which gave it birth In the foot-prints left that day." The author of '' The L,ady of the L,ake '' in The Mountaineer evidently appreciates the vivacity and beauty of one of Scott's grandest productions, and thoroughly enjoys the chivalric spirit manifested by the characters. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 101 In the St. John's Collegian appears an article on " The Bible as a Text-book.'' The importance of this subject cannot be ques-tioned when we think of the efforts which are made to exclude the Bible from the curriculum of our educational institutions, and the author's very thorough discussion has our entire appro-bation . The Juniata Echo is publishing a series of articles on Porto Rico, written by Prof. M. G. Brumbaugh, Ph. D., Commissioner of Instruction in Porto Rico. These articles contain valuable information. The last issue contains an article on Martin Luther, part of which we take the liberty of quoting: " Martin Luther was the example of loyalty, the exponent of freedom, the guiding star of the Reformation, the advocate of the genuine Pauline Doctrine, and the mainstay of Christendom since the Apostles. . ******* " 'Thou, who art so great in whatever aspect we view thee, so worthy of admiration, so deserving of universal gratitude, alike great as a man, a scholar, a citizen, and a Christian', hast so in-spired us with the thought so characteristic of thy life, that he who steers his frail canoe the best, truest and noblest in the ser-vice of himself, his Alma Mater, his nation and his God; steers it longest when he receives his reward." "The Chemist's Guess" in The Free Lance teaches two important lessons—" the result of careless work " and " honesty is the best policy." J-Other exchanges to be acknowledged are: The Dickinson Lit-erary Monthly, The Susquehanna, The College Folio, The Western Ufiiversity Courant, The Catthage Collegian, The Scio Collegian, The Phoenix, The Campus and The Forum. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. C. R. SOLT MERCHANT TAILOR Masonic Bldg., GETTYSBURG Our collection of Woolens for the coming Fall and Winter season cannot be surpassed lor variety, attractive designs and general completeness. The latest styles of fashionable novelties in the most approved shades. Staples of exceptional merit, value and wearing durability. Also altering, repairing, dyeing and scouring at moderate prices. In buying don't forget the Advertisers. They support us. ESTABLISHED 1867 BY ALLEN WALTON. ALLEN K. WALTON, President and Treasurer. ROBT. J. WALTON, Superintendent. flammelstomn Bromn Stone Gompany Quarrymen and Manufacturers of Building Stone, Sawed Flagging and Tile Waltonville, Dauphin Co., Pa. Contractors for all kinds of Telegraph and Express Address. Cut Stone Work. BROWNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting the Quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station on the P. & R. R. B. For a nice sweet loaf of Bread call on J. RAMER Baker of Bread and Fancy Cakes, GETTYSBURG. PA. EIMER & AMEND, Manufacturers and Importers of Chemicals and Chemical Apparatus 205, 207, 209 and 211 Third Avenue, Corner 18th Street NEW YORK. Finest Bohemian and German Glassware, Royal Berlin and Meissen Porcelain, Pure Hammered Platinum, Balances and "Weights. Zeiss Mi-croscopes and Bacteriological Apparatus; Chemical Pure Acids and Assay Goods. SCOTT PAPER COMPANY MAKERS OF FINE TOILET PAPER 7th and Greenwood Ave. PHILADELPHIA PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Century Double-Feed Fountain Pen. Fully Warranted J6 Kt. Gold Pen, Iridium Pointed. GEO. EVELER, Agent for Gettysburg College PRICE LIST. Spiral, Black or Mottled $2 50 Twist, " 2 SO Hexagon, Black or Mottled 2 SO Pearl Holder, Gold Mounted S 00 THE CENTURY PEN CO. WHITEWATER, WIS. Askjour Stationer or our Agent to show them toyon. Agood local agent wanted in every school No. 1. Chased, long or short $2 00 No. 1. Gold Mounted 3 00 No. 3. Chased 3 00 No. 3. Gold Mounted 4 00 awfwmiffmmmmwiffmiffifmrmiffmmiffifrTffffgg 7k Printing and Binding We Print This Book THE MT. HOEEY STATIONERY AND PRINTING CO. does all classes of Printing and Binding-, and can furnish you any Book, Bill Head, Letter Head, Envelope, Card, Blank, or anything pertain-ing- to their business in just as good style and at less cost than you can obtain same elsewhere. They are located among the mountains but their work is metropolitan. You can be convinced of this if you give them the opportunity. Mt. Holly Stationery and Printing Co. *SPRINGS, PA. UMkJttiUlUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUiUR H. S. BENNEF?, .DEALER IN. Groceries, Notions, Queensware, Glassware, Etc, Tobacco and Cigars. 17 CHAMBERSBURG ST. WE RECOMMEND THESE BUSINESS MEN. Pitzer House, (Temperance) JNO. E. PITZER, Prop. Rates $1.00 to $1.25 per day. Battlefield a specialty. Dinner and ride to all points of interest,including the th ree days' tight, $1.25. No. 127 Main Street. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Sta-tionery at the People's Drug Store Prescriptions a Specialty. J. A. TAWNEY_^ Is ready to furnish Clubs and Boarding Houses with Bread, Rolls, Etc. At short notice and reasonable rates. Washington & Middle Sts., Gettysburg. . A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. M. B. BENDER Furniture IRON BEDS, MATTRESSES, SPRINGS Picture Framing" and Repair Work done Promptly 27 BALTIMORE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. .GO TO. fyokl Gettysburg Barber Sfyop. Centre Square. B. M. SEFTON WTJ /~T\P\r\Dl Successor to . r . {JJUKJKl, Simon J.Codori Dealer in Beef, Pork, Lamb, Veal, Sausage. Special rates to Clubs. York St., GETTYSBURG. .GO TO. CHAS. E. BARBEHENN, Barber In the Eagle Hotel, Cor. Main and Washington Sts. * CHAS. S. MUMPER (Formerly of Mumper & Bender) Furniture Having opened a new store opposite W. M. R. R. Depot, will be pleased to have you call and examine goods. Picture Framing promptly attended to. Repair Work a Specialty Students' Trade Solicited FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. Spalding's Official League Ball and Athletic Goods Officially adopted by the lead ing Colleges, Schools and Athletic Clubs of the Country Every Requisite for— BASE BALL FOOT BALL GOLF TENNIS ATHLETICS GYMNASIUM Spalding's Official League Ball Is the Official Ball of the National league, the princi-pal minor leagues and all the leading-college associations Handsome Catalogue of Base Ball and all Athletic Sports Eree to any address Spalding's Offi-cial Base Ball Guide for 1901, edited by Henry Ohadwick, ready March 30,1901. Price 10 cents; A. O. SPALD1NO & BROS., Incorporated NEW YORK CHICAGO DENVER ROWE, Your Grocer Carries Full Line of Groceries, Canned Goods, Etc. Best Coal Oil and Brooms at most Reasonable Prices. OPPOSITE COLLEGE CAMPUS. S. J. CODORI, ^4 Druggists Dealer in Drugs, Medicines, Toilet Articles, J* Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. BALTIMORE ST. R. H. CULP PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York Street. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER, DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER, 19 S. NINTH ST. PHILADELPHIA SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks, Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered tltrough A. N. Beau. To Repair Broken Arti-cles use Remember MAJOR'S RUBBER CEMENT, MAJOR'S LEATHER CEMENT, Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OF SUPERIOR BELLS The 2000 pound bell now ringing in the tower of Pennsylvania Col-lege was manufactured at this foundry. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Pleased Customer Is not a stranger in our establish-ment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg St., Gettysburg, Pa. Try My Choice lane of ,\ High-Grade Chocolates 3 'at 40c per lb. Always fresh, at ,£ CHAS. H. McCLEARY J Carlisle St., Opposite W.M.R.R. jj Also Foreign and Domestic Fruits A i Always on Hand. B,C L. D. Miller, GROCER Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season. 19 Main St. GETTYSBURG City Hotel, Main St. Gettysburg. Free 'Bus to and from all Trains Thirty seconds' walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day John E. Hughes, Prop. 1 k Capitol Cit£ Cafe Cor. Fourth and Market Sts. HARRISBURG, PA. Pirst-Class Rooms Furnished. Special Rates to Private Parties. Open Day and Nig-ht. European Plan. Lunch of All Kinds to Order at the Restaurant. ALDINQER'S CAPITOL CITY CAFE. POPULAR PRICES F. Mark Bream, Dealer in Fancy and Staple Groceries Telephone 29 Carlisl e St., GETTYSBURG, PA. .Photographer. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS Wright, 140-142 Woodward Avenue DETROIT, MICH. Manufacturers of High Grade Fraternity Emblems Fraternity Jewelry Fraternity Novelties Fraternity Stationery Fraternity Invitations Fraternity Announcements Fraternity Programs Send for Catalogue and Price List. Special Designs on Application. MOTEL GETTYSBURG LIVERY GETTYSBURG, PA. LONG & HOLTZWORTM, Proprietors Apply at Office in the Hotel for First-Class Guides and Teams THE BATTLEFIELD A SPECIALTY Uhe JSolton Market Square •fcartfeburg, fl>a. Earge and Convenient Sample Rooms. Passenger and Baggage Elevator. Electric Cars to and from Depot. Electric Eight and Steam Heat. J. M. & M. S. BUTTERWORTH, Proprietors Special Rates for Commer-cial Men "EZ 1ST IMMER CUT ET WAS ZU WISSEIN." These are the words of Goethe, the great German poet, and are as true in our day as when uttered. In these times of defective vision it is good to know something about eyes. A great deal has been learned about the value of glasses and their application since Goethe lived. Spectacle wearers have increased by thousands, while at the same time, persons losing their eyesight have been greatly diminished. If your eyes trouble you in any way let me tell you the cause. Examination free and prices reasonable. We grind all our own lenses and fit the best lenses (no matter what anyone else has charged you) for $2.50 per pair and as cheap as SO cents per pair, or duplicate a broken lens if we have one-half or more of the old one, at a reasonable charge, returning same day received. .E. L EGOLE. 807 and 809 North Third Street, HARRISBURG, PA. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. ^entpol Jlotel, ELIAS FISSEL, Prop. (Formerly of Globe Hotel) Baltimore Street, Gettysburg, Pa. Two doors from Court House. MODERN IMPROVEMENTS. Steam Heat, Electric Inght and Call Bells all through the House. Closets aud Bath Rooms on Every Floor. Sefton & Flem-minfr's Livery is connected with this Hotel. Good Teams and Competent Guides for the Battlefield. Charges Moderate, Satisfaction Guaranteed. Rates $1.30 Per Day. GET A SKATE ON And send all your Soiled Einen to the Gettysburg Steam Laundry R. R. LONG, Prop. Horace Partridge & Co., BOSTON, MASS. Fine Athletic Goods Headquarters for Foot Ball, Gym-nasium, Fencing' and Track Supplies. Send for Illustrated Catalog. 84 and 86 Franklin Street R. W. LENKER, Agent at Penna. College. JOHN M. MINNIGH, Confectionery, lee, ■•««>Iee Creams Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. The Leading garber v5f)op (Successor to C. C. Sefton) Having thoroughly remodeled the place is now ready to accommodate the public Barber Supplies a Specialty. .Baltimore Street. Grymi5£im(i, PA. ESTABLISHED 1876 PENROSE MYERS, Watchmaker and Jeweler Gettysburg Souvenir Spoons, Col-lege Souvenir Spoons. NO. 10 BALTIMORE ST., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. L. i\. kiimm Manufacturers' Agent and Jobber of Hardware, Oils, Paints and Queensware. GETTYSBURG, PA. The Only Jobbing House in Adams County. i I - >- L PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. For Fine- Printing go to Tte Jo Co Wile Pnviqjg HOOK CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. R. M. Elliott Dealer in Hats, Caps, Shoes and. Gents' Furnishing Goods Corner Center Square and Carlisle Street GETTYSBURG, PA. EDGARS. MARTIN, F^CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES. Chambersburg St., Gettysburg Leadership IN THE CLOTHING and MEN'S EURNISHING Business It is strictly here—everybody knows it. Testimony ? The stock itself. The pen suffi-ciently nimble to tell all the good points of our ::::::: PALL AND WINTER. SUITS AND OVERCOATS has not been found. We will keep you dressed right up-to-date if you buy your Clothing and Furnishings here. : : : : STIINE McPherson Block- No. II BALTIMORE STREET <5ett\?stmret pa. /iDerville E. 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Fragestellung In zahlreichen, sowohl wissenschaftlichen als auch politischen Veröffentlichungen, wird die "Energiewende" als Transformationsprojekt eingeordnet. Zweifelsohne birgt eine Umstellung auf ein erneuerbares Energiesystem transformative Potenziale. Die Bedeutungsbestimmung von "Energiewende" oder auch Transformation bleibt in Politik und Forschung aber häufig unklar. Um dem zu begegnen, wird in der vorliegenden Studie die Bedeutung von "Energiewende", wie sie im Bundestag verhandelt wird, untersucht. Darauf aufbauend wird analysiert, ob und inwiefern die "Energiewende" einem Anspruch als Transformationsprojekt gerecht werden kann, bzw. wie sich die Wirkrichtung der mit "Energiewende" verbundenen Politiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verorten lässt. Forschungsgegenstand Die besondere gesellschaftliche Bedeutung der Bundestags-Debatten um "Energiewende" leitet sich diskurstheoretisch unter anderem aus der ihnen zukommenden' Schaufensterfunktion' ab, wonach die Debatten strategisch auf eine außerparlamentarische Öffentlichkeit ausgerichtet sind. Hinzu kommt, dass sich der hier stattfindende Diskurs, bspw. in Gesetzen, unmittelbar materialisiert. Als Startpunkt der Untersuchung wird der Beginn der rot-grünen Regierungszeit gewählt (1998), da diese – u.a. wegen der Verabschiedung des Erneuerbaren-Energien-Gesetzes (EEG) und dem politischen Beschluss zum Atomausstieg – in besonderer Weise mit der "Energiewende" in Verbindung gebracht wird. Als Endpunkt dient die letzte vollständige Wahlperiode zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung. Die Diskursanalyse bezieht sich demnach auf die Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" zwischen der 14. und 18. Legislaturperiode (1998-2017). Theorie Die Studie basiert auf einer Verknüpfung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) mit dem Konzept des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens, das die transformationstheoretische Positionierung der Arbeit konkretisiert. Die Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zeichnet sich insbesondere durch ihre Bedeutung als politische Theorie und Hegemonietheorie sowie durch ihren Diskursbegriff aus, der die Dichotomie zwischen sprachlich/geistig versus nicht-sprachlich/materiell subvertiert, indem er die materielle Welt als Teil des Diskurses betrachtet – ohne deren Materialität zu bestreiten. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften versteht sich als "kritischer Ansatz", der die herrschaftliche Prägung gesellschaftlicher Natur- und Geschlechterverhältnisse zu einem Ausgangspunkt der eigenen Arbeit macht (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). Es basiert auf drei Handlungsprinzipien: Vorsorge, Kooperation und Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen. Mit der Verknüpfung von Diskurs- und Transformationstheorie leistet die Studie einen Beitrag zu deren gemeinsamer theoretischer und methodischer Weiterentwicklung. So gelingt mit dem Vorsorgenden Wirtschaften eine normative Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie, welche die politische Ökonomie in den Blick holt. Gleichzeitig wird das Potenzial des materiellen Diskursbegriffes nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) für die sozial-ökologische Forschung deutlich. Ausgehend von der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens ist die Studie innerhalb einer kritischen, feministischen Nachhaltigkeits- und Transformationsforschung zu verorten. Methodik Das methodische Innovationspotenzial der Arbeit liegt insbesondere in der Verbindung aus einem Verfahren quantitativer, computerbasierter Diskursanalyse mit einer qualitativen Analyse. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Diskursanalyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. Zunächst erfolgt eine Operationalisierung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) in einem quantitativ und zwei qualitativ ausgerichteten Verfahrensschritten. Die quantitative Auswertung aller Plenarprotokolle im Betrachtungszeitraum erfolgt mit PolmineR, einem Tool zur Analyse von Plenarprotokollen in der Programmiersprache R (www.polmine.github.io). Auf der obersten Dekonstruktions-Ebene der lexikalischen Elemente werden so zeitliche Entwicklungen des Diskurses (z.B.: Häufigkeitsentwicklungen) um "Energiewende" nachvollzogen und regelmäßige Differenzbeziehungen (Kollokationen) herausgearbeitet. Die 30 Plenarprotokolle und Dokumente, die sich dabei als besonders relevant für den Diskurs erweisen, werden im nächsten Schritt qualitativ analysiert und der Diskurs wird somit auf zwei weiteren Dekonstruktions-Ebenen analysiert. In einem kodierenden Verfahren werden zunächst komplexitätsreduzierende Erzählungen, sogenannte Story-Lines, identifiziert. Daraufhin werden den Erzählungen zugrundeliegende fantasmatische Narrative herausgearbeitet. Die diskurstheoretische Analyse auf diesen drei Dekonstruktions-Ebenen wird schließlich in einer hegemonietheoretisch fundierten Diskussion zusammengeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Diskursanalyse werden anschließend auf einer vierten Dekonstruktions-Ebene aus der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens reflektiert. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften wird dabei anhand seiner Handlungsprinzipien (Vorsorge, Kooperation, Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen) sowie der aus der Literatur entnommenen Kriterien "Externalisierung als Prinzip" und "Potenziale für eine herrschaftsärmere Zukunftsgestaltung" (vgl. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015) operationalisiert. Es wird eine Analyseheuristik generiert, mit Hilfe derer schließlich die Wirkrichtung von mit "Energiewende" verbundenen politischen Praktiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verortet wird. Die Grundlage dieser Klassifikation leitet sich aus der im Theorieteil erfolgten Verortung in der kritisch-feministischen Transformationsforschung ab. Im Sinne des retroduktiven Forschungsdesigns dieser Studie nach Glynos/Howarth (2007) wird die empirische Anwendbarkeit des Konzeptes Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften gegenstandsbezogen entwickelt und erweitert. Beispielsweise zeigen sich in der Analyse der Debatten zur Energiepolitik in einem deutlichen Umfang neokoloniale Artikulationsmuster und nationale Erzählungen, weshalb das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften hier im Hinblick auf nationale und neokoloniale Machtstrukturen analytisch konkretisiert wird. Ergebnisteil Die Ergebnisse der Dekonstruktion des "Energiewende"-Diskurses werden in zwei Teilen präsentiert. Der erste bezieht sich auf die Diskursanalyse der Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" nach der Diskurstheorie von Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Hier verweisen die Ergebnisse darauf, dass sich in den Bundestagsdebatten nach der Reaktorkatastrophe von Fukushima ein Post-Politisierungsprozess identifizieren lässt. Dieser manifestiert sich in einer überwiegend marktökonomischen Einordnung von "Energiewende" sowie einer diskursiven Loslösung von sozial-ökologischen Problemlagen. Im zweiten Teil der Dekonstruktion liegt der Fokus auf dem Sichtbarmachen von hierarchischen Externalisierungsstrukturen unter Anwendung einer kritisch-emanzipatorischen Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens. Materielle Wirkweisen politischer Praktiken in Verbindung mit "Energiewende" werden ebenso wie die damit verbundenen Machtverhältnisse entschlüsselt. Die feministische Perspektive der Arbeit leistet einen innovativen und in bisherigen Forschungsarbeiten marginalisierten Einblick in die Debatten um "Energiewende" im Bundestag. Die (geschlechtshierarchische) Strukturierung dieser Debatten manifestiert sich zum einen darin worüber überhaupt diskutiert wird, nämlich überwiegend über ökonomische und technologische Fragen, die dem Öffentlichen zugewiesen werden, während soziale Themen dem Privaten zugeordnet bleiben und kaum vorkommen. Zum anderen werden gegenhegemoniale Forderungen über die Abwertung des sozial Weiblichen (z.B.: als "hysterisch" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)) delegitimiert und aus dem politischen Raum gedrängt. Fazit In den Bedeutungskämpfen um "Energiewende" ist im zeitlichen Ablauf mit "Fukushima" ein Bruch festzustellen. Vor "Fukushima" wird "Energiewende" im Bundestag – auch unter rot-grün – nur selten artikuliert und kann in der Diskursbewertung nicht als Transformationsprojekt bundespolitischer Gesetzgebung klassifiziert werden. Nach "Fukushima" lassen sich in der Analyse überwiegend energiepolitische Praktiken identifizieren, die vor dem Hintergrund einer Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens in ihrer Wirkrichtung im Spannungsfeld reformistisch-beharrend zu verorten sind, bzw. in einigen Fällen sogar reaktionäre Elemente aufweisen. So lässt sich insbesondere nach "Fukushima" eine Reduktion von "Energiewende" auf verfahrenspolitische, technokratische sowie managementorientierte politische Praktiken nachzeichnen, die auf einer Naturalisierung marktwirtschaftlicher Strukturen basieren und gesellschaftliche Naturverhältnisse nicht adressieren. Es wird zudem aufgezeigt, wie vor "Fukushima" marginalisierte energiepolitische Forderungen danach von einer hegemonialen Diskursformation angeeignet werden. Das Narrativ, das sich in diesem Zusammenhang etabliert, wird hier als 'technokratisch-managementorientierter Ökokonsens'bezeichnet. Die zentralen Ergebnisse der Arbeit verweisen darauf, dass mit der "Energiewende" ein großes, potenziell auf Transformation ausgerichtetes Projekt, aus sozial-ökologisch orientierten zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegungen für verfahrenspolitische Prozesse im Bundestag mobilisiert und gleichzeitig sozial-ökologisch und politisch an Bedeutung entleert wurde. Reflexion und Ausblick Der "Energiewende"-Diskurs konnte gerade durch die Kombination von Diskurstheorie mit einer Perspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens umfangreich dekonstruiert werden. Die Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie um ein normatives Konzept, welches wie das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften, den Blick auf politisch ökonomische Strukturen richtet, leistet einen Beitrag dazu den materiellen Diskursbegriff nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zu operationalisieren und die Diskurstheorie somit für die sozial-ökologische Transformationsforschung empirisch noch stärker zu öffnen. Das Instrument der computerbasierten Datenerhebung hat sich insbesondere als Vorstrukturierung für die folgenden qualitativen Analyseschritte als wirksam erwiesen und dazu beigetragen, dass das Forschungsdesign im Sinne des retroduktiven Ansatzes angepasst werden konnte. Nach dem der Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Theorieverständnis ist das Erkennen von Externalisierungsstrukturen und Naturalisierungen eine Voraussetzung für eine emanzipatorische Politik und Praxis. Kritik erfüllt dabei keinen Selbstzweck, sondern aus ihr heraus scheinen immer wieder emanzipatorische, nicht-externalisierende Gestaltungsperspektiven auf. In diesem Sinne werden am Ende der Arbeit als Ausblick Strategien einer Repolitisierung von "Energiewende" genannt. ; Research question In numerous publications, both scientific and political, the "Energiewende" is classified as a transformation project. Undoubtedly, the change to a renewable energy system has transformative potential. However, the meaning of "Energiewende" or transformation in politics and research mostly remains vague. Therefore, the present study examines the meaning of "Energiewende", as negotiated in the federal German parliament (German: Bundestag). On this basis, it is analyzed whether and to what extent the "Energiewende" complies with the claim of being a transformation project – or rather where the associated policies can be placed within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. Object of research The particular social significance of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" derives, among other things, from their so-called 'showcase function', according to which the debates are strategically oriented towards an extra-parliamentary public. In addition, the discourse taking place here materializes directly, e.g. in laws. The starting point of the investigation is the beginning of the legislative period led by a coalition of the SPD (German Democratic Party) and the Green Party (1998). This government is generally associated with the "Energiewende" due to the adoption of the Renewable Energy Sources Act (German: Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the political decision to phase out nuclear power. The discourse analysis therefore is applied to the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" of the 14th until the 18th legislative period (1998-2017), which is the last complete legislative period by the time of the study. Theoretical background The study is based on a combination of the discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) with the concept of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', which specifies the position of the present study within transformation theory. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is characterized in particular by its significance as a political theory and a theory of hegemony. Its concept of discourse 1 Energy transition is not a precise translation of "Energiewende", which is why the German word is used in the following. 2 As there is no precise translation of 'Vorsorge' into English, the word formation 'pre-caring', which has already been used in earlier translations of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', is used here. subverts the dichotomy between linguistic/spiritual versus non-linguistic/material by considering the material world as part of the discourse – without denying its materiality. 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is defined as a "critical approach" that takes the domination-shaped character of societal relations to nature and gender as a starting point for analysis and intervention (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). It is based on three principles: pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life. By linking discourse and transformation theory, the study contributes to their common theoretical and methodical development. Thus, by the combination with 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', a normative expansion of the discourse theory becomes possible, which brings political economy into view. At the same time, the potential of the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) for social-ecological research becomes explicit. Based on the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', the study is considered in the context of critical, feminist sustainability and transformation research. Methodology The innovative methodological potential of the study lies particularly in the mixed methods approach, combining a method of quantitative, computer assisted discourse analysis with a qualitative analysis. The link between transformation and discourse theory methodically results in a complex research design, which could also be valuable for other fields of political transformation research. The basis of this research design is an analysis of the "Energiewende" discourse over four levels of deconstruction. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Analyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is operationalized in one quantitative and two qualitative steps. Quantitative evaluation of all plenary protocols during the periods under review is carried out using PolmineR, a tool for analyzing plenary protocols in the programming language R (www.polmine.github.io). At the first level of deconstruction of the lexical elements, temporal developments in the discourse (e.g. frequency) are traced around "Energiewende" and regular difference-relations (collocations) are examined. 30 plenary protocols and documents, which prove to be particularly relevant for the discourse, are qualitatively analyzed in the next step. In doing so, the discourse is analyzed on two further levels of deconstruction. By means of a coding method, complexity-reducing narratives, so-called story lines, are identified. Thereupon, underlying fantasmatic narratives are explicated. The discourse-theoretical analysis on these three levels of deconstruction is finally brought together in a discussion based on theory of hegemony. As a next step, the results of the discourse analysis are reflected on a fourth level of deconstruction using the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften'. The concept is operationalized on the basis of its principles (pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life) and supplemented by two additional criteria from the literature – "externalization as a principle" and "potentials for shaping the future, less characterized by domination" (cf. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015). A heuristic for analysis is generated, with the help of which the effects of the policies associated with the "Energiewende" are classified within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. The basis of this classification derives from the positioning of the study in critical feminist transformation research, which is explicated in the theory part. As defined by the retroductive research design of this study according to Glynos/Howarth (2007), the empirical applicability of the concept 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is developed in a subject-related way and expanded. For example, the analysis of debates on energy policy clearly shows neocolonial articulation patterns and national narratives, which is why 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is analytically specified here in terms of national and neocolonial power structures. Results The results of the deconstruction of the "Energiewende" discourse are presented in two parts. The first part refers to the discourse analysis of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" according to the discourse theory by Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Here, results indicate that a post-politicization process has taken place in the debates after the reactor disaster of Fukushima. This becomes apparent through a predominantly market-economic integration of "Energiewende" as well as a discursive dissociation from social-ecological problems. In the second part of the deconstruction, the focus is on the elaboration of hierarchical externalization structures using a critical-emancipatory research perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirschaften'. Thus, material effects of political practices in connection with "Energiewende" and the associated power relations are decoded. The feminist perspective of the study provides an innovative insight into the debates, which has been marginalized in previous research. On the one hand, the (gender-hierarchical) structure of these debates manifests itself in what is being discussed – mainly economic and technological questions, which are assigned to the public sphere – while social issues remain assigned to the private sphere and hardly occur. On the other hand, counter-hegemonic demands are delegitimized and forced out of the political sphere by depreciating the socially feminine (e.g. as "hysterical" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)). Conclusion The analysis of the discourse on "Energiewende" shows a significant turning point with "Fukushima". Before "Fukushima" "Energiewende" is rarely articulated in the Bundestag – even under the red-green government – and thus cannot be classified as a transformation project of federal legislation. After "Fukushima", energy policy practices are identified, which – on the basis of the research perspective "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften" – can be classified between reform and persistence, regarding their effects; in some cases they even show reactionary elements. Thus, especially after "Fukushima", a reduction of "Energiewende" to procedural, technocratic and management-oriented political practices can be illustrated, which are based on a naturalization of market-economic structures and do not address societal relations to nature. Moreover, it is shown that energy policy demands, that were marginalized before "Fukushima" are appropriated by a hegemonic discourse formation afterwards. The study identifies the narrative that is established in this context as 'technocratic-management-oriented ecoconsensus'. The central results of the study point out that with the "Energiewende" a large, potentially transformation-oriented project, which was originally promoted by social-ecologically oriented civil societal movements, is mobilized for procedural oriented political processes in the Bundestag and at the same time emptied of social-ecological and political meaning. Reflection and outlook The discourse on "Energiewende" was deconstructed extensively with the help of the combination of discourse theory with a perspective of "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften". The extension of the discourse theory by integrating a normative concept focusing on political economic structures contributes to operationalizing the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) and thus opens discourse theory empirically for social-ecological transformation research. In particular, the computer assisted data analysis tool has proven to be effective in pre-structuring the material for the following qualitative analytical steps and has helped to adapt the research design to the retroductive research approach. The underlying theory of this study implies that understanding and recognizing externalization structures and naturalizations is necessary for an emancipatory policy and practice. However, critique does not fulfill an end in itself, but can open up emancipatory, non-externalizing perspectives. In this sense, at the end of the study, some strategies for a re-politicization of "Energiewende" are outlined.

Tämä väitöskirjatutkimus tarkastelee sitä, kuinka Suomessa on OECD:n (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) Pisa-tutkimuksesta (Programme for International Student Assessment) keskusteltu ja siten Pisa:n roolia kansallisessa koulutuspolitiikassa. Erityisesti tässä työssä analysoidaan sitä, kuinka suomalainen opettajien ammattiryhmä ja keskushallinnon virkamiehet ovat Pisa:an viitanneet pohtiessaan kansallisen koulutuksen vahvuuksia ja heikkouksia sekä legitimoidessaan jo tehtyjä tai ehdottamiaan koulutuspoliittisia ratkaisuja. Lisäksi tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan sitä, kuinka suomalainen Pisa-uutisointi on vaikuttanut ymmärrykseemme suomalaisen koulutuksen tilasta ja sitä kautta Suomessa tehtyihin koulutuspoliittisiin päätöksiin. Tarkastelemalla näitä paikallisia Pisa:n käyttöjä, tavoitteeni on tarkastella OECD:n roolia suomalaisessa koulutuspolitiikassa. Oletukseni on, että jos Pisa:a käytetään aseena puolustettaessa jo tehtyjä päätöksiä tai vaadittaessa reformeja, OECD:lla on rooli kansallisessa koulutuspolitiikassa. Tarkastelemalla kansallista Pisa-keskustelua ja sen mahdollisia implikaatioita suomalaiselle koulutuspolitiikalle tavoitteeni on ollut osallistua myös siihen laajempaan teoreettiseen keskusteluun, jossa on pohdittu globaalien politiikan mallien leviämistä ja ja näiden mallien vaikutuksia kansallisille politiikan ratkaisuille. Toisin kuin olemassa olevassa kirjallisuudessa on tehty, tässä työssä tätä ilmiötä lähestytään siitä näkökulmasta, miten paikalliset toimijat hyödyntävät globaalia ymmärrystään toimivista ja siten tavoitelluista järjestelmistä pohtiessaan oman maan järjestelmänsä tilaa ja miten globaalit politiikan mallit sitä kautta leviävät. Väitän, että OECD:n tarjoama arviointitieto kuten se, mitä Pisa meille välittää, on yksi niistä keskeisistä välineistä, joiden kautta eri toimijat kansallisissa konteksteissa tulevat tietoisiksi oman maan järjestelmänsä tilasta ja siitä, kuinka heidän järjestelmänsä sijoittuu suhteessa muihinarvioituihin järjestelmiin. Tämän kaltaisten paremmuuslistausten kautta myös ideat tavoitelluista systeemeistä leviävät ja tulevat omaksutuiksi kansallisissa konteksteissa. Nämä prosessit ovat kuitenkin harvoin intressittömiä. Näyttäisi pikemminkin siltä, että kukin toimija vedotessaan Pisa:an pyrkii nostamaan tutkimuksesta ja siitä tehdyistä tulkinnoista esille elementtejä, jotka tukevat paitsi oman maan koulutuksen suunnittelua myös puhujan omia pyrkimyksiä. Väitän, että näissä prosesseissa, joissa kansainvälistä arviointitietoa käytetään aseena ajettaessa politiikan ratkaisuja kansallisissa konteksteissa, globaalit ideat tavoitelluista koulutusjärjestelmistä leviävät ja sekoittuvat kansallisten intressien kanssa. Tämä väitöskirja jakaantuu eri osiin siten, että sen ensimmäisessä johdantoluvussa esitellään aiheesta olemassa oleva aikaisempi kirjallisuus, työn keskeinen tutkimustavoite- ja kysymys, tutkimuksen muodostavat eri tapaustutkimukset sekä väitöstutkimuksen keskeisimmät tulokset. Kirjan toinen luku on tapaustutkimus suomalaisten opettajien ammattiryhmän tavoista käyttää Pisa-tutkimusta ja Suomen tuloksia siinä tavoitteenaan turvata ammattiryhmän intressit kansallisessa koulutuskeskustelussa tulevaisuudessa. Kirjan kolmas luku erittelee sitä, miten suomalaiset keskushallinnon virkamiehet ovat Pisa:an viitanneet puolustaessaan jo tekemiään päätöksiä tai osoittaessaan uusia kehittämiskohteita. Kirjan viimeinen luku keskustelee suomalaista Pisa-uutisointia ja tämän uutisoinnin vaikutuksia muiden (likeisten)asioiden uutisointiin Suomessa ja sitä kautta Suomessa tehtyihin koulutuspoliittisiin päätöksiin. Tässä työssä käytetty teoreettis-metodologinen lähestymistapa on vahvasti konstruktivistinen. Empiiristen aineistojen analyysissä on sovellettu erityisesti Foucault'lta innoituksensa saanutta diskurssin käsitettä sekä Perelmanilaista retoriikan analyysiä. Työn teoreettinen viitekehys pohjaa vahvasti policy diffusion -teorioihin, ennen kaikkea uusinstitutionalistiseen world polity -teoriaan ja sitä soveltaviin tutkimuksiin. Tätä teoreettista viitekehystä täydennetään tässä työssä kuitenkin vielä domestikaatio-viitekehyksellä – lähestymistavalla, joka analysoi niitä prosesseja, joiden kautta kansainvälinen arviointitieto muuntuu osaksi kansallista poliittista päätöksentekoa muovaten siten kansallisia politiikan ratkaisuja. Väitöstutkimukseni osoitti, että OECD ei ole todellinen toimija suomalaisessa koulutuspolitiikassa. Tapaustutkimuksissa tekemieni löydösten perusteella väitän, että OECD:n ohjausvaikutus tapahtuu aina kansallisen kentän kautta, toisin sanoen niiden kenttäkamppailujen kautta, joita Pisa on Suomessa käynnistänyt ja joissa kukin neuvotteluosapuoli on pyrkinyt turvaamaan omat intressinsä kansallisessa koulutuskeskustelussa tulevaisuudessa. Esimerkiksi opettajien Pisa-selontekoja eritellyt tapaustutkimus osoitti, että opettajat vetosivat Pisa:an ensisijaisesti korostaessaan oman työnsä ja koulutuksensa tuloksellisuutta, joskin ammattiryhmä esitti myös kehittämisvaateita keskushallinnon suuntaan perusteena pärjätä hyvin myös tulevaisuuden oppimistulosarvioinneissa. Suomalaiset virkamiehet sen sijaan tulkitsivat Pisa:n kertovan ennen kaikkea keskushallinnon harjoittaman politiikan onnistuneisuudesta ja ehdottaessaan muutosvaatimuksia, he osoittivat ne pääsääntöisesti keskushallinnon ulkopuolisille toimijoille kuten suomalaisille kouluille ja kunnille. Sen lisäksi, että Pisa vaikuttaa suomalaiseen koulutukseen laukaisemalla keskusteluja kansallisessa kontekstissa, tutkimus osoitti, että se vaikuttaa siihen myös strukturoimalla niitä keskusteluja, joiden puitteissa suomalaisesta koulutuksesta voidaan puhua. Tämän lisäksi Pisa vaikuttaa vakiinnuttamiensa diskurssien ja asiasanojen kautta. Tapaustutkimukseni osoittivat mm sen, että kun Pisa:n myötä kansalliseen julkisuuteen oli juurtunut käsitys suomalaisesta koulutuksesta ja koulutuspolitiikasta onnistuneena ja johdonmukaisena, keskushallinnon tekemät koulutuspoliittiset uudistukset eivät nousseet kriittisessä mielessä kansalliseen julkisuuteen, minkä seurauksena virkamiehet pystyivät jatkamaan tarpeelliseksi kokemaansa valtakunnallista opetussuunnitelma-uudistusta keskeytyksettä. Tämä löydös tuli esille erityisesti suomalaista Pisa-uutisointia ja sen implikaatioita eritelleessä tapaustutkimuksessa. Tarkasteltuani Pisa:n paikallisia käyttöjä Suomen kontekstissa ja sitä kautta OECD:n roolia suomalaisessa koulutuspolitiikassa, voinen sanoa jotain myös niistä mekanismeista, joiden kautta kansainväliset organisaatiot kuten OECD vaikuttavat kansallisiin koulutuspolitiikoihin. Sen sijaan että näkisin OECD:n sanelevan kansallisia koulutuspolitiikoita ja niiden tulevaisuuden suuntaa, tapaustutkimuksissa tekemieni löydösten perusteella väittäisin organisaation vaikuttavan kansallisiin järjestelmiin työstämällä ymmärrystämme siitä, mikä on tavoiteltavaa politiikkaa kansainvälisessä katsannossa ja kuinka se saavutettaisiin. Tämä on kuitenkin eri asia kuin väittää, että tultuaan hyväksytyksi ja sitä kautta omaksutuksi kansallisissa konteksteissa, OECD Pisa:n myötä harmonisoisi kansallisia politiikoita. Pikemminkin näyttäisi siltä, että se synkronoi niitä. Kuten tämä ja olemassa oleva muu tutkimus on osoittanut, kansallisvaltiot näyttäisivät reagoineen Pisa:an ja sen tuottamiin tuloksiin samanaikaisesti joskin niin, että kussakin maassa Pisa:sta tehdyt tulkinnat näyttäisivät eroavan suuresti toisistaan. Väittäisinkin, että juuri Pisa:n käynnistämistä kansallisista kädenväännöistä johtuen, kansallisvaltiot ovat päätyneet ottamaan käyttöön hyvin erilaisia politiikan ratkaisuja. Näissä prosesseissa, joissa kansainvälien arviointitieto muuntuu osaksi kansallisia politiikan diskursseja ja käytäntöjä, väitän, että kansalliset politiikat synkronoituvat toistensa kanssa kuitenkin niin, että ymmärrys kansallisista järjestelmistä jonain autenttisina ja kansallisia tarpeita palvelevina säilyy muuttumattomana. ; This dissertation is concerned with the discussion in Finland on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) implemented by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and so on the role of PISA in Finnish education policy. Special attention is paid in the study to analysing the references made by the Finnish teachers as a professional body and the civil servants of central government in their deliberations on the strengths and weaknesses of the national education system and in their legitimisation of solutions in education policy both implemented and advocated. The study moreover scrutinises the effect of the media coverage of PISA on our conception of the state of Finnish school education and so also the decisions taken in Finnish education policy. By examining the use made of PISA locally I endeavour to examine the role played by the OECD in Finnish education policy. It is my assumption that if PISA can be seen to have been evoked in the defence of decisions already taken and in calling for reforms, then the OECD does indeed have a role in national education policy. In examining the discussion on PISA at national level and its possible implications for Finnish education policy, my aim has been also to participate in the wider theoretical debate contemplating the dissemination of global policy models and the effects of such models on solutions adopted in national policy. In contrast to the approaches in the existing literature, the work at hand approaches the phenomena from the perspective of how local actors exploit their understanding of functioning and therefore desirable systems when considering the state of their own respective systems and how this then serves to propagate global policies. I contend that the evaluation information proffered by the OECD, such as what PISA conveys to us, is one of the main devices by means of which various actors in national contexts become aware of the state of the systems in their own respective countries and of how their own system is positioned in relation to other systems evaluated. Such rankings also serve to disseminate notions of desirable systems and are taken on board by national contexts, with the result that national policies are synchronised with global trends. However, this local adoption of global policy ideas is not about of ritual enactment. If anything, I claim, in these processes, where domestic actors make use of international comparative data to develop their own systems, actors' own political desires are always also involved. Local actors do not just react to exogenous policy models in order to promote the best interests of their own country. If anything, they resort to international comparative data to further their own objectives in domestic politics. Through considered rhetoric local players direct their fellow citizens' attention to policies in use in other countries or to practices already existing in their own country's context, thus constructing distinct models or presenting evidence of their success. Through these local accounts, global policy ideas mesh with the interest and motives of the local actors whereby the exogenous origin of the idea originally put forward in the global context disappears and they become to be seen primarily as domestic. The new policy may even be considered a characteristic feature of the nation and promoted to other countries, hence reproducing the cycle of global social change. The dissertation is presented in sections such that the introductory chapter presents a review of the existing literature on the subject, the main research objective of the work and the research question, the formation of the study and various case studies and the main findings of the dissertation, the second chapter is a case study of the aspirations of the Finnish teaching profession to use PISA and the Finnish rankings with a view to safeguarding their professional interests in the future national discussion on education. The third chapter enumerates how Finnish civil servants in central government have made reference to PISA when defending decisions already taken or foreshadowing new developmental directions. The concluding chapter considers the media coverage of the Finnish PISA rankings and the effects of this publicity on the news coverage of other (related) matters in Finland and so on education policy decisions taken in Finland. The theoretical-methodological approach adopted in this work is marked constructionist. The empirical analyses rely specifically on the concept of discourse as in Foucault and the analysis of rhetoric as in Perelman. The theoretical frame of reference of the work relies heavily on policy diffusion theories, above all neo-institutionalist world polity -theory and studies making use of this. However, this theoretical frame of reference is complemented in this dissertation with the domestication frame of reference; framework that opens up the actual processes and practices through which international comparisons infiltrate national spheres thereby affecting domestic policies. It emerged from my dissertation that the OECD is not a true actor in Finnish education policy. In light of the discoveries made in the case studies I claim that influence exerted by the OECD invariably takes place by way of the national arena, in other words, by way of those field battles to which PISA gave rise in Finland and in which each negotiating party has sought to safeguard its own interests in the national education debate in the future. For example, the case study elucidating the ways in which the teachers accounted for PISA showed that the teachers involved PISA primarily in order to emphasise the productivity of their own work and professional training, although this professional group also expressed development requirement vis-à-vis the central administration, the rationale being to ensure successful outcomes in future evaluations of learning. The Finnish civil servants for their part made the interpretation that PISA was proof positive of the excellence of the policy mounted by the central administration and in calling for changes they directed these mainly at actors outside the central administration, such as the Finnish schools and municipalities. In addition to exerting influence on Finnish education by initiating debate in the national context, PISA, as the dissertation demonstrates, exerted influence further by also structuring those discussions in which it is possible to talk about Finnish education. In addition to this, PISA affects through the discourses it establishes and the terms it employs. The case studies showed among other things that when, through PISA, the conception of Finnish education and Finnish education policy as successful and consistent has taken firm root in society, the decisions on reforms of education policy taken by the central administration did not meet with any critical reception in the national public, as a result of which the civil servants were free to continue uninterrupted with the reform of the national curriculum which they deemed necessary. That is, as PISA did not constitute any serious cause for criticism, the media made no mention of the actions of governmental officials, thereby leaving the officials and decision-makers free to continue their reform work uninterrupted. This finding emerged especially in the analysis of the news coverage of PISA and its effects on Finnish education policy. Having examined the local uses made of PISA in the Finnish context, and so also the role of PISA in Finnish education policy, I venture to claim something about the mechanisms through which international organisations like the OECD exert influence over national education policies. Rather than perceiving the OECD to be dictating national education policies and the future directions these should take, in light of the findings from my case studies, I would contend that the organisation exerts its influence on national education systems by shaping our conceptions of what is a desirable policy in the international perception and how this can be achieved. However, this is not the same as claiming that having been approved and so assimilated in the international context, the OECD through PISA is harmonising national policies. Rather it would appear that the OECD is synchronising these. As this and other research has demonstrated, nation-states would appear to have reacted to PISA and the results it provided simultaneously, albeit that in the respective countries the interpretations of PISA would appear to be highly diverse. Indeed, I would claim that due specifically to the national arm-wrestling arising from PISA, nation-states have decided to adopt very different policy solutions. In these processes, in which international evaluation information becomes a part of national policy discourses and practices, I suggest, that national policies become synchronised with each other, but still in such a way that the conception of the national systems as something authentic and catering to national needs survives unchanged.

HOTEMBEB, 1904 VOL. XIIL HO. 6 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. '»! OH. EL wtmiom, onmiun i IB^BBi'BB'i'ffiaiiU'mnvuBlTtliU I U u . i , nlUlk/li I 11/ 1 HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intepcollepte Bureau or Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell 6 Leonrard Albany, N. Y. v-vvvvw^rv-v-Nrvv-wwwwTrw Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods 9oll indeed, the affection of the individuals differ according to the disposition and environment of each. Let us first consider Orlando and Rosalind, for they are the leading characters in the play, and their love is typical of the extreme romance. There are those who laugh to scorn the idea of love at first sight, yet in his description of these characters, as well as in the courtship of Oliver and Celia, and the sudden passion aroused in Phebe, upon the appearance of the supposed Gany-mede, the great artist seems to encourage at least the possibility of such a condition. With both Rosalind and Orlando, pity is an aid of passion. She fears for his youth, and is sorry to see him in the supposed power of Charles the Wrestler, from which she thinks he may not escape; she also hears rumors of his brother's unkindness and base schemes, and her sympathy hav-ing been aroused, causes her to make the first advances. He, flattered by the attention of Rosalind, is next interested in her lineage, and finally pities her because of her position at the court of her father's banisher. Thus, love, already aroused through mutual admiration and sympathy, is depicted as well under way after the first meeting. Orlando cannot conceive of love for a peasant; he is at-tracted by Rosalind as Ganymede, but cannot understand his brother's love of Celia. It is a question whether he would 196 THE MERCURY. have loved Rosalind had she came to him in the forest dis-guised as a simple shepherdess. Perhaps he would have seen through the disguise at once in that case, as he eventually did with Ganymede ; otherwise his sense of refinement alone would, we believe, have kept him true to Rosalind, no matter how at-tractive the peasant might have been. The nature of Orlando was full of a sensitiveness which was entirely lacking in Oliver; and, although there was nothing of the " snob " in his disposi-tion, we cannot imagine him as the lover of a common shep-herdess, even a disguised one. So much for the influence of previous life and environment upon the love passion. Al-though Orlando had never received the training of a gentleman, the instincts of one were paramount with him. Rosalind also showed her instinctive pride of birth. It mattered not to her how many peasants saw her in manly garb, she did not care for them, but as soon as she met Orlando and Jacques, men of her own rank, in the forest, an underlying feeling of shame be-gan to assert itself, and she was truly content only after she had introduced Hymen and could greet her lover as her natural self. Thus the passion of Rosalind and Orlando is typical of that highly refined romance which, although it is often overlooked by the present-day enthusiast, (who would bring the principles of " free and equal creation " even into the home circle) yet has made, and will continue to make, the happiest and, most en-during of wedlocks. In fact, this romance constitutes all the great principles of " Kind to Kind," and proves only too well the saying that " Ordinary men generally prefer ordinary women, and vice versa." That there are exceptions, as far as the knowledge of birth is concerned, is shown by the courtship of Oliver and Celia. True love was here, undoubtedly, but its annals are commonplace when compared with those of Rosa-lind and Orlando. Celia is typical of many women of yester-day, to-day and to morrow; she was satisfied with little. Per-haps she would not have understood that higher degree of passion which can give up everything for its object; and, find-ing that object unworthy, die a death which is far worse than that of material things. It is well that there are many Celias • • ■MHIIU1'1' THE MERCURY. 197 ' in the world; without them life would be too hard for every-day living. The love of Silvius for the capricious Phebe po- ' sesses true romance. He is a type of that lowly love which remains faithful to its object despite all drawbacks, the." love which knows not fear;" recognizing the glaring faults of his sweetheart, and making no attempt to conceal them, he yet re-mains true to her, and in the end is rewarded. Silvius, although a peasant, is one of the most interesting characters on account of the strength of his dog-like devotion which, contrasted with the behavior of William, who weakly allowed a fool to carry off the object of his affection, is truly charming. And now comes the saddest example, yet alas, it is also quite a portrayal of human desire: The relationship between Audrey and Touchstone. He was a fool, this is his only excuse, and with him let us class all those who would seek entertainment and relief from dullness in the name of love's sacred passion. That he did not really care for Audrey, and wished to marry her in such a way that he might be easily rid o! her should he so desire, he does not attempt to deny. And she,; her only reason in leaving her rustic lover for the court fool was to be-come " a fine lady." Is not even Phebe, with all her faults and impetuosity, superior to Audrey ? The object of her desire, however unnatural it may seem, was, she believed, genuine love, while that of Audrey was pure ambition. So we would say that Jaques' idea of the stage of life and its many actors is only too true. Not a single one renders the great drama of love perfectly, yet each one is perhaps but play-ing an appointed part, and, despite the many different kinds of it in life, let us hope that the poets are right in saying: "'Tis love that makes the world go 'round." I 198 THE MERCURY. THE SPIRITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DANTE. BY CHARLES FRY. [Contributedfor the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest,.] DANTE was born of noble parentage in Florence in 1265. He was given the best education that his day could af-ford. He took an active part in the politics of his city and while he was away at Rome his enemies took possession of the government and passed a sentence exiling him, only permitting him to return, provided he paid a heavy fine within two months. Dante spurned the offer. However, within two months a second sentence was passed which condemned him to be burned at the stake if he should ever be found in Florence. During the re-mainder of his life he became a wanderer. He died in 1321 at Ravenna after completing his immortal poems. Within the last decade renewed interest has centered itself in Dante. Today the American people are applying themselves more assiduously to the power of spiritual conception. Dante, the great poet of spiritual truths, has touched the hearts of the people. In him they find a balm for their troubled souls. He leads his reader upward through various experiences until his faith finds its culmination in God. To realize the deep spiritual power of Dante, every event of his life must be clearly traced. He lived a life of spiritual en-thusiasm. There are three distinct periods of his life. First, his simple faith in God; Second, infidelity and pride rule his soul, and Third, the triumph of his spiritual power in God. In his early youth Beatrice transformed his whole life. She was his vision of an ideal girl. Her life became an inspiration to him. She led his soul upward toward God. He worshipped God in simple child-like faith. Beatrice died at the age of twenty-four. For the first time in his life he received his greatest sorrow. His whole life be-came changed. Thus he entered upon the second epoch in his life. Doubt clouded his soul. God seemed to be a venge-ful monster. Pride ruled his heart. For a time he seemed to lose control of himself. Where were those lofty ideals which MHMHMb THE MERCURY. 199 ■marked his earlier days ? Gone ? Ah, they were not gone forever! At last Dante realized his own peril in the stand he had taken against God. Beatrice appeared to him in a vision and pointed out the way to him. She had guided him through Heaven after Heaven where he learned his world wide message. Even St. Peter and Caceiaguida appeared to him and charged him to deliver his message. He felt that he was a prophet sent from God, and that he had a divine mission to fulfill. He had a message for the world from the most high God. He de-livered his message to the world through his greatest immortal poem—the " Divine Comedy." Thus began the third epoch of his life. The message of the poet-prophet was, that a man's soul •bound to the earth by sinful passions, and realizing its danger, •can only gain spiritual happiness 'and bliss by seeking com-munion and fellowship with the Infinite. The " Inferno," the first great book of the poem, pictures the horrors of sinful lives. In this horrible black place there is •" wailing and gnashing of teeth." Into such a place Dante entered. The " Inferno" is an experience. In writing his poem Dante draws largely upon his own life when he was beset ■with sin and associated with evil. He knew the suffering sin created. Sin has its various powers. Dante strongly believed the greater the sin the farther away the sinner was separated from God. Sin caused the judgment of God to pass upon the evil doer. Dante continually points out that sin creates a foul atmos-phere. When the soul breathes such air it becomes tainted .and destroys the purity in it. Sin causes the fairest rose to become brown and seared. Men who lead lives hostile to God are punished. The philosophers of Dante's day taught that the soul's noblest work was the quiet contemplation of God. The bondage of sin prevented this contemplation. Sin binds its followers to deep suffering. Dante followed Virgil very closely as he journeyed through 200 THE MERCURY. the terrible place fearful of the awful suffering around them. He was happy when they left those unhappy scenes behind. Dante continues in his search for freedom from sin. Guided by Divine Help he comes to Purgatory. In the " Inferno" he painted the hideous nature of sin. The effects of sin upon the soul are clearly described in the " Purgatorio." Here he per-formed the acts of expiation. Throughout the poem when he comes to rugged paths and tortuous ways God gives him help. A deep spiritual problem which confronted Dante was : How could he forget the evil things which he had done ? Although God had forgiven his terrible sins yet they were deeply rooted in his own memory. How rid his memory of them forever?" Many of the world's greatest philosophers have been unable to solve this question. Although there is a change of life yet . alas, how often comes the recollection of a Godless past! Dante solved the question for himself. With true poetic power he drew a beautiful picture. He drank of the waters of the river Lethe, and then the knowledge of his sins was forgotten. There is both a poetic and practical lesson to be drawn from this scene. Dante realized it was through the kindness of God that he forgot about the past. The " Paradise-," the last portion of the grand poem is the culmination of his spiritual joy. Dante considered the " Para-diso" his greatest triumph. With Beatrice he learns the glories of the Most High God. His deep study of religious problems led him to know God is- " Light, Life and Truth." Upon these foundations, Dante built his noble poem. He insisted that a strong point in religious life is to be con-tent with the lot God has given one. The human will must acquiesce to the will of God. Too often discontentment has led to the abuse of God's teachings. Peace and happiness are two fundamental principles in a Christian's life. Dante's spirit truly became content when he was compelled to be a wanderer on the earth.ljj^He learned it from deep experience. At last Dante and Beatrice pass into the resplendent Empy-rean. Here they see God in all his glory. Peace, joy and love THE MERCURY. 20I reign there. He is at first blinded by the dazzling light, but as he is a true worshipper of the most High his eyes are given power to see the Empyrean beauties. Dante discovered in his various experiences that behind all suffering and trouble there is a God of love and justice, and an interceding Saviour. Dante occupies an unique place in the history of the world. He stood at the opening of a new epoch. The debt the world owes him can never be repaid; fie popularized literature ; he raised the standard of literature so high that few have been able to attain it; he helped to settle questions concerning church and state; and his greatest achievement was that by his won-derful intellectual endowments he was able to grasp spiritual ideals. He worked with a spiritual enthusiasm that has never been equaled. He pondered and thought until he understood. Thus the world has received the " Divine Comedy "—an im-perishable monument of honor and glory. York Street, Gettysburg:, Pa. 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Authors' introductionWe present an overview of research about racial residential segregation. The first part of the article reviews major debates and findings drawn primarily from the sociological literature. The second part of the article identifies new areas of research that in some cases cross into other disciplines such as geography and urban studies. We show the enduring persistence of racial residential segregation as well as its causes and consequences. We also highlight the ways in which residential segregation can be better understood by including discussions about the varied social and spatial expressions of, and responses to, segregation. The social scientific examination of the patterns and everyday experiences of racial residential segregation remains prolific.Authors recommendKrysan, Maria 2002. 'Community Undesirability in Black and White: Examining Racial Residential Preferences through Community Perceptions.'Social Problems 49: 521–43.The author presents an empirical critique of research which examines the role that residential preferences play in perpetuating racially segregated residential settlement patterns. The data are drawn from the Multi‐City Study of Urban Inequality. The author analyzes black and white participants' responses to open‐ended questions about community undesirability in 23 communities spread across four US metropolitan areas. Rather than examine residential preferences in relation to hypothetical communities of varying relative racial compositions, the author uses respondents' subjective perceptions of actual communities, and the reasons they give for their perceptions, as measures of residential preference. The major finding of the article is that preferences are mediated by class‐ and race‐based considerations, such as perceived community crime rates or a community's reputation as a hotbed of racial animosity and hostility.Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.The authors report on national‐ and metropolitan‐level residential segregation trends for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian groups using a cross‐sectional analysis of 2000 Census data. They also present findings from a longitudinal analysis of changing residential segregation trends for the period 1980 to 2000. During this time black–white segregation levels, measured by the Index of Dissimilarity, steadily declined nationally and in most major metropolitan areas. However, Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation levels increased slightly at both the national and metropolitan levels since 1980. The authors estimate regression models to test prevailing hypotheses that seek to account for these changes. Notably, they conclude that black–white segregation remains high especially in older manufacturing centers in the Northeast and Midwest. Levels of Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation meanwhile are increasing in regions where these minority groups are most heavily concentrated and where they continue to grow due to high levels of foreign‐born in‐migration.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton 1993. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.This book is a seminal contribution to the scholarly debate about the causes and consequences of black urban poverty in the US. The authors argue that racial residential segregation is the key social process which explains the conditions under which a black urban underclass forms and is maintained. Segregation creates a 'structural niche' of concentrated black socioeconomic deprivation wherein, for instance, conditions of welfare dependency become normative and oppositional cultures emerge in reaction to the contradictory values of dominant groups. Massey and Denton claim that segregation is perpetuated by, but also compounds, the effects of institutional racism and white prejudice. To support their claim the authors point to historical trends in levels of racial residential segregation they attribute to public policy as well as private decision‐making. The book makes a methodological statement as well in relation to the conceptualization and measurement of residential segregation.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.The authors develop a theoretical framework to account for an emerging 'new inequality' in home mortgage lending and home‐ownership that has contributed to contemporary patterns of residential segregation. The 'old inequality', which was characterized by individual‐ and neighborhood‐level race‐ and class‐based discrimination, gave way in the early 1990s to a new form of inequality based on access to high‐cost loans and exposure to predatory lending practices. The authors rely on descriptive metropolitan‐level data on home mortgage lending to document rising rates of home‐ownership and loan origination among African American and low‐income borrowers, and within minority neighborhoods, since the early 1990s. Their interpretation of these data, however, leads them to conclude that despite these gains, the residential segregation generated by the old inequality creates the conditions for the emergence of the new inequality and similar patterns of residential segregation.Wyly, Elvin K., and Daniel J. Hammel 2004. 'Gentrification, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System.'Environment and Planning A 36: 1215–41.This article is a nice companion to the article by Williams et al. (2005) (see above). The authors examine racial and economic inequalities, such as residential segregation and racial discrimination, related to mortgage reinvestment and gentrification in major US central cities since the early 1990s. Using regression models to analyze home mortgage lending data and credit market characteristics across 30 US cities, the authors find that both early‐ ('peripheral') and late‐stage ('core') gentrification reproduce familiar patterns of race‐ and class‐based segregation, and are associated with more intensified forms of racial discrimination by property developers, realtors, and lenders.Online materials

Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) –Home Mortgage Disclosure Act http://www.ffiec.gov/hmda/ This website provides access to publicly reported loan data under the provisions of the federal Home Mortgage Disclosure Act. The site allows users to view descriptive information on consumer lending institutions as well as borrower and loan characteristics that can be geocoded by census tract. The site is fairly user‐friendly yet provides access to powerful aggregate loan data. Researchers have used these publicly available data to compile profiles of consumer finance and investment trends across metropolitan areas or to begin to document patterns of disinvestment, redlining, and subprime lending.
Racial Residential Segregation Measurement Project (Reynolds Farley, University of Michigan) http://enceladus.isr.umich.edu/race/racestart.aspQuoted from the website:This website provides you with indexes of racial residential segregation for all states, for all counties, for all metropolitan areas and for all cities of 100,000 or more using information from the Census of 2000. Indexes of dissimilarity, exposure indexes and interracial contact measures are available for five single races and for the three most frequently reported combinations of two races. Segregation measures are provided using three different levels of local area geography: census tracts, block groups, and blocks. The links on this page provide you with access to the calculation of measures, descriptions of their meaning, information about the census data and the measures as well as to a bibliography of major studies of the extent, causes, and consequences of racial residential segregation in the United States.
Windows on Urban Poverty (Paul Jargowsky) http://www.urbanpoverty.net/ This website provides interactive features that examine the 'spatial context' of urban poverty; that is, the ways in which poor and segregated neighborhoods shape the life chances of impoverished individuals and families. The site has links to reports and policy briefs as well as a mapping tool which allows users to view the spatial expression of concentrated poverty neighborhoods and related demographic information.
Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research (University at Albany, State University of New York) http://www.albany.edu/mumford/ The site allows users to access a wide range of social and economic indicators that document conditions of racial residential segregation across the US. The Mumford Center is a leader in reporting on national‐ and metropolitan‐level demographic trends compiled from publicly available US Census data.
The U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ This is the official US government website where users can access US Census data. The site includes a range of interactive mapping tools that can be used to generate profiles of key demographic, social, and economic indicators at varying geographic scales, such as the neighborhood and metropolitan levels. The site also links users to relevant census‐based government reports, news releases, and even multimedia content (e.g., video, radio, photography).

Sample syllabusCourse outline and reading assignments Section 1: Segregation Trends and Patterns Residential Segregation in Black and White 'Census 2000 Basics' (http://www.census.gov/mso/www/c2000basics/00Basics.pdf)For an updated and extended discussion of measurement issues see: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/housing_patterns/housing_patterns.htmlMassey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. American Apartheid: Chapter 1: 'The Missing Link'; Chapter 2: 'The Construction of the Ghetto'; Chapter 3: 'The Persistence of the Ghetto'Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1988. 'The Dimensions of Residential Segregation.'Social Forces 67: 281–315.Adelman, Robert M., and James Clarke Gocker. 2007. 'Racial Residential Segregation in Urban America.'Sociology Compass 1: 404–23. Moving Beyond the Black/White Dichotomy Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley. 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.Fischer, Claude S., Gretchen Stockmayer, Jon Stiles, and Michael Hout. 2004. 'Distinguishing the Geographic Levels and Social Dimensions of U.S. Metropolitan Segregation, 1960–2000.'Demography 41: 37–59.White, Michael J., Eric Fong, and Qian Cai. 2003. 'The Segregation of Asian‐origin Groups in the United States and Canada.'Social Science Research 32: 148–67.Crowder, Kyle D. 1999. 'Residential Segregation of West Indians in the New York/New Jersey Metropolitan Area: The Roles of Race and Ethnicity.'International Migration Review 33: 79–113. Section 2: Causes of Residential Segregation Institutions and Actors Charles, Camille Zubrinsky. 2003. 'The Dynamics of Racial Residential Segregation.'Annual Review of Sociology 29: 167–207.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 1 ('Introduction') and Chapter 2 ('More Pluribus, Less Unum? The Changing Geography of Race and Opportunity').Tegeler, Phillip. 2005. Chapter 9 (Briggs): 'The Persistence of Segregation in Government Housing Programs'.Jackson, Kenneth.1985. Crabgrass Frontier. Chapter 11: 'Federal Subsidy and the Suburban Dream: How Washington Changed the American Housing Market'. Group Differences in Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Preferences Logan, John R., Richard D. Alba, Thomas McNulty, and Brian Fischer. 1996. 'Making a Place in the Metropolis: Locational Attainment in Cities and Suburbs.'Demography 33: 443–53.Alba, Richard D., John R. Logan, Brian J. Stults, Gilbert Marzan, and Wenquan Zhang. 1999. 'Immigrant Groups in the Suburbs: A Reexamination of Suburbanization and Spatial Assimilation.'American Sociological Review 64: 446–60.Harris, David R. 2001. 'Why are Whites and Blacks Averse to Black Neighbors?'Social Science Research 30: 100–16.Krysan, Maria, and Reynolds Farley. 2002. 'The Residential Preferences of Blacks: Do they Explain Persistent Segregation?'Social Forces 80: 937–80.Emerson, Michael O., George Yancey, and Karen J. Chai. 2001. 'Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans.'American Sociological Review 66: 922–35. Mortgage Lending Discrimination Yinger, John. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing Discrimination. Chapter 2 ('The Housing Discrimination Study'); Chapter 3 ('Discrimination in Housing'); Chapter 7 ('The Impact of Housing Discrimination on Housing Quality, Racial Segregation, and Neighborhood Change').Ross, Stephen L., and Margery Austin Turner. 2005. 'Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000.'Social Problems 52: 152–80.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell. 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.Freidman, Samantha, and Gregory D. Squires. 2005. 'Does the Community Reinvestment Act Help Minorities Access Traditionally Inaccessible Neighborhoods?'Social Problems 52: 209–31. The Search for Housing Turner, Margery, and Stephen Ross. 2005. Chapter 4 (Briggs): 'How Racial Discrimination Affects the Search for Housing.'Farley, Reynolds. 1996. 'Racial Differences in the Search for Housing: Do Whites and Blacks Use the Same Techniques to Find Housing?'Housing Policy Debate 7: 367–85.Massey, Douglas S., and Garvey Lundy. 2001. 'Use of Black English and Racial Discrimination in Urban Housing Markets: New Methods and Findings.'Urban Affairs Review 36: 452–69.Feagin, Joe. 1994. Living with Racism: The Black Middle‐Class Experience. Chapter 6: 'Seeking a Good Home and Neighborhood.' Section 3: Consequences of Residential Segregation Poverty Concentration and Hypersegregation Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 5: 'The Creation of Underclass Communities'; Chapter 6: 'The Perpetuation of the Underclass'.Jargowsky, Paul A. 1997. Poverty and Place: Ghettos, Barrios, and the American City. Chapter 5: 'Theory and Evidence on Inner‐City Poverty.'Wilkes, Rima, and John Iceland. 2004. 'Hypersegregation in the Twenty‐First Century: An Update and Analysis.'Demography 41: 23–36.Roy, Kevin. 2004. 'Three‐Block Fathers: Spatial Perceptions and Kin‐Work in Low‐Income African American Neighborhoods.'Social Problems 51: 528–48. Neighborhood Effects Sampson, Robert J., Jeffrey D. Morenoff, and Thomas Gannon‐Rowley. 2002. 'Assessing "Neighborhood Effects": Social Processes and New Directions in Research.'Annual Review of Sociology 28: 443–78.LaVeist, Thomas A. 1993. 'Segregation, Poverty, and Empowerment: Health Consequences for African Americans.'The Milbank Quarterly 71: 41–64.Rosenbaum, Emily, and Laura E. Harris. 2001. 'Low‐Income Families in Their New Neighborhoods: The Short‐Term Effects of Moving from Chicago's Public Housing.'Journal of Family Issues 22: 183–210.Wagmiller, Robert L. 2007. 'Race and the Spatial Segregation of Jobless Men in Urban America.'Demography 44: 539–62. Crime and Neighborhoods Anderson, Elijah. 1999. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. Preface, Introduction ('Down Germantown Avenue') and Chapter 1 ('Decent and Street Families').Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 1999. Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class. Chapter 4: 'Neighborhood Networks and Crime'.Massey, Douglas S. 2001. 'Segregation and Violent Crime in Urban America.' Pp. 317–44 in Problem of the Century: Racial Stratification in the United States edited by Elijah Anderson and Douglas S. Massey.Logan, John R., and Brian J. Stults. 1999. 'Racial Differences in Exposure to Crime: The City and Suburbs of Cleveland in 1990.'Criminology 37: 251–76. Section 4: Mobility, Class, and Public Policy Residential Mobility Lee, Barrett A., R.S. Oropesa, and James W. Kanan. 1994. 'Neighborhood Context and Residential Mobility.'Demography 31: 249–70.South, Scott J., and Kyle D. Crowder. 1998. 'Leaving the 'Hood: Residential Mobility between Black, White, and Integrated Neighborhoods.'American Sociological Review 63: 17–26.Crowder, Kyle D., Scott J. South, and Erick Chavez. 2006. 'Wealth, Race, and Inter‐Neighborhood Migration.'American Sociological Review 71: 72–94.Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 2000. 'The Limits of Out‐Migration for the Black Middle Class.'Journal of Urban Affairs 22: 225–41. Intersection of Race and Class: The Black Middle Class Pattillo, Mary. 2005. 'Black Middle‐Class Neighborhoods.'Annual Review of Sociology 31: 305–29.Cashin, Sheryll D. 2001. 'Middle‐Class Black Suburbs and the State of Integration: A Post‐Integrationist Vision for Metropolitan America.'Cornell Law Review 86: 729–76.Adelman, Robert M. 2004. 'Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation.'City and Community 3: 43–63.Lacy, Karyn. 2004. 'Black Spaces, Black Places: Strategic Assimilation and Identity Construction in Middle‐Class Suburbia.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 27: 908–30. Public Policy and Politics Rubinowitz, Leonard S., and James E. Rosenbaum. 2000. Crossing the Class and Color Lines: From Public Housing to White Suburbia.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 14: 'Politics and Policy: Changing the Geography of Opportunity'.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 8: 'The Future of the Ghetto'.Project ideas US Census Data Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Nancy Denton, University at Albany, State University of New York)Your task for this assignment is to compare one US metropolitan area to another one. Your focus of the comparison should be on key sociodemographic variables including, but not limited to, the overall population size of the areas, the racial and ethnic composition of the areas, the socioeconomic standing of the areas, the housing quality, what types of occupational opportunities exist, the level of immigration in the areas, the level of residential segregation between groups in the areas, among others.You can choose any two metropolitan areas but they must be defined as such by the Census Bureau (i.e., make sure you obtain information at the metropolitan level). There should be some component of change; that is, identify how these variables have changed over time (an ideal strategy would be to focus on 1980 to 2000 changes, but there could be other strategies). In the end, you want a five‐page report comparing the two places. Which one would be better to live in? Why? From whose perspective?Potential data sources include:

The US Census: go to http://www.census.gov and click on 'American Factfinder' or another census tool
The Lewis Mumford Center: go to http://www.albany.edu/mumford and click on 'Census 2000' and use one of the tools to obtain data

Urban Ethnography Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Charles Gallagher, Georgia State University)Write a short ethnography about an urban, public space. Your task is to choose a public space (broadly defined) and examine who uses the space, how the space is used, and the interactions that occur between people in that space. Pay close attention to issues like (but others too) the racial and ethnic background of the people using the space, the socioeconomic reasons which explain the location of the site (e.g., exchange versus use values; urban development), and the extent to which the space is actually 'public' (i.e., are there restrictions to the space like bars separating benches in half?).You can observe any public space. For example, the extent to which a park is actually public is continually and consistently contested and negotiated. What about transportation nodes? Malls? Restaurants? Comparative Urban Assignment Your task for this assignment is to review three scholarly articles about a city outside of the US. Your focus can be on any aspect of the city but you should include some general information about the area including, but not limited to, the geographic and demographic size of the area, the socioeconomic standing of the area, the residential segregation of groups in the area, among other issues.You can choose any city or metropolitan area as long as it is outside of the US. In the end, you want a five‐page report reviewing the three articles with a brief introduction about the city (this information could be gleaned from one of the articles).The main international urban journal, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, will be very useful for this assignment, but you can obtain articles from any peer‐reviewed journal. Make sure to use only scholarly journals rather than popular magazines, newspaper articles, or the internet. Rely on the social science literature.

This dissertation examines how states shape civil society. The past two decades have seen a resurgence of scholarly interest in associational life. Some researchers place liberal civil society at the heart of democratic transformation and consolidation. Others question such claims, citing examples of authoritarian states supported by dense but illiberal associational landscapes. Yet there is a lack of research on the development of associational life. Responding to this gap in the literature, I ask what forces shape civil society and in particular its liberal or illiberal character? Despite the paucity of scholarship focused on factors that mold civil society and its character, significant amounts of research have engaged questions of how the economy and political institutions shape liberal and illiberal political outcomes. Drawing on the implicit, and in a few instances explicit, claims found in disparate debates about the relationship of the state and market to civil society, I construct various state-centered and market-driven explanatory approaches of the development of liberal and illiberal civil societies. On the one hand, economic interest or market-driven approaches claim that capitalist development drives the emergence of classes, the self-organization of which promotes the development of liberal civil societies and the consolidation of democratic states. On the other hand, institutionalism and state-centered approaches argue that states, not markets, shape the character of civil society. I examine these competing explanations of civil society and its character through an analysis of how economic development and state policies of cultural tolerance and political inclusion shaped civil society and its regional variation in pre-WWI regions of the former Lithuanian-Commonwealth (1795-1914) and of interwar Poland (1918-1939). Through a historical-comparative and narrative, mechanism-oriented, analysis, I propose a state-centered explanation of civil society that focuses on elites' conflicts, interests and the strategies that elites can apply in pursuit of those interests. I agree with economic interest approaches that economic development, particularly the growth of capitalist markets, promotes conditions favorable to the emergence and growth of associational life. However, I argue that the state, specifically the degree of political inclusion or exclusion of local elites and of the ethno-cultural autonomy or repression of the masses, plays a central role in shaping the liberal or illiberal character of civil society. The end of the 18th century marked the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth by Russia, Prussia (the German Empire after 1871) and the Habsburg Empire (Austria-Hungary after 1867). A historical-narrative analysis of the pre-WWI Warszawa Governorate in the Russian-ruled Kingdom of Poland, the independent and subsequently Austrian-ruled Duchy of Kraków in western Galicia and of the Austrian-ruled province of Lviv in eastern Galicia illuminates how state policies of cultural repression and political exclusion rather than economic development shaped the character of each region's civil society. While the Russian-ruled Kingdom of Poland saw the political exclusion of local ethnic majority elites and cultural repression of the masses accompanied by an industrial revolution, Austrian-ruled eastern Galicia's political exclusion of local majority elites and ethno-cultural repression and discrimination of the local Ukrainian masses was accompanied by economic underdevelopment. In comparison, the Duchy of Kraków not only experienced a long period of local autonomy, and thus the rule of local ethnic majority Polish elites, but when placed under Austrian rule, it saw the continuation of political inclusion of local elites and cultural autonomy of the local Polish masses. Political liberalism in western Galicia, however, was accompanied by the absence of an industrial revolution and general economic underdevelopment similar to that found in eastern Galicia. Significant variation in economic development, political inclusion of local elites, and ethno-cultural discrimination aimed at the masses across the partitioned regions of the former Commonwealth facilitate a fruitful analysis of how state-backed cultural repression and political exclusion interacted with distinct paths of economic development and local ethno-cultural dynamics to shape the character of each region's late 19th and early 20th century civil society. Significant political and economic transformations within each case further enable the examination of how political and economic changes affected the developmental trajectory of each associational landscape. Thus, such cross-regional and cross-time comparisons allow for both an assessment of implied existing theoretical approaches to understanding and predicting the development of civil society and its character, and the development of an alternative approach focused on the relationship between the state and non-state elites. Building on state-centered, postcolonial and nationalism theories, I support claims that variation in state-backed ethnic discrimination deepens ethnic cleavage. However, I diverge from such theories in assessing the implications of political exclusion of elites for civil society. Instead of arguing that exclusion of elites necessarily undermines their power, I show that increasing political exclusion of local ethnic majority elites contributes to elite domination of associational life. For instance, the political exclusion and marginalization of local ethnic majority elites in Warszawa and Lviv contributed to elite domination of social life as elites sought to augment their social backing within and through civil society as a means of countering state power. At the same time, imperial and local, respectively, state-backed ethno-cultural discrimination invaded practices of daily life, turning culture into a tool of political repression and, thus, of political resistance. As such, cultural repression allowed local, excluded elites to politicize and dominate the public sphere by forging a common identity and interests with the ethno-culturally repressed masses. Through cultural, cross-class alliances, elites mounted support for their political struggles with exclusionary ruling elites. Conversely, after the Austro-Hungarian compromise, local majority Polish elites in Kraków received local relative political and cultural autonomy. As elites focused on negotiating power within political institutions associations developed more autonomously. Moreover, lacking cultural repression, Kraków developed a longer history of cross-ethnic cooperation.Drawing on narrative and comparative analyses of pre-WWI regions of the former Commonwealth, I suggest that elites in states with inclusive politics should protect their positions and power through participation within formal state institutions. Thus, by focusing on negotiation and cooperation with other elites within political society, these elites should allow civil society to develop more autonomously from both state and non-state elite control. However, when excluded from formal political institutions, elites should seek to counter state power through social mobilization within and through civil society. The degree to which their mobilization is successful, however, depends on the excluded and marginalized elites' ability and potential to muster significant alliances and support in civil society. In other words, the degree to which elites are successful in dominating associational life is rooted in their ability to draw on common identities or interests with broader masses. Economic and social transformations can significantly alter the identities and interests of elites, thus altering the strategies that they may be willing to enact. Yet the strategies that elites can successfully implement to forge broad-based alliances are largely shaped by the state. In particular, through policies of ethno-racial discrimination, states can provide excluded elites with the necessary mutual identities and interests to successfully dominate and mobilize large sectors of associational life, thus promoting the development of an illiberal—elite-dominated and ethno-racially fragmented—civil society. In 1918, Poland re-emerged as an autonomous state. Its first years were marked by increased political marginalization and then temporary inclusion of minorities after Piłsudski's 1926 military coup. In 1930, Piłsudski's regime overtly increased its marginalization of left-wing and right-wing political actors. Once more, excluded elites fostered close, top-down ties to civil society as a means to challenge the state. The Second Polish Republic's significant political transformations allow for an auxiliary examination of competing explanatory approaches of the development of civil society's liberal or illiberal character, including the elite-centered argument proposed by this dissertation and developed through a historical-comparative analysis of the pre-WWI regions of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of civil society in two regions of interwar Poland illuminates the extent to which legacies of a century of imperial policies persevered, and the political and economic pressures under which they began to wane. Civil society that emerged in Kraków under pre-WWI policies of political inclusion and cultural toleration was more resistant to interwar political domination and ethnic fragmentation than that which emerged in Vilnius under pre-WWI policies of political exclusion and cultural repression. On the one hand, the analysis of interwar Polish civil society supports claims of institutional stickiness in the face of external pressures. Moreover, it demonstrates specific internal mechanism of institutional reproduction, ones rooted in the ideals, habits and goals of members and others in associations' rules, which allowed pre-WWI civil legacies to persist throughout the interwar period. On the other hand, though significant, the interwar cross-regional variation in the political domination of civil society was waning. Thus, I show that though historical legacies embedded in civil society are persistent even in the face of significant external transformations, they are not impervious to externally-driven change.

The subject of this study – The Youth in Croatia and the European Integration – is the relationship of youth toward the European integration process, including the Croatian accession to the European Union, as well as their sociopolitical readiness for integration into a united Europe. The analysis is based on a section of data gathered in early 2004, on the entire Croatian territory, and conducted within the scientific and research project Youth and the European Integration Process. The basic sample of youth, aged 15 to 29, consisted of 2000 examinees, and the control sample of persons older than 30 consisted of 1000 examinees. The obtained findings on youth have been systematically compared to results from the previous research project, The Value System of Youth and Social Changes in Croatia, conducted in early 1999, on an identically structured sample of 1700 young examinees. Data on Croatian youth has also been compared to the corresponding findings of several European researches. European integration is a dynamic and multidimensional process, and in this research, the accent was on the political and normative dimensions of integration. The genesis of the political development of European Union has indicated that, in spite of the oscillations in the process of integration, there is a recognizable progress toward the construction of a Europe of values, where all the included countries meet with equally high democratic demands. The existing research into the European integration process has undoubtedly shown that the relationship of citizens toward the EU varies as a function of time, and depends on the specific situation in certain countries or societies. Croatia is a transitional country that has stepped into the process of democratic consolidation, and after the year 2000, it had also stepped out of a certain kind of international isolation. Today, Croatia is a country trying to join the united Europe, which has managed to obtain the status of a candidate country for accession into the EU, albeit with an uncertain date for accession negotiations. Even though the main obstacle for the start of negotiations is supposedly the lack of satisfaction of the EU with the Croatian cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the existing tendencies and events in the country indicate that Croatia is not adequately prepared to join the Union: not at the political, nor the social, and especially not at the economic plain. The indicated findings are also the starting points in the research of the relationship of Croatian youth toward the European integration process. A valid analysis of this relationship demands a previous insight into some aspects of the political readiness of youth for European integration of Croatia. With that in mind, special attention was dedicated to political values, attitudes and participation of youth, whose longitudinal monitoring enables a detection of changes that took place during the past five years. The data comparison showed that during the observed period of time, the young people' s otherwise relatively high acceptance of almost all the constitutional values, as well as the harmonious perception of politics and institutional trust have increased, while the lack of hard work, discipline and responsibility are now perceived as a social problem to a greater extent than before. The recent data also indicates that today' s youth perceive the existence of educational, gender and age inequalities in the Croatian society to a larger degree, as well as the worsening of political representation of all marginal groups. On the other hand, the understanding of conflicts and democratic rules (especially the role of the opposition) has weakened, the perception of crime in ownership conversion and privatization as a problem has decreased, there is also a weaker perception of the existence of social and religious inequalities, the social activism and political participation have decreased, and the attitude about inclusion into youth organizations of political parties and the establishment of independent youth parties as forms of activities that might contribute to a more active participation of youth in the society has decreased. From hence comes the conclusion that certain changes tend to lead to further social, most of all political, (self)passivization and marginalization of young people. The continuity of tendencies established in the previous research projects, confirm the finding that the young are not a monolithic group when it comes to acceptance of political values, expression of political attitudes and the level of political participation. The greatest differentiation is present regarding the not so present tolerance toward most observed social phenomena and groups, the perception of unemployment as the most important social problem and the cause of existing difficulties, the perception of existence of political inequalities and the stated interest in politics, as well as the perception of the role of the " diaspora" in the Croatian political life. When these results are observed integrally, it is obvious that the young are mostly differentiated by the level of obtained knowledge and their socio-professional status, then party identification, social origin and the phase of maturity. All the mentioned differentiations of youth can simply be summarized by outlining two large, relatively polarized groups: one consists of socially more competent youth, inclined to the ideological and political options of the left center, and the other consists of a socially inferior youth, inclined toward the right pole of the ideological-political spectrum. The socially more competent youth is more liberal, more critical toward the social reality and the political actors, they manifest a greater respect for democratic institutions and procedures, which is an indicator of the importance of favorable circumstances in the process of political socialization. The recent data enabled us to establish the existence of inter-generational differences, which are not enormous but are significant. The comparative analysis of the attitudes of both the young and the older examinees, demonstrated that the young state a higher degree of trust in the media than the older examinees, that they are more tolerant toward a number of social phenomena and groups, which cause dispute both in the Croatian and the European public opinion arena, as well as more sensitive regarding ethnic inequalities. The young perceive war as the main cause of current difficulties to a greater extent than the elders, they have considerably more trust in their own generation as a social force that could initiate positive trends, they express a greater readiness for inclusion in different civil society activities, and believe more that television and youth organizations could mobilize them into active participation in social affairs. At the same time, the young are slower than the older examinees to accept the value of a democratic order, however, they are also less prone to have a harmonious understanding of politics, they are less socially sensitive, they express less trust in the institutions of power, the socioeconomic goals and the preservation of tradition are less often among their political priorities, they less often think immorality and criminal activities in the privatization process are the cause of current problems, they perceive a smaller level of corruption in all areas of social life (aside from education), they believe less in the positive contribution of experts and entrepreneurs to overcoming the trends of crisis, they are less interested in politics and participate less in political parties, and they have a smaller level of faith in the mobilization role of education for democracy, volunteer work, political parties and non-governmental organizations, as well as the contribution of the family and education system in the stimulation of the young people' s social engagement. The established inter-generational differentiation can be explained through the life cycle theory, meaning the mentioned differences are mostly the effect of differing social statuses and the complete experiences of the young and the older examinees. That means that most young people have not assumed some of the permanent social roles, and that their immediate experiences are limited only to some social areas among which politics do not have a prominent place. The existing inter-generational differences are also the result of the fact that most older examinees draw on their experience gained in a different social and political regime, which to a certain measure forms their existing system of political values that is, in certain elements, especially those related to the social dimension, different than the youth' s system of political values. On the other hand, the congruence of the young and older examinees is contributed to by a common experience of an era, that is, life in a specific socio-historic period. The absence of deep inter-generational ambiguities also indicates that, in spite of the radical changes that have appeared through the decomposition of the old and the set-up of a new social and political order, the mechanism for transposing political values from the older generations to the young ones, functions to a considerable degree, along with the transfer of the shortcomings that exist in the structured political awareness of the older generation. Even though it was established that the youth in Croatia accept the traditional values to a smaller degree compared to the elders, the young are at the same time somewhat more conservative in certain areas than their European counterparts. Pointing to this finding is the greater orientation of the Croatian youth toward the family and a smaller extent of tolerance of certain phenomena and groups in the contemporary society. At that, the social participation of the Croatian young generation is at a lower level than the participation of their European peers. The attitude toward human rights is also one of the indicators of political preparedness of Croatian youth for integration into a democratic Europe, which promotes high standards in the protection of human rights and freedoms. The research results about the evaluation of individual human rights and freedoms, show that the youth accept the right to an education, the right to work and personal security, the right to privacy, the social protection of the elderly and those in other precarious situations, the equality before the law, the rights of women and the right to ownership the most. The analysis has shown that the preference of individual human rights and freedoms is not caused by the observed socio-demographic and socio-structural characteristics of the young, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent of improvement of the state of human rights. Approximately a third of the young examinees were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today nor were they satisfied five years ago, the percentage of the undecided has decreased in that period of time, and the number of those that think human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected has increased. The results of the analysis of social attributes of youth indicate that the ability of assessment and a higher degree of criticism toward the status of human rights in Croatia is related to life in economically more prosperous regions, a left ideological-political orientation as well as the female gender. The comparison of the evaluation of the contribution of institutions, organizations and significant individuals in the population of youth in 1999 and in 2004, established that the generation of youth today perceives a higher level of contribution of all observed participants (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. More precisely, most of the young assess that all the participants, completely or mostly, contribute to the realization of human rights in Croatia, which especially refers to the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power. The perception of the status of human rights in Croatia and the contribution of the observed actors to the realization of those rights, are considerably highly influenced by regional affiliation and party identification, followed by their social background, their gender and the religious self-identification of the young. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the populations of young and older examinees in Croatia, indicates that the elders accept most individual human rights and freedoms more than the young, and that they also express less criticism toward today' s respect for those rights and freedoms in Croatia, while validating the contribution of all the observed actors to a higher degree. To summarize, the analysis has shown that the young accept human rights and freedoms very highly at the level of principle, but that there is a certain disagreement when it comes to concrete rights and practices in Croatia. Even though the degree of acceptance of the value of human rights and freedoms is high among the young, there are also deviations indicating an increased need for additional engagement of certain agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political actors. The national affiliation of youth is another indicator relevant to its relationship toward the European integration. The research has shown that the attitude most represented with the youth is one of moderate national identification, then the ones signifying an openness toward the world, while ethno-centric statements are at the back of the obtained hierarchy. The attitude that had demonstrated the highest representation of national identification is for the first time at the top of the rank in all our research projects, just as it is evident that nationally tinted attitudes, both moderate and extreme, are more represented now than in 1986 or in 1999. Such an increase of the national affiliation of the young can be interpreted by the fact that there is more emphasis on existential problems and that there is a higher uncertainty regarding the future, then the increase of differences between the rich and the poor, as well as a smaller degree of trust in the political leadership. The immediate confrontation with this type of social instability, results in a search for safer modes of relationships with other people, the society as a whole and some of its parts, where the nation represents one of the safe havens, much like family and church. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the attitudes of openness toward the world are quite stabile, and that they are often complementary instead of being opposite to attitudes of national identification. At the same time, this points to the complexity of the problem of national affiliation and the fact that it does not have to be exclusive, but can actually coexist with attitudes that enhance the process of European association. Regarding their national affiliation the young are, of course, not homogenous. The results of the analysis have shown that the nationally oriented youth is significantly more religious than the others, they prefer the conservative parties, live in Dalmatia, Central and Eastern Croatia, they originate more often from rural areas and families, where the father has a lower degree of education, they personally have a lower level of education and, within the youth sample, they belong to the youngest age cohort (age 15 to 19), and the groups of pupils and the unemployed. On the other hand, a significantly lower national affiliation is expressed by youth coming from the Istrian, Zagreb and Northern Croatia provenience, those indecisive about religion or atheists, youth of urban background and a higher family and personal education status. However, regarding cosmopolitism, the young demonstrate significantly more homogenous results. It is especially indicative that the more ethno-centric examinees and, to a smaller degree, those with a pronounced national identification, more often have a negative perception of the European Union, while the nationally more exclusive examinees refuse to even support the accession of Croatia into the European Union. The examination of the social (ethnic) distance toward certain nations has demonstrated that the young have put members of the former Yugoslav federation and Russians at the back of the scale, while, with an under-average evaluation, the center of the scale is occupied by members of certain Central and Eastern European nations (the Czech and the Hungarian). Inhabitants of the European Western and Southwestern territories, especially the Italians, which occupy the first position after form the Croats, and the Germans, demonstrate satisfactory results just by being evaluated by average grades. However, the degree of social closeness that the young citizens of Croatia feel toward other Croatian men and women, indicates a certain dose of self-criticism, because approximately one third of the young do not feel an especially high level of affinity toward, for the most part, their own nationals. The older examinees differ from the young in that they more pronouncedly represent attitudes at the center of the national affiliation scale, as well as indicate a higher ethnical distance on average. However, the fact is that, in spite of the existence of inter-generational differences when it comes to national affiliation where the older examinees dominate, there are also inter-generational differences that indicate a better position of the youngest examinees in our sample (aged 15 to 19). This phenomenon has already been described in literature by the so-called U-curve, which vividly illustrates a higher national affiliation of individuals at their earlier and later periods of life. Thus, the greater national affiliation, on the one hand, seems to appear as an expression of an adolescent transitional crisis, and on the other, as a consequence of a long-term perseverance of the perception and production of (most probably) negative experiences with a specific out-group. The relationship of the examinees toward the European integration and the European Union has been investigated via numerous indicators, where the emphasis was on the perception of the possible consequences of Croatian accession to the EU. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU have been the object of research, presenting a wider context for understanding the perception of consequences of joining the Union. The obtained results demonstrated that most of the young and of the older examinees in Croatia actually had a neutral image of the EU, even though those with a positive image exceed those that perceive the EU negatively. Actually, nine tenths of the examinees have in the beginning of 2004, supported the Croatian integration into the Union, but among those examinees, there is a highest number of euro-skeptics, that is, those that believe that too much is expected from the accession. At the same time, there were considerably less euro-enthusiasts (those that expect all-around benefits from the integration) and euro-realists (who believe that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries). As for the difficulties standing in the way of the Croatian road to a united Europe, the examinees had equally addressed them to both Croatia and the European Union, however, the number of young emphasizing the accountability of the EU has increased from 1999 to 2004, and the number of those accenting Croatia' s responsibility has, in the same period of time, decreased. The finding that the young expect significantly more positive than negative consequences after the Croatian accession into the European Union, is especially important. However, in this regard, there has been a mild decrease in the expectation of the positive, and an increase of the negative consequences among the young during the last five years. The highest positive expectations have been registered at the individual and the socio-cultural planes, while the optimism regarding the socio-economic progress has decreased. Indeed, the lack of socio-economic preparedness of Croatia for the entrance into the developed European surrounding is expected to yield the most negative consequences. The research of the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years, has shown that only the possibility of easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is expected by most of the examinees, especially the young ones. The young are quite fearful of the costs Croatia might have from the integration and of the worsening position of the agricultural population. The negative conesquences expecting their own country are, however, less perceived by the youth in Croatia, than by their counterparts in Europe. Related to the fears from the construction of a united Europe and European Union, we have established that the youth in Croatia is most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and the increase of crime, and its smallest fear has to do with the potential loss of social privileges. The fears of examinees in the enlarged Europe are somewhat different – the most expressed fear is that of labor transfer into other countries, the increase of crime and drug trade, the difficulties expecting the farmers and the price their country has to pay due to the development of the EU. Both the young and the old examinees in Croatia are less worried about the loss of national identity, language and their social privileges than the European examinees. All our examinees emphasize the multiple benefits of the EU enlargement, followed by the positive effects of that enlargement for Croatia, while the efforts of the Croatian government, regarding the accession to the Union, are valued quite poorly. The potential accession of Croatia into the European Union shall also signify a change in the decision-making process, meaning that some of those decisions will be reached at the national level, and some jointly with the EU. Our examinees have, in this regard, demonstrated a high level of readiness for integration, because more than half of them believes that four fifths of the observed areas should be the object of joint decision-making by the EU and Croatia. The only areas in which, in the opinion of the young examinees, Croatia should decide autonomously are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture, fisheries and the police. The Europeans differ in their opinions on these issues from the Croats, and believe two thirds of the observed affairs should be decided on jointly by their country and the EU, while their country should be autonomous in deciding about education, basic rules about the media, health and social care and unemployment. Different social groups have, based on the perception of youth, been grouped into potential losers of the integration (farmers, the retired, workers, the unemployed), potential winners of the integration process (such as the inhabitants of the capital and certain regions, the young, as well as the Croatian population as a whole), and certain winners of the process of integration, which are also the best prepared for Croatian accession into the EU (experts, foreign language speakers, the political elite, managers, large companies). Actually, it was shown that the young consider the social groups which are in a relatively better position in the Croatian society today to be the greatest winners of EU integration, and those whose current status is unenviable, who are in the greatest need of a better future, were perceived as those that will potentially gain the least. The only encouraging fact is that the young are seeing themselves as the potential winners, meaning they believe the existing abilities and potentials of the young generation only need optimal circumstances in order to reach their peak. However, the data about the knowledge of foreign languages in Croatia are not very exhilarating, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the youth in the European Union countries. Within this research, we have also found that approximately three quarters of our examinees are proud of being Croatian citizens, while around half of the young, and somewhat less of the elders are proud to be European. The young are the ones to be more critical toward their national identity, and at the same time they lead in the positive validation of their European identity. However, the most interesting finding concerns the fact that all the Croatian examinees feel less national pride than the inhabitants of the European Union, while it is understandable that the examinees in the EU emphasize their pride of being European more. The answers of the examinees regarding the question about the contents of the concept " being a citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young, nor the older examinees posses a coherent understanding of the EU citizenship. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member, represents the key element for the understanding of EU citizenship, both with the young people in Croatia and with the youth in the Union. The young and the older Croatian examinees believe that active suffrage is the least important, regardless of whether the elections in question include the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four Croatian examinees believes the Croatian membership in the EU might benefit them personally, while almost half of all the young and a third of the older examinees do not posses a defined opinion on this issue. It is clear that this feeling is closely related to the question of the personal meaning the European Union holds for the examinees, where neither the young nor the elders have a homogenous perception of the meaning of the EU. A single response appeared in an above-average number of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young – while the claim that the EU signifies a sort of " European government" , superimposed to the national states which are members of the Union, received a small level of support. Unlike that, the young from the Union countries emphasize the freedom of movement most often, while in time, the very concept of " European government" became more pronounced in the attitudes of the European youth. The young people in Croatia, as well as in the EU, express an equally small level of fear of the euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the utopian idea of Europe. Considering the readiness of the young to live outside of Croatian borders, we have found that almost two fifths of them would like to live (and work and study) abroad for a while, while a quarter of the Croatian youth would like to leave the country forever. The older examinees, on the other hand, demonstrate a higher level of conservativeness toward the possible departure of their children into one of the countries of the Union, but they are, however, ready to accept their possible studying and training in the EU, while only one out of seven examinees would like his/her children to permanently live or spend their entire working life in one of the countries, which are members of the European Union. The analysis of the differentiation of the young in their relationship toward the European integration and the EU, has indicated that the used social characteristics have a limited influence. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a united Europe and the expectations from the Croatian accession to the European Union. However, certain differences do exist, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional affiliation and religious self-identification. This means that the most influential attributes, when it comes to attitudes toward the European integration process, are the ones consisting of ideological-political attitudes and the current social status along with the specifics of the wider environment. Thus, we have found that the sympathizers of parties that belong to the left center, then pupils and students, the inhabitants of the more developed regions and the non-religious examinees are more inclined toward the EU and the integration process, and at that, they emphasize the positive consequences and the potential gains from the Croatian accession into the Union, more than they express their concerns with the negative consequences. Hence, the concise conclusion would be that the greater social competence of the young is reflected in the establishment of a stable and more consistent pro-European orientation. Otherwise, the young differ from their older counterparts in their higher expectance of positive effects from the Croatian integration into the EU and, at the same time, in the lower perception of expected problems and undesirable consequences. Considering information sources and the level of information of the young in Croatia, the results show that the young follow the news in all the media outlets relatively often, but that they do lag behind the older examinees, and the examinees coming from the former EU candidate countries. This finding does not apply only to the use of the Internet as a source of information, where the young people are far superior to the older examinees. With that in mind, it is interesting that the young differ the most among each other, in the use of Internet and the reading of daily newspapers, where the socially more qualified young examinees (the more educated, coming from an urban environment and richer regions and averagely older ones) are the ones that use both media for obtaining information more often. As for the contents the examinees look for in the media, it is visible that the young are much more interested in events from the social and cultural life, and much less in issues related to politics. A comparison with the examinees from 13 countries that were EU candidates, demonstrated that they are far more interested in all the contents (aside from sports) than the Croatian examinees. Regarding the assessment of their own level of information about the EU, somewhat more than half of the young have stated that they are well informed about the European Union and events in it, compared to two thirds of the older examinees believing they are well informed. On the other hand, the results of both the young and the older examinees are surprisingly high, compared to the data on the level of information of the inhabitants in the 25 countries of the European Union, where three quarters of the examinees thought they were poorly informed about the issue. Closely related to the question of the level of information about the European Union itself, is the question about the general level of information about the Croatian accession to that association. The results demonstrate a somewhat different trend than the previous finding. In this case, less than half of the young consider themselves to be well informed about the process. It is interesting that the identically gathered data on this issue, from the former EU candidate countries, yielded a much lower evaluation by the examinees on their own level of information. Regarding issues and problems related to the EU that the examinees would like more information on, we have established that both the youth in Croatia and the examinees from the former EU candidate countries, find issues related to the Union' s policy on youth and education to be the most interesting, followed by the economy and social policy. Along with that, the issues regarding the enlargement of the EU, the cultural policy, the international relations, the regional policy and the EU budget are the ones the young find to be the least interesting. The manner in which the examinees gather information on the European Union mostly include the mass media outlets (the press, the television and the radio), and only then other forms of information gathering, such as discussions with their families and friends, surfing the Internet, specialized books and other published material, and the activities of non-governmental organizations. There are no significant differences in the use of the stated sources of information between the young and the older examinees, except in the case of the Internet. Considering the examinees from the 25 EU member countries, they use all of the observed sources as a way of getting information about the European Union, its policies and institutions, in a smaller amount. The examination of the objective knowledge of the examinees on specific issues related to the European Union has yielded devastating results. Thus, when asked about the phase Croatia was in, regarding the accession process into the EU, at the moment the research was being conducted, the correct answer was given by only a third of both the young and the older examinees. The second question asked, dealt with the familiarity of certain institutions of the European Union. The young and the older examinees do not differ very much from each other regarding their knowledge of this issue: the most familiar institution to both of them is the European Parliament, followed by the European Commission, then the EU Council of Ministers, then the European Central Bank, while all the other institutions were familiar to less than two fifths of the Croatian examinees. The examined citizens of the European Union are, understandably, more familiar with each of the observed institutions. The social attributes of the young, causing the greatest differences regarding their level of information, are mostly the ones connected to their level of socio-cultural qualifications (the socio-professional status and the level of education), followed by gender, and then provenience, regional affiliation and the age of the examinees. The highest level of information and knowledge belongs to men from the oldest age cohort of youth, those born and living in large cities, the inhabitants of the most developed regions, students and the employed examinees, as well as those with a higher education degree, the non-religious and examinees preferring liberal and left-wing parties. Along with all that, it is important to stress that a better level of knowledge and information about the European Union, its policies, institutions and enlargement process, correlates to positive attitudes about the different aspects of the European Union (the image of the EU, the following of issues related to it, the support for the Croatian accession to the Union, and so on), which, most probably, means that they are mutually determined. The inter-generational comparison has, on the other hand, indicated that the older examinees are more interested in most issues appearing in the media, especially politics, and that they assess their level of information to be better than do the young examinees. To put it shortly, the results of the research on the information level and knowledge of the Croatian citizens – both young and old – about the European Union, have indicated that they are not that interested in the European Union issues, as much as their level of presence in the media and the political agenda might imply, and the examinee' s knowledge about the relationship of Croatia and the EU is at an even lower level. Henceforth, it is necessary to conduct a strong and comprehensive public campaign directed precisely at the increase of the level of information and knowledge of the citizens about the European Union and what it represents, so that when the issue comes to the agenda, the Croatian inhabitants might make an educated decision about their country' s accession to that community of European states. The research results presented above may be summarized into a number of tendencies and statements of a wider nature. The political culture of the young testifies, in a number of aspects, to an approximation to the desirable democratic standards – especially regarding the acceptance of basic liberal-democratic values and the readiness for social engagement, at lease in principle – however, their social power and social capital are at a low level. At that, the young are aware of their own social and political marginalization, and recognize an entire plethora of measures that might help them gain a certain measure of power and become active citizens, as is desirable in a democratic society, but they do not use sufficiently the channels of social and political promotion, which are at their disposal. Today' s generation of youth expresses a lower level of social sensitivity and is more oriented toward individual efforts and family resources in the realization of life goals. At that, it seems that the young are not aware of the fact that an unequal access to existing social resources of the young generation today will have generated an unequal social status when they come of age. Hence, we can expect a widening and deepening of the process of social decomposition, that should be corrected through mechanisms that are supposed to ensure the highest possible equality of chances in the access to social resources (most of all, education). What we mean to say is that human capital is what Croatia, as a small and an insufficiently developed country, should deal with very thoughtfully. This, at the same time, signifies a maximum of investment into the development of human potentials, where the young generation certainly comes first. The inter-generational differences regarding the readiness of Croatia for accession into the European Union, and the relationship toward the European integration, are not of such a type and scale that there could be any mention of a generational gap, however, they are indicative. The most visible fact is that the young have demonstrated a more liberal, tolerant and flexible disposition, that they have a higher belief in the potentials of their own generation, and that they are consistent in their pro-European orientation, where they see their own generation as one of the certain winners of the Croatian accession into a united Europe. These trends suggest that the potentials of the young are a resource to be seriously reckoned with on the Croatian road into the EU. The process of the Croatian accession into the European Union is linked to different difficulties that affect the attitudes of citizens about the importance of Croatian entrance into the EU. Through this research, we have clearly detected that, unlike the Croatian political elite, both the young and the older citizens do not consider the Croatian integration into EU, to be the most important political goal. The political priorities of the citizens seem to be quite different, and their support to the project of European integration is weakening. It is, then, realistic to expect this trend to continue if the problematic events in the European Union persist, just as the difficulties in the relationship of Croatia and the EU, as well as the unfavorable economic and social trends in Croatia itself. This is why there are two equally important political tasks facing the ruling political elite: the initiation of the development of Croatia and an well-argumented explanation to the Croatian citizens why the country' s integration in the united Europe is purposeful.

This guide accompanies the following article: The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature, Compass 6/2 (2012): pp. 166–181, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00440.xAuthor's introductionThe animal rights movement has been described as one of the most neglected and misunderstood social movements of our era. However, social movement scholars are beginning to realise the political and moral significance of the world wide animal protection movement at a time when nature itself has been included in the specialist field of environmental sociology. Just as people are beginning to see that nature matters and is not separate from society, nonhuman animals (hereafter animals) too are increasingly perceived as worthy of our respect and consideration. The long‐running animal protection movement which began in England in the 18th century is today better known as the animal rights movement. It is the men and women of this movement who, atypically for a social movement, are campaigning for a species that is not their own. The movement's theories and practices are important for what they do for animals and also because of what the animal rights controversy reveals about human beings.Author recommendsGarner, Robert. 1998. Political Animals: Animal Protection Policies in Britain and the United States. London: Macmillan Press Ltd.The book describes the progress made by the animal protection movement in the two countries where animal rights protests have been most prominent. The author presents a comprehensive examination of animal welfare policies in Britain and the US thus providing an informative comparative study of the movement's relationship with the state in these two countries. Garner's focus on policy networks corresponds to the sociologist's concept of social movement organizations. More than fifty such organizations balanced evenly between animal protectionists and animal‐user industries are discussed in the book. Political Animals provides an excellent introduction to the politics of animal rights, although missing in the accounts are the voices of the animal activists and their opponents. In the final analysis, it is the meaning activists attribute to their cause that drives the movement, a fact which Garner tacitly acknowledges.Imhoff, Daniel (ed) 2010. The CAFO Reader: The Tragedy of Industrial Animal Factories. Published by the Foundation for Deep Ecology with Watershed Media, Berkeley, LA: University of California Press.The Reader's subject – concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFO) – covers most of the topics relevant to factory farmed animals and is divided into seven parts: (1) The pathological mindset of the CAFO; (2) Myths of the CAFO; (3) Inside the CAFO; (4) The loss of diversity; (5) Hidden costs of CAFO; (6) Technological takeover; (7) Putting the CAFO out to pasture. The acronym CAFO suggests a bland, mundane practice and is therefore a name which the editor believes should be replaced by the more accurate label "animal concentration camps". The chapter titles indicate what is in store for the reader but the content is perhaps less confronting than the book's companion photo‐format volume of the same name. The reader is a very comprehensive survey of how living creatures are subjected to inhumane practices for their body parts by "corporate food purveyors" and is essential reading for anyone who cares about the future survival of all of the earth's species.Kean, Hilda. 1998. Animal Rights: Political and Social Change in Britain since 1800. London: Reaktion Books Ltd.In this attractive book, the historian Hilda Kean provides one of the most comprehensive and interesting surveys of the early animal protection movement in England, the birthplace of animal rights. Kean tells a compelling story of how and why people's attitudes and practices involving animals changed over the past two centuries. She attributes these changes largely to the seemingly simple idea of "sight", or how people were influenced by seeing for themselves how animals such as horses and dogs were ill treated in public spaces such as in streets and markets. Animals "out of sight" in vivisection laboratories and in abattoirs also came to the attention of the early animal protectionists, most of whom were women. The sight and spectacle of animal abuse turned hearts and stomachs once a light was shone on these everyday cruelties by the pioneers of animal rights in England. Kean's book is nicely illustrated in keeping with the theme of seeing animals in their various relationships with humans.Munro, Lyle. 2005. Confronting Cruelty: Moral Orthodoxy and the Challenge of the Animal Rights Movement. Leiden & Boston: Brill.For most people animal cruelty is understood as unspeakable acts perpetrated by warped individuals mostly against dogs, cats, birds and sometimes horses. The animal rights movement seeks to broaden the issue of animal cruelty to include the vast numbers of animals that suffer and die in "the animal industrial complex" of intensive farming, recreational hunting and animal research and experimentation. The book draws on social movement theory to explain how and why an increasing number of people in the UK, US and Australia have taken up the cause of animals in campaigning against the exploitative practices of the animal‐user industries. Essentially, the thesis is that animal abuse is constructed by the animal rights movement as a social problem (speciesism) on a par with sexism and racism. This is the first book in the Human and Animal Studies Series which currently lists about a dozen monographs published by Brill under the editorship of Kenneth Shapiro of the Society & Animals Institute in the US.Noske, Barbara. 1989. Humans and Other Animals: Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology. London: Pluto Press.As an anthropologist, Noske brings a different perspective to our relationship with nature, especially in the long process of animal domestication. Her chapter on "the animal industrial complex" shows how both human and nonhuman animals suffer within this structure of domination; for example, slaughterhouse work takes a heavy toll on the meat workers while the animals experience atrocious pain and misery on the assembly line of mass execution. Noske's book is valuable for its broad treatment of animal‐human relations in which she describes cultural, historical, structural and sociological aspects of these relations particularly in America and Australia.Wilkie, Rhoda and Inglis David (eds.) 2007. The Social Scientific Study of Nonhuman Animals: A Five‐volume Collection–Animals and Society: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences. (Vols 1–5), London: Routledge.This is a collection of 90 previously published articles and book chapters in approximately 2,000 pages on the social‐scientific study of animals. The papers range from the earliest in 1928 on "the culture of canines" to the latest in 2006 on "religion and animals." Three quarters of the papers were published in the last two decades and are derived from anthropology, sociology, psychology, geography, philosophy and feminist studies.Because Animals and Society is based mostly on work derived from more than 12 different specialist journals, it has a claim to comprehensiveness; however, the editors mention topics that are not covered in the collection:
 Ethical issues;
 Animal welfare;
 The characteristics of animal protectionists;
 "Wilderness";
 The role of animals in the lives of children; and
 The animal rights movement.
The main topics included in the collection provide a hint of its value to researchers:Vol I. Representing the animal (Introduction and critical concepts in the social sciences)Vol II. Social science perspectives on human‐animal interactions (I):
 Anthropology.
 Geography.
 Feminist studies.
Vol III. Social science perspectives on human‐animal interactions (II):
 Sociology.
 Psychology.
Vol IV. Forms of human‐animal relations and animal death – the dynamics of domestication:
 Human‐pet relationships.
 Human‐livestock relations.
 Animal abuse and animal death.
Vol V. Boundaries and quandaries in human‐animal relations:
 Border troubles: are humans unique and what is an animal?
 The legal, ethical and moral status of animals.
 "The Frankenstein syndrome": animals, genetic engineering, and ethical dilemmas.
NB. The above is a shorter version of my review in Society & Animals, 16. 91–93, 2008. I thank the journal for publishing the original review and for permission to include the above version in Sociology Compass.Online materialshttp://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2007/s2159904.htmThis is the story of a protest against the live animal export trade from Australia to the Middle East. The 7.30 Report of 11 February 2008, was one of several media stories on the cruelty involved in the transport and slaughter of cattle, goats and sheep which outraged thousands of Australians when they witnessed footage shot by animal activists. The four minute video recording provides commentary and images that explain why the live animal export trade is a "hot cognition" issue in Australia and the UK. More recently, in June 2012, the callous treatment of cattle in a number of Indonesian abattoirs became a major media story that prompted public outrage and calls for an immediate and permanent ban on the trade.http://www.sharkwater.com/For many people, sharks are the most feared of all creatures and also the most misunderstood. They have been called "the mother of otherness" and as a result when they are hunted and killed there is very little concern for their welfare. This groundbreaking film explains the importance of sharks to the ocean and seeks to dispel the main stereotype of the shark as the creature from hell. The film is the work of Rob Stewart whose lifelong fascination with sharks was the catalyst for his mission to save the great predator from extinction.http://www.wspa‐international.org/Regular internet users will probably have come across the advertisements from the World Society for the Protection of Animals (WSPA), particularly its campaign against the cruelty involved in bear dancing. The WSPA, as an international animal welfare organization, is one of a very select few animal and environmental organizations recognized by the United Nations. Another campaign which is featured on their website is "The Red Collar Campaign", the motto for which is "Collars not Cruelty". Viewers are warned that the two and a half minute video clip contains some confronting images of cruelty to dogs suspected of being infected by rabies. WSPA's objective is to end the brutality inflicted unnecessarily on thousands of dogs perceived as a human health and safety risk; its solution to the problem of rabies is simple, cheap and effective.http://www.awionline.orgThe Animal Welfare Institute (AWI) is one of the most effective animal protection societies in the US. Its founder, the late Christine Stevens, worked most of her life as an advocate and lobbyist for animals. The AWI's attractive website provides many useful features such as the AWI Quarterly and details of its seminal campaigns which include research animals, companion animals, farm animals, marine animals and wildlife. Since it was established in 1951, the AWI has had access to the US Congress and in gaining the attention of powerbrokers, the organization has succeeded in securing animal welfare improvements that are legislated in law, which owes much to the work of Christine Stevens.http://www.league.org.ukHunting is a controversial issue in England which has developed into what is actually a class war between the aristocratic class and the "great unwashed". Founded in 1924, the League is virtually a household name in England. Its website contains some revealing film clips about the cruelty involved in the hunting of foxes, deer, rabbits and other animals in the English countryside. There is a great deal of information contained in the blogs and its FAQs as well as elsewhere on its website. Mention is also made of one of the latest hunting fads, "trophy hunting" which is apparently gaining popularity in some parts of the USA.Topics for lectures & discussionPart I: introduction and overviewWhat is the animal rights movement? Why do people campaign on behalf of a species that is not their own? How do individuals and social movements make their claims on behalf of nonhuman animals? These are some of the questions that would traditionally be posed in introducing the animal rights movement.ReadingMunro, Lyle. 2012. 'The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature'. Sociology Compass6(2): 166–81.Waldau's recent book is a good introduction to what the movement is all about:Waldau, Paul. 2011. Animal Rights: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford: Oxford University Press.There are three main discourses on animal rights which provide insights into our constructions of "the animal": (1) Animals in this discourse are constructed as social problems (see Irvine, 2003 below for an example); (2) in this second discourse, animal defenders are demonised with labels ranging from "sentimental animal lovers" to "extremists" and even "terrorists" (see Munro, 1999 below for an example); (3) finally, the animal rights movement constructs our cruel treatment of animals as morally wrong and therefore deserving of the strongest condemnation (see Shapiro, 1994 below for an example). How and why people campaign against the exploitation of animals are issues explored in the following papers:Irvine, Leslie. 2003. 'The Problem of Unwanted Pets; A Case Study in How Institutions 'Think' About Clients' Needs'. Social Problems50: 550–66.Munro, Lyle. 1999. 'Contesting Moral Capital in Campaigns Against Animal Liberation'. Society & Animals7: 35–53.Shapiro, Kenneth. 1994. 'The Caring Sleuth: Portrait of an Animal Rights Activist'. Society & Animals2: 145–65.Part II: animal crueltyThis section includes some important contributions to explaining cruelty to animals.Agnew, Robert. 1998. 'The Causes of Animal Abuse: A Social‐psychological Analysis'. Theoretical Criminology2: 177–209.Munro, Lyle. 1997. 'Framing Cruelty: The Construction of Duck‐Shooting as a Social Problem'. Society & Animals5: 137–54.D'Silva, Joyce and John Webster. 2010. The Meat Crisis: Developing More Sustainable Production and Consumption. London and Washington: Earthscan.Merz‐Perez, Linda and Kathleen Heide. 2004. Animal Cruelty: Pathway to Violence Against People. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Ltd.Ascione, Frank. 2008. 'Children Who Are Cruel to Animals: A Survey of Research and Implications for Developmental Psychology.' Pp. 171–89 in Social Creatures: A Human‐Animals Studies Reader, edited by Clifton, Flynn. New York: Lantern Books.Winders, Bill and David Nibert. 2009. 'Expanding "Meat" Consumption and Animal Oppression.' Pp. 183–9 in Between the Species: Readings in Human‐Animal Relations, edited by Arnold, Arluke and Clinton Sanders. Boston, MA: Pearson Education Inc.Part III: social movement theory and animalsThere is a large literature on social movement theory with relatively little that refers to nonhuman animals. Some of those which do take up the issue are included below along with the following books that provide a general introduction to the study of social movements.Lowe, Brian and Caryn Ginsberg. 2002. 'Animal Rights as a Post‐Citizenship Movement'. Society & Animals10: 203–15.Jasper, James. 2007. 'The Emotions of Protest: Affective and Reactive Emotions in and around Social Movements.' Volume 4 Pp. 585–612 in Social Movements: Critical Concepts in Sociology Volumes 1–4, edited by Jeff, Goodwin and James Jasper. London and New York: Routledge.Buechler, Steven. 2011. Understanding Social Movements: Theories from the Classical Era to the Present. Boulder and London: Paradigm Publishers.Cochrane, Alasdair. 2010. Chapter 6 'Marxism and Animals.' Pp. 93–114 in An Introduction to Animals and Political Theory, edited by Cochrane's. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.Einwohner, Rachel. 2002. 'Bringing the Outsiders in: Opponents' Claims and the Construction of Animal Rights Activists' Identity'. Mobilization7: 253–68.Part IV: animal advocacy and activism: strategy and tacticsThe above readings reveal to some extent at least why people campaign against animal cruelty. In this section's readings, the focus is on how animal activists run their campaigns in the streets (grassroots activism) and in the suites (organizational advocacy).Carrie Freeman Packwood. 2010. 'Framing Animal Rights in the "Go Veg" Campaigns of US Animal Rights Organizations'. Society & Animals18: 163–82.Paul, Elizabeth. 1995. 'Scientists' and Animal Rights Campaigners' Views of the Animal Experimentation Debate'. Society & Animals3: 1–21.Upton, Andrew. 2010. 'Contingent Communication in a Hybrid Multi‐Media World: Analysing the Campaigning Strategies of SHAC'. New Media & Society13: 96–113.Munro, Lyle. 2001. Compassionate Beasts: The Quest for Animal Rights. Westport, CT: Praeger.Munro, Lyle. 2002. 'The Animal Activism of Henry Spira (1927–1998).'Society & Animals10: 173–91.Munro, Lyle. 2005. 'Strategies, Action Repertoires and DIY Activism in the Animal Rights Movement.'Social Movement Studies4: 75–94.Jasper, James. 1997. The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography and Creativity in Social Movements. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Singer, Peter. 1998. Ethics into Action: Henry Spira and the Animal Rights Movement. Lanham MD: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers Inc.Part V: academic/activist collaborationShould academic teachers collaborate with activists in their campaigns? Like the church/state relations debate this is a controversial question since there are arguments both for and against academic involvement in political and social movements. Most of the readings in the original Compass article and below tend to see more benefits than costs to collaboration; however, higher education administrators don't like dissent and it is hard to imagine an academic holding down his or her job if they were seen to be working with animal activists on a particularly controversial campaign. It might be seen as acceptable if the collaboration was with the SPCA in the US or the RSPCA in Britain but not if the activists were affiliated with members of a radical animal liberation group. Furthermore, an academic‐animal activist who campaigned say against the practice of animal experimentation at his or her university would surely be dismissed or at least threatened with dismissal unless they cut their ties with outside activists.Burnett, Cathleen. 2003. 'Passion through the Profession: Being Both Activist and Academic.'Social Justice30: 135–50.Kleidman, Robert. 1994. 'Volunteer Activism and Professionalism in Social Movement Organizations.'Social Problems41: 257–76.Focus questions
 Is the animal rights movement a genuine social movement when nonhuman animals are widely understood not to belong to society as it is generally understood?
 How would you respond to the claim that cruelty to animals is our worst vice.
 From your experience of seeing animal rights protests either on television or as the real thing, what do you think are the dominant emotions exhibited by the campaigners and their opponents?
 From what you've read or heard or seen of social movement protests, do you believe the most effective strategy is non‐violence or violence; and which of these two strategies do you think is more acceptable for the animal protection movement to follow and why?
 Should academics who lecture on social movements practice what they preach? What are some of the main benefits and problems associated with academic analysts of social movements collaborating with grassroots activists?
 The animal rights movement has been described as one of the fastest‐growing social movements in the West – and one of the most controversial. What evidence is there for these claims?
Seminar/project ideaPlease suggest an exercise to help bring the subject to life, appropriate either for undergraduate or graduate students, e.g. an assessment, a presentation, or other practical assignment.Project idea or presentation
 Compare and contrast the website of an animal welfare organization and an animal rights group in relation to (a) their objectives; (b) their most important campaign; and (c) their preferred overall strategies and tactics. Which of these organizations has the most potential in attracting new supporters and why? What advice would you give to these two organizations on how they might enhance their communicative effectiveness with the general public? (see Munro's Compass article for some clues).
 Do an oral presentation on a radical animal liberation group such as the Animal Liberation Front or SHAC in which you describe its stated objectives, its seminal campaigns, its preferred tactics and its communication strategy as indicated by the group's website. Explain how effective the group is in terms of improving the lives of animals and how the activists justify the use of violence in their campaigns.

Improving the quality of education is one of today's main challenges for governments in the developing world. Based on a unique matched student-to-teacher panel data set on test scores this paper presents two empirical results for Indonesia. First, through detailed inspection of teacher-level responses to test questions, the paper concludes that subject matter knowledge of primary school teachers in Indonesia is low on average and that a 1.0, but also a 2.0 standard deviation increase in teachers' subject matter knowledge seem to be achievable medium-term goals for education policy making in Indonesia. Second, the paper presents the results of three types of value-added regressions, a (standard) level specification, a school fixed-effects specification, and a flexible student-teacher fixed-effects specification. The student-teacher fixed-effects approach estimates the parameters of a value-added model using test score variation within each student-teacher pair across three different subjects, mathematics, science and Indonesian language. The results suggest that a 1.0 (and 2.0) standard deviation increase in teachers' subject matter knowledge across-the-board can yield increases in student achievement by 0.25 (and 0.50) student-level standard deviations by the time students complete the six-year primary school cycle.

En este trabajo se muestra, mediante el análisis de la literatura y de las noticias más recientes, cómo a través de la utilización de algoritmos neurales y la aplicación de estrategias enmarcadas en lo que se denomina posverdad, ciertos grupos políticos, principalmente los que detenta el poder en democracias con instituciones débiles, crean una realidad segmentada que atiende a sus intereses y que a su vez torna complicada la labor de exposición de los hechos fácticos. Palabras Clave: Posverdad, realidad discreta, política. Referencias [1]P. Berger y T. Luckmann, Construcción social de la realidad, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 2003. [2]F. B. Morales Romero y R. R. Martínez Martínez, «La posverdad: identidades colectivas que degeneran las democracias,» Anagramas Rumbos y Sentidos de la Comunicación, vol. 19, nº 37, pp. 111-126, 2020. [3]M. Barón Pulido, Á. Duque Soto, F. Mendoza Lozano y Q.P. Wilmer, «Redes sociales y relaciones digitales, una comunicación que supera el cara a cara,» Revista Internacional de Pedagogía en Innovación educativa, vol. 1, nº 1, pp. 123-148, 2020. [4]P. Iosifidis, «The battle to end fakenews: A qualitative content analysis of Facebook announcements on how it combats disinformation,» The International Communication Gazette, vol. 82, nº 1, pp. 60-81, 2020. [5]D. Kaufman y L. Santaella, «The role of artificial intelligence algorithms in the social web,» Revista Famecos- Midia, Cultura e Tecnologia, vol. 2020, nº Unique, pp. 20-26, 2020. [6]J. Habermas, Historía y crítica de la opinión pública, Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 2002. [7]E. Noelle-Neumann, La espiral del silencio, Barcelona:Paidós, 2010. [8]D. Innerarity, Politica para perplejos, Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018. [9]I. Blanco Alfonso, «Posverdad, percepción de la realidad y opinión pública. Una aproximación desde la fenomenología, » Revista de Estudios Políticos, 187, vol. 2020, nº 187, pp. 167-186, 2020. [10]V. Bufacchi, «Truth, lies and tweets: A Consensus Theory of Post-Truth.,» Philosophy and Social Criticism, vol. 47, nº3, p. 347–361, 2021. [11]J. Ortega y Gasset, Meditaciones del Quijote, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969. [12]c. Belvedere, «El problema de la realidad en el marco de la influencia hispánica en la obra de Alfred Schutz,» Investigaciones Fenomenológicas, vol. 4, nº II, pp. 245-277, 2013. [13]A. Schutz, El problema de la realidad social, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 1995. [14]Y. Hernández Romero y R. V. Galindo Sosa, «El concepto de intersubjetividad en Alfred Schutz,» espacios Públicos, vol. 10, nº 20, pp. 228-240, 2007. [15]L. Aguilar Villanueva, «Una reconstrucción del concepto de opinión pública,» Revista Mexicana de opinión pública, vol. 12, nº 23, pp. 125-148, 2017. [16]Wikipedia, «es.wikipedia.org,» Wikipedia, 27 March 2021. [En línea]. Available: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallup_(empresa). [Último acceso: 30 March 2021]. [17]W. Lippmann, La opinión público, Madrid: Cuadernos de Langre, 2003. [18]P. Capilla, «De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de posverdad? Análisis del término en siete diarios de calidad.,» ElProfesional de la Información , vol. 28, nº 3, pp. 1-12, 2019. [19]D. Peter, «Public Sphere Participation Online: the Ambiguities of Affect,» Dans Les Enjeux de l'information et de la communication , vol. 19, nº 1, pp. 5-20, 2019. [20]I. Schulze Schneider, «Los medios de comunicación en la Gran Guerra: Todo por la Patria,» Historia y Comunicación Social, vol. 18, nº 1, pp. 15-30, 2013. [21]E. Parisier, The Filter Bubble: What The Internet Is Hiding From, New York: Penguin, 2012. [22]TED, «www.ted.com,» TED, 1 March 2011. [En línea]. Available: https://www.ted.com/talks/eli_pariser_beware_online_filter_bubbles?language=es. [Último acceso: 25 January 2021]. [23]B.-C. Han, La sociedad de la transparencia, Barcelona: Herder, 2013. [24]J. A. O. y. Romero, «Desinformación: concepto y perspectivas,» Real Instituto Elcano, vol. 2019, nº 41, pp. 1-8, 2019. [25]M. Arias Maldonado, La democracia sentimental. politica y emociones del siglo XXI, Barcelona: Página Indómita, 2016. [26]S. Tesich, «A government of lies,» The Nation, p. Online, 6 January 1992. [27]d. Innerarity y C. Colomina, «La verdad en las democracias algorítmicas,» Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, vol. 2020, nº 124, pp. 11-23, 2020. [28]E. Herreras y M. García-Granero, «Sobre verdad, mentira y posverdad. Elementos para una filosofía de la información., » Bajo Palabra, vol. 2020, nº 24, pp. 157-176, 2020. [29]C. Iriarte, «La era de la inmediatez,» Milenio, p. online, 28 February 2017. [30]J. E. García-Guerrero, «Redes sociales e interés político, » Icono 14, vol. 17, nº 2, pp. 231-253, 2018. [31]A. M. Lorusso, «Between Truth, Legitimacy, and Legality in the Post truth,» International Journal Semiot law, vol. 2020, nº 33, pp. 1005-1017, 2020. [32]K. Amer y J. Noujaim, Dirección, The great hack. [Película]. EEUU: netflix, 2019. [33]R. Trejo, «Escepticismo democrático y medios en disputa en tiempos de la posverdad,» Revista de la asociación española de investigaci{on de la comunicación, vol. 4, nº 8, pp. 2-9, 2017. ; This paper shows, through the analysis of the literature and the most recent news, how through the use of neural algorithms and the application of strategies framed in what is called post-truth, certain political groups, mainly those who hold power in democracies with weak institutions, create a segmented reality that serves their interests and that in turn makes the task of exposing the factual facts more complicated.methodologies as long as appropriate teacher training and education processes are in place. Keywords: Post-truth, discrete reality, politics. References [1]P. Berger y T. Luckmann, Construcción social de la realidad, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 2003. [2]F. B. Morales Romero y R. R. Martínez Martínez, «La posverdad: identidades colectivas que degeneran las democracias,» Anagramas Rumbos y Sentidos de la Comunicación, vol. 19, nº 37, pp. 111-126, 2020. [3]M. Barón Pulido, Á. Duque Soto, F. Mendoza Lozano y Q.P. Wilmer, «Redes sociales y relaciones digitales, una comunicación que supera el cara a cara,» Revista Internacional de Pedagogía en Innovación educativa, vol. 1, nº 1, pp. 123-148, 2020. [4]P. Iosifidis, «The battle to end fakenews: A qualitative content analysis of Facebook announcements on how it combats disinformation,» The International Communication Gazette, vol. 82, nº 1, pp. 60-81, 2020. [5]D. Kaufman y L. Santaella, «The role of artificial intelligence algorithms in the social web,» Revista Famecos- Midia, Cultura e Tecnologia, vol. 2020, nº Unique, pp. 20-26, 2020. [6]J. Habermas, Historía y crítica de la opinión pública, Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 2002. [7]E. Noelle-Neumann, La espiral del silencio, Barcelona:Paidós, 2010. [8]D. Innerarity, Politica para perplejos, Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018. [9]I. Blanco Alfonso, «Posverdad, percepción de la realidad y opinión pública. Una aproximación desde la fenomenología, » Revista de Estudios Políticos, 187, vol. 2020, nº 187, pp. 167-186, 2020. [10]V. Bufacchi, «Truth, lies and tweets: A Consensus Theory of Post-Truth.,» Philosophy and Social Criticism, vol. 47, nº3, p. 347–361, 2021. [11]J. Ortega y Gasset, Meditaciones del Quijote, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969. [12]c. Belvedere, «El problema de la realidad en el marco de la influencia hispánica en la obra de Alfred Schutz,» Investigaciones Fenomenológicas, vol. 4, nº II, pp. 245-277, 2013. [13]A. Schutz, El problema de la realidad social, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 1995. [14]Y. Hernández Romero y R. V. Galindo Sosa, «El concepto de intersubjetividad en Alfred Schutz,» espacios Públicos, vol. 10, nº 20, pp. 228-240, 2007. [15]L. Aguilar Villanueva, «Una reconstrucción del concepto de opinión pública,» Revista Mexicana de opinión pública, vol. 12, nº 23, pp. 125-148, 2017. [16]Wikipedia, «es.wikipedia.org,» Wikipedia, 27 March 2021. [En línea]. Available: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallup_(empresa). [Último acceso: 30 March 2021]. [17]W. Lippmann, La opinión público, Madrid: Cuadernos de Langre, 2003. [18]P. Capilla, «De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de posverdad? Análisis del término en siete diarios de calidad.,» ElProfesional de la Información , vol. 28, nº 3, pp. 1-12, 2019. [19]D. Peter, «Public Sphere Participation Online: the Ambiguities of Affect,» Dans Les Enjeux de l'information et de la communication , vol. 19, nº 1, pp. 5-20, 2019. [20]I. Schulze Schneider, «Los medios de comunicación en la Gran Guerra: Todo por la Patria,» Historia y Comunicación Social, vol. 18, nº 1, pp. 15-30, 2013. [21]E. Parisier, The Filter Bubble: What The Internet Is Hiding From, New York: Penguin, 2012. [22]TED, «www.ted.com,» TED, 1 March 2011. [En línea]. Available: https://www.ted.com/talks/eli_pariser_beware_online_filter_bubbles?language=es. [Último acceso: 25 January 2021]. [23]B.-C. Han, La sociedad de la transparencia, Barcelona: Herder, 2013. [24]J. A. O. y. Romero, «Desinformación: concepto y perspectivas,» Real Instituto Elcano, vol. 2019, nº 41, pp. 1-8, 2019. [25]M. Arias Maldonado, La democracia sentimental. politica y emociones del siglo XXI, Barcelona: Página Indómita, 2016. [26]S. Tesich, «A government of lies,» The Nation, p. Online, 6 January 1992. [27]d. Innerarity y C. Colomina, «La verdad en las democracias algorítmicas,» Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, vol. 2020, nº 124, pp. 11-23, 2020. [28]E. Herreras y M. García-Granero, «Sobre verdad, mentira y posverdad. Elementos para una filosofía de la información., » Bajo Palabra, vol. 2020, nº 24, pp. 157-176, 2020. [29]C. Iriarte, «La era de la inmediatez,» Milenio, p. online, 28 February 2017. [30]J. E. García-Guerrero, «Redes sociales e interés político, » Icono 14, vol. 17, nº 2, pp. 231-253, 2018. [31]A. M. Lorusso, «Between Truth, Legitimacy, and Legality in the Post truth,» International Journal Semiot law, vol. 2020, nº 33, pp. 1005-1017, 2020. [32]K. Amer y J. Noujaim, Dirección, The great hack. [Película]. EEUU: netflix, 2019. [33]R. Trejo, «Escepticismo democrático y medios en disputa en tiempos de la posverdad,» Revista de la asociación española de investigaci{on de la comunicación, vol. 4, nº 8, pp. 2-9, 2017.

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh karakteristik Islamic corporate governance terhadap kinerja bank syariah di Indonesia dan Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan regresi data panel 28 bank syariah di Indonesia dan Malaysia periode 2013-2019, penelitian ini menemukan adanya pengaruh Islamic corporate governance (ICG) secara simultan terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Hasil estimasi dengan dan tanpa variabel kontrol menunjukkan hanya variabel tingkat pendidikan Dewan Pengawas Syariah (DPS) yang konsisten memiliki pengaruh negatif signifikan terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Dengan menambahkan variabel kontrol, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa variabel gender diversity dan frekuensi rapat DPS masing-masing berpengaruh positif dan negatif terhadap kinerja bank syariah. Hasil penelitian ini memberikan wawasan bagi regulator untuk dapat meningkatkan kinerja bank syariah melalui praktik ICG. Kata Kunci: Bank syariah, Dewan Pengawas Syariah, Indonesia, Islamic corporate governance, Kinerja bank, Malaysia. ABSTRACTThis study aims to determine the impact of Islamic corporate governance characteristics on the performance of Islamic banks in Indonesia and Malaysia. By using panel data regression of 28 Islamic banks in Indonesia and Malaysia for the 2013-2019 period, this study found the simultaneous influence of Islamic corporate governance (ICG) characteristics on the performance of Islamic banks. The results with and without control variables show that only the Sharia Supervisory Board (SSB) education level consistently has a significant negative effect on the performance of Islamic banks. By adding the control variable, the results show that the gender diversity variable and the frequency of SSB meetings have a positive and negative effect on the performance of Islamic banks, respectively. The results of this study provide insights for regulators to improve the performance of Islamic banks through ICG practices.Keywords: Bank performance, Indonesia, Islamic corporate governance, Islamic banks, Malaysia, Syariah Supervisory Board. DAFTAR PUSTAKAAgrawal, N., & Lakshmi, V. (2020). Board composition and board size impact on financial performance of the company. International Journal of Public Sector Performance Management, 6(5), 737–747. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJPSPM.2020.110142Ajili, H., & Bouri, A. (2018). Corporate governance quality of Islamic banks: measurement and effect on financial performance. International Journal of Islamic and Middle Eastern Finance and Management, 11(3), 470–487. https://doi.org/10.1108/IMEFM-05-2017-0131Alam, N., & Homy, A. (2020). The impact of corporate governance and agency effect on earnings management – A test of the dual banking system. Research in International Business and Finance, 54(April), 1–16.Al-Jaifi, H. A. (2020). 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This dissertation studies political agency, which shapes automated border control (ABC) policies and the ensuing border control practices in the European Union (EU). In the articles of which the dissertation is composed, we research the subjective orientation of parliamentarians and stakeholders involved in the decisionmaking processes on the technologization and digitalization of border control. The motivation for the research initially came from the European Commission's push to harmonize and automate border control in the Schengen area of free mobility. Essentially, the Commission has been advocating for harmonized, electronic, automated border control gates, which use sensitive biometric identifiers, such as fingerprints recorded on the electronic passport to speed up border control for the masses and allow for the border control officials to concentrate on 'high-risk' travellers. Automated border control is a part of a wider trend where societal surveillance has shifted from a physical process at the border to a complex information technology driven data governance and surveillance apparatus. The EU is a prime example of an actor pushing for an assessment of the 'risks' travellers pose before they travel utilizing a large amount of passenger data. Large registers of people's personal information, ranging from dietary restrictions to iris scans are now used and shared to determine the risks, and for several reasons, this warrants critical scrutiny. For instance, it is tempting for multi-function institutions such as governments to subsequently use data of registers for purposes other than those for what it was collected. In the EU it is now envisioned that e.g. national law enforcement agencies would have access to border control data to solve crimes classified as serious and to combat terrorism. The potential 'function creeps' may become dangerous, e.g. for any kinds of minorities, political opponents of governments etc. since societal conditions change over time but the data remains on record. The aim of the first two articles of the dissertation is to understand what kind of automated border control devices and practices are politically acceptable to the participants acting as decision-makers and experts in EU Member States. We study Finnish decision-makers' subjective orientation in our first iteration and compare those of four EU Member States in the second one. This is a novel line of enquiry given the lack so far of studies at the level of Member States. Existing literature has overall been quite theoretical and not empirically, especially experimentally rich. The novelty value is also tied to the fact that these policies and technologies are somewhat new and have thus not yet been studied in detail from the societal and political point of view. In the third article, we also establish another new avenue of research: we research how people with disabilities should be taken into account when designing technologically reinforced border control systems in the EU. Furthermore – as a leap towards the more abstract and broader issue of how International Relations (IR) should research subjective agency – the fourth article argues for the potential in combining a recent IR venture in ontology, namely Alexander Wendt's (2015) quantum social ontology with the main methodology applied in the thesis, Q methodology. The thesis is empirically driven, and the first three articles report the results of our empirical work carried out with Q methodology, a questionnaire and interviews. The work is critical of 'armchair research', which the research concerning (European) border control often is, although it recognizes the important ethical arguments of IR's critical security studies. The interest in empirical work is reiterated in the fourth article, which presents ideas on how to operationalise Wendt's ontological notions with the help of Q methodology in (future) empirical social scientific work. The heuristic background of the dissertation is in 'practice-oriented' IR. This includes commitments to pragmatism and practice theory, but also criticism of those theory traditions, since research making use of them paradoxically does not often progress beyond the level of theoretical constructs and theoretical feuds within IR. The dissertation finds three distinct factors or view types on ABC in both the first and second articles. The latter are more significant, since the first article is a 'pilot iteration' for Finnish participants, while the second compares political views in Finland, Romania, Spain and the United Kingdom. Article II finds that the views on ABC are tied to the political affiliation rather than e.g. the nationality of the participants. Participants espousing the first view were politically oriented to the (centre) left and were worried about the potential erosion of civil liberties, the lack of due process and the disadvantages of technocracy in the context of ABC. Participants supporting the second view came from (centre) right political parties and welcomed technologically enforced border control with its risk profiling approach as an increase in security and efficacy. The third view was supported by Eurosceptic (far) right parties and used the core strategies of populist argumentation. Its supporters were concerned about increasing immigration and demanded that border control be organized nationally. The third article finds that a universal design concept in (ABC) technology development should be adopted both from the standpoint of equal rights and usability, and thus also the efficacy of the technology. It also finds that accessibility of people with disabilities is feasible from the technological, economic and operational points of view, especially if this accessibility requirement is made in the tenders of ABC technology and vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities are involved in the design processes. Finally, the fourth research article finds that there is ample potential for combining Q methodology and the quantum social ontology in future work on subjective agency in IR, which is regrettably an understudied area of IR, as the concepts 'international' and 'politics' would not exist without human agency. The compatibility of the methodology and the views on ontology – whether the quantum view is indeed taken as an ontology, an analogy or a heuristic – stems from their shared principles as regards measuring states of mind and states of matter, their rejection of rational choice and their belief in creative potential in agency. ; Tämä kokoomaväitöskirja tutkii poliittista toimijuutta, joka muovaa automatisoituun rajatarkastukseen liittyvää politiikkaa ja siitä seuraavia poliittisia käytäntöjä Euroopan unionissa (EU). Väitöskirja koostuu artikkeleista, joissa tutkimme kansanedustajien ja valiokuntatyössä kuultujen asiantuntijoiden subjektiivista suhtautumista rajavalvonnan teknologisointiin ja digitalisointiin. Euroopan komissio on ajanut rajavalvonnan automatisointia ja yhdenmukaistamista vapaan liikkuvuuden Schengen-alueella, mikä motivoi tutkimaan aihetta. Komissio argumentoi yhdenmukaisten, sähköisten, automaattisten rajanvalvontajärjestelmien puolesta. Näissä järjestelmissä käytetään arkaluonteisia biometrisiä tunnisteita, kuten sormenjälkiä, jotka on tallennettu sähköisen passin siruun. Niiden tarkoituksena on nopeuttaa suurten matkustajamäärien rajatarkastusta ja samalla keskittää rajavalvojien huomio "vaarallisiin" matkustajiin. Automaattinen rajavalvonta on osa suurempaa yhteiskunnallista kehityskulkua, jossa valvonta muuttuu fyysisestä prosessista yhä monimutkaisemmaksi tietoteknologian avulla toimivaksi, henkilötietoja suuressa määrin hyödyntäväksi valvontakoneistoksi. EU:n rajavalvonta ilmentää hyvin tällaista toimintatapaa: se pyrkii arvioimaan matkustajien mahdollista vaarallisuutta ennen kuin he matkustavat keräämällä ja analysoimalla suuria määriä matkustajien henkilökohtaisia tietoja. Riskiarvioita johdetaan tietorekistereistä, joihin on tallennettu tietoja ruokavalioista iiriskuviin. Tätä tarvitsee tarkastella kriittisesti – monen alan toimijoita, kuten valtioita, saattaa esimerkiksi myöhemmin houkuttaa käyttää tietoja muuhun tarkoitukseen, kuin mihin ne on alun perin kerätty. EU:ssa kaavaillaan parhaillaan, että esimerkiksi kansalliset poliisivoimat saisivat pääsyn rajanylityksen sormenjälkitietokantoihin ratkaistakseen vakaviksi määriteltyjä rikoksia ja torjuakseen terrorismia. Kun tietojen käyttöä laajennetaan tällä tavalla, se voi koitua vaaraksi esimerkiksi vähemmistöille tai valtaapitävien vastustajille, sillä yhteiskuntien olosuhteet muuttuvat, mutta henkilötiedot pysyvät rekistereissä. Väitöskirjan kaksi ensimmäistä artikkelia selvittävät, millaisia rajavalvontaautomaattien ja rajavalvonnan toimintatapojen tulisi olla, jotta ne nauttisivat poliittista kannatusta. Tutkimme ensimmäisessä artikkelissa suomalaisten poliitikkojen ja valiokuntatyöskentelyssä kuultujen asiantuntijoiden näkemyksiä aiheesta. Toisessa vertailemme neljän EU-maan vastaavien toimijoiden näkemyksiä. Aihetta ei ole tutkittu aiemmin jäsenvaltioiden näkökulmasta. Aiempi tutkimus on myös usein jäänyt melko teoreettiseksi, ja siksi tutkimme käytäntöjä empiirisesti ja kokeellisesti. Väitöskirjan uutuusarvoa lisää se, että tämä politiikanala ja politiikkaa toimeenpanevat teknologiat ovat jokseenkin uusia eikä niitä ole vielä tutkittu kattavasti yhteiskunnallisesta ja poliittisesta näkökulmasta. Kolmannessa artikkelissa luodaan niin ikään uutta tietoa: tutkimme sitä, millaisin tavoin vammaiset henkilöt pitäisi ottaa huomioon, kun teknologisia rajanvalvontajärjestelmiä kehitetään EU:ssa. Neljännessä artikkelissa taas käsitellään laajempaa ja abstraktimpaa kysymystä siitä, miten kansainvälisen politiikan tieteenalalla tulisi tutkia (poliittista) subjektiivista toimijuutta ylipäätään. Siinä yhdistetään tuore kansainvälisen politiikan ontologiahanke, Alexander Wendtin (2015) kvanttilainen todellisuuskäsitys ja väitöskirjan muissa artikkeleissa käytetty tutkimusmenetelmä, Q-metodologia. Väitöskirja painottuu empiiriseen, kokeelliseen tutkimukseen. Sen kolme ensimmäistä artikkelia raportoivat Q-metodologialla, kyselytutkimuksella ja haastatteluilla keräämämme aineiston analyysiä. Työssä suhtaudutaan kriittisesti "nojatuolitutkimukseen", jota (EU:n) rajavalvonnan tutkimus usein on. Silti siinä tunnustetaan aiemman kriittisen turvallisuustutkimuksen tärkeät eettiset argumentit ja teoreettiset löydökset. Kiinnostus empiiriseen tutkimukseen toistuu myös neljännessä artikkelissa, joka esittää ajatuksia siitä, miten Wendtin ontologisia käsitteitä voitaisiin tuoda empiirisen tutkimuksen tasolle Q-metodologian avulla tulevaisuuden yhteiskuntatieteellisessä tutkimuksessa. Väitöskirjan heuristinen tausta-ajatus on käytäntöihin suuntautuvassa kansainvälisen politiikan tutkimuksessa. Tähän sisältyy sitoumuksia tiedontuotantoon kansainvälisen politiikan pragmatismin ja käytäntöteorian tavoin. Työssä kuitenkin myös kritisoidaan näitä tutkimusperinteitä, sillä niitä hyödyntävä tutkimus jää paradoksaalisesti usein käytäntöjen teorisoimisen ja kansainvälisen politiikan sisäisten teoriakamppailujen tasolle pääsemättä varsinaiseen käytäntöjen tutkimukseen. Tutkimuksen tuloksina kahdessa ensimmäisessä artikkelissa ovat kolme erilaista katsantokantaa siitä, miten automaattista rajavalvontaa tulisi kehittää. Jälkimmäisen artikkelin tulokset ovat merkittävämpiä, sillä ensimmäinen on esitutkimus suomalaisille osallistujille, kun taas toinen vertailee poliittisia näkökantoja Espanjassa, Iso-Britanniassa, Romaniassa ja Suomessa. Toisen artikkelin loksista ilmenee, että poliittisten toimijoiden mielipiteet ovat riippuvaisia heidän puoluepoliittisesta katsomuksestaan eivätkä esimerkiksi kansallisuudesta. Ensimmäisen näkökannan (keskusta-)vasemmistolaisia kannattajia huolestuttivat mahdollinen kansalaisten perusoikeuksien loukkaaminen, oikeusturvan rikkominen ja teknokraattisten toimintatapojen haitat rajavalvonnassa. Toista näkökulmaa puolustivat (keskusta-)oikeistolaiset poliitikot, joiden mielestä teknologialla toimeenpantu rajavalvonta riskiprofilointeineen parantaa turvallisuutta ja rajavalvonnan tehokkuutta. Kolmatta näkemystä kannattivat euroskeptiset (ääri-)oikeistolaiset poliitikot. Näkemys perustuu populistisille argumentaatiotavoille, ja sen kannattajat olivat huolissaan maahanmuuton lisääntymisestä ja vaativat, että rajavalvonta-asiat järjestettäisiin kansallisella tasolla. Kolmannen artikkelin tulokset puhuvat esteettömän suunnittelun puolesta rajavalvontateknologian kehittämisessä. Esteetön suunnittelutapa parantaisi matkustajien tasavertaisuutta ja samalla myös järjestelmien helppokäyttöisyyttä ja tehokkuutta. Esteettömyys olisi helposti toteutettavissa teknologiselta ja taloudelliselta kannalta. Artikkeli suosittaa, että vammaisten matkustajien esteetöntä pääsyä automaattiseen rajatarkastukseen tulisi vaatia, kun teknologiaa tilataan, ja haavoittuvaiset ryhmät, kuten vammaiset henkilöt, tulisi ottaa osaksi suunnitteluprosessia. Neljännen artikkelin tulokset osoittavat, että Q-metodologian ja kvanttilaisen todellisuuskäsityksen yhdistäminen hyödyttäisi kansainvälisen politiikan subjektiivisen toimijuuden tutkimusta. Tällaista tutkimusta on tehty valitettavan vähän kansainvälisen politiikan alalla, vaikka käsitteitä "kansainvälinen" ja "politiikka" ei olisi olemassa ilman ihmisen toimijuutta. Metodologian ja kvanttiontologian yhteensopivuus – käytettiin sitä sitten todella todellisuuskäsityksenä, analogiana tai heuristiikkana – juontaa juurensa niiden yhtenevistä periaatteista koskien esimerkiksi mielen ja materian tilojen mittaamista ja siitä, että ne hylkäävät rationaalisen valinnan teorian ja uskovat toimijuuden luovuuteen.