Suchergebnisse

The "perennial problem of recruitment" of women candidates for public office is examined in this chapter. The author argues for increased attention to the relationship between involvement in electoral politics, & involvement in social & political organizations. Three types of political recruitment are developed & compared with the literature on women's participation in social movements & civic organizations. This comparison suggests that research should re-conceptualize recruitment as an ongoing process. Further analysis examines the role of identity politics, opportunity structures & the social construction of reality, & gender norms on the recruitment of women into politics. The author concludes that research has only portrayed a partial picture of women's political recruitment, & proposes four research strategies that would recognize the multidimensional role of women in politics. J. Harwell

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

Examines the role of the media in the global era of international politics & its impact on international relations from two directions: (1) the limitations of current international understanding of the mass media & (2) empirical research findings on the role of the media from two events in 1991 -- the Gulf War & the Kurdish refugee crises. This approach is then applied to the 1999 conflict in Kosovo to point out issues of war & peace in the new circumstances of state relations. Five main issues are considered to overcome the limitations of the literature on the media in the Gulf War: (1) Domestic & interstate politics within global politics are increasing connections; (2) Global politics are mediated in a somewhat common framework; (3) Global media spaces are contested by many social actors & by journalists of differing ideologies; (4) Media is a location of civil society on both national & global levels; & (5) The dynamics of film, commentary & text generate political impact. Media coverage was instrumental in gaining Western intervention in the Kurdish revolt after the Gulf War & in speeding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization liberation of Kosovar refugees. L. A. Hoffman

It is argued that changes in the definitions & manifestations of masculinity in contemporary gender relations must be analyzed from a global perspective to understand transnational business & political relations. A survey of the management literature, business journalism, & corporate self-promotion materials reveals the perpetuation of a hegemonic form of masculinity in the current world order, called here a "transnational business masculinity," that continues to dominate international trade, investment, & communication relations. Contributions of this masculinity to global masculinity politics are described. The potential for small-scale movements at the national, regional, & local levels to create international linkages designed to analyze & challenge this masculine-dominated world order & implement a greater plurality of gender forms in business & politics is deemed promising. 20 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Das Verhältnis Medien und Politik wird unter dem Aspekt der Interaktion von Politikern, Journalisten und Öffentlichkeitsarbeitern diskutiert. Um einen Überblick über den Stand der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema zu erhalten, wird die einschlägige Literatur vorgestellt. Die systematische Bestandsaufnahme basiert auf einem differenzierten Politikbegriff, mit dem der politische Stellenwert von Medien auf drei Dimensionen bestimmt werden kann: (1) die polity-Ebene, d.h. die institutionelle Verankerung von Medien (u.a. Meinungs- und Informationsfreiheit), (2) die politics-Ebene, u.a. die Rolle der Medien im politischen Kräfteverhältnis (u.a. Parteien, Medien und Wahlkampf) und (3) die policy-Ebene. Die dritte Dimension wird an Einzelfallstudien wie der politischen Kommunikation in den USA und einer Expertenbefragung ("Hamburg-Studie") von Politikern, Journalisten und Öffentlichkeitsarbeitern beschrieben.(BM)

Die kommunistische Kaderpartei versuchte die Literaten zu einer kollektiven Künstleragentur zu formen, welche den Anforderungen des sozialistischen Realismus zu genügen und als Parteisoldaten im Klassenkampf ihren Kampfauftrag zu erfüllen hatte. Alle Prozesse freier Selbstorganisation werden von der Parteiführung als Disziplinbruch stigmatisiert. Unter Berufung auf ihre künstlerische Identität als Literaturproduzenten sollen die Literaten auch als Parteisoldaten kämpfen, dabei sollten die Mitglieder der deutschsprachigen Sektion des sowjetischen Schriftstellerverbandes im Exil als Virtuosen des sozialistischen Realismus ihren Klassenkampfauftrag wahrnehmen. In Anlehnung an Max Webers Theorie der Virtuosengemeinschaft von religiös Qualifizierten kann die leninistische Kaderpartei als eine Virtuosengemeinschaft gekennzeichnet werden. Die stalinistische Anstaltskirche formt den "Anstaltsgehorsam" (Weber) über Inquisitionstribunale. Die stalinistischen Säuberungswellen erfassen auch die Exilschriftsteller. Nach festen Inszenierungsregeln sind Läuterungs- und Säuberungsprozeduren dokumentiert. (ICB2)

Assesses the state of the scholarship on gender & politics, focusing on US elite & mass political behavior & public opinion, arguing that the field stands at a turning point given the conceptualizations, methodological tools, cumulative knowledge, & sets of questions to address, along with the theory & method of other fields. Key issues of conceptual development & method are considered: studying categories in an individualistic discipline, linking life spaces, & building truly comparative analyses. Central to this is a discussion on the definition of gender. Following a look at institutional analysis & the gaps such inquiry leaves, attention turns to the questions, approaches, & evidence in the literature on social movements, public opinion, participation, candidates, & policymakers. Expectations for gender scholars in political science are delineated. J. Zendejas

Considers several explanations of racial & ethnic phenomena in current debates in the literature on race & racism in social theory, & analyzes some of the emergent issues in the field. The study of race & racism is traced to the work of US sociologists in the 1920s & 1930s, post-WWII study of migrant labor & colonialism in the UK & Western Europe, & 1960s study of race relations in the UK, where Michael Banton's race relations problematic (1991 [see abstract 91X8195]) became the dominant approach. Critiques of this problematic, primarily from a Marxist perspective, emerged in the 1980s to unseat Banton's framework as the dominant approach. Debates over the politics of race & racialization in the 1980s have been accompanied in the 1990s by the study of cultural forms of ethnicity in urban areas & greater attention to the multiple forms of racial ideologies. The current period is witness to a variety of theoretical paradigms, none of which are nearer to resolving the many theoretical problems that have characterized this literature for some time. A key issue in this regard is developing a way to establish the epistemological validity & causal power of racialization & race formation without endorsing everyday ideological discourses of race. D. M. Smith

Class structures have undergone important changes in recent decades with the rise of postindustrial societies. Terry Nichols Clark & Seymour Martin Lipset (1991) have interpreted these changes as evidence that class is fragmenting & losing its importance. Here, their analysis is rejected, arguing that the birth of new sources of inequality does not imply the death of old ones. Empirical evidence on the relationship between class & earnings in the US in late 1991 demonstrates that class-based stratification continues to be a central factor in social stratification. Clark & Lipset also argue that class affects politics, the family, & the economy less than it used to. It is contended that their position is based on a selective reading of the empirical literature. The countervailing evidence is discussed, & it is concluded that class effects persist. 1 Table, 108 References. Adapted from the source document

Class structures have undergone important changes in recent decades with the rise of postindustrial societies. Terry Nichols Clark & Seymour Martin Lipset (1991) have interpreted these changes as evidence that class is fragmenting & losing its importance. Here, their analysis is rejected, arguing that the birth of new sources of inequality does not imply the death of old ones. Empirical evidence on the relationship between class & earnings in the US in late 1991 demonstrates that class-based stratification continues to be a central factor in social stratification. Clark & Lipset also argue that class affects politics, the family, & the economy less than it used to. It is contended that their position is based on a selective reading of the empirical literature. The countervailing evidence is discussed, & it is concluded that class effects persist. 1 Table, 108 References. Adapted from the source document

Examines the emergence of Hong Kong's new rich class & explores its political, economic, social, & international implications, drawing on the literature. This new group, including members of the capitalist & middle classes who have emerged from the process of industrialization since the 1960s, is categorized into four types: local bourgeoisie, local middle-class liberals, local middle-class nationalists, & mainland Chinese bourgeoisie. Politically, the rise of the new rich has contributed to the emergence of pluralism in Hong Kong. However, because Hong Kong is increasingly tied economically to the People's Republic of China, its politics in the future will likely be shaped by China's political & economic circumstances. The social liberalization brought about by the middle class is also likely to be tempered by China's authoritarian political system. However, China's influence over postcolonial Hong Kong may be kept in check by international concern over Hong Kong's future. D. M. Smith

Reviews the nature of Thailand's economic development, focusing on social forces in emerging the middle class, & assesses the political implications of these new forces. Reviewing government reports & the literature shows that a main consequence of Thailand's drive to become a newly industrializing country has been the rise of a middle class as a significant consumer group & crucial element of capitalism's workforce. Its strategic position in the economy has provided the middle class some autonomy from the capitalist class, which is being used to propose political reforms; environmental & consumer groups have contributed to these efforts. In 1992, this coalition of groups came together to overthrow the military-led government. However, it is noted that recent pressures for a kind of pork-barrel politics indicate that the middle class may not be in a position to institute major parliamentary reforms. 10 Tables. D. M. Smith

Presents a conception of dialogue on complicity & coherence in intra- & intercultural communication that examines the politics of pedagogy & intellectual inquiry, drawing on a literature review. Various theories of dialogue exist, most stressing the necessity of reflexive engagement between equals. In this model of dialogue, interlocutors are imagined as stressing commonality, caring, & compassion toward each other. This dialogic notion is contrasted to the dominant form of argumentation in Western cultures, which insists on a subject-object dichotomy & argumentative essentialism. Rather than arguing for a position, interlocutors in the dialogic perspective actively "nonargue" by narrating their positions. Positions are arrived at not through a process of debate, but one of gradual coherence in which not only final beliefs, but the techniques used to acquire those beliefs, remain open to inquiry. It is suggested that this dialogic model of coherence opens the possibility for a dynamic emancipatory approach to intercultural communication. D. M. Smith

Demonstrates that, as it has been implemented by international development agencies, the women in development (WID) regime, with its origins in modernist colonial discourses & discourses of the market, disempowers Third World women. Drawing on relevant literature, colonial discourses are described as privileging the economy, culture, society, & politics of European peoples & homogenizing & essentializing Third World peoples, particularly women. Moreover, the discourses of the market are taken to stress individualism & voluntary choice in a manner that disempowers Third World nations in the international political economy. It is shown that these discourses have been at the root of the WID regime as it has been implemented by the World Bank. The Third World women's, or empowerment, perspective is advocated as an alternative basis for development, because it is rooted in the concrete experiences of women & grassroots strategies of organization that do not essentialize or disempower the people it is trying to assist. D. M. Smith