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Through his numerous works on the philosophy of aesthetics, literature and writing Jacques Rancière has crafted a body of work based on the premise of equality as recognized through aesthetics. In the introduction to the English translation of Rancière's The Politics of Aesthetics, author Gabriel Rockhill writes Rancière supports abolishing "any presupposed inequalities of intelligence". Rancière argues against any "privileged position usurped by philosophy in its various attempts to speak for others, be it the proletariat, the poor, or anyone else who is not 'destined to think'" Rancière's political positioning of aesthetics finds "those who have no name, who remain invisible and inaudible, can only penetrate the police order [politics] via a mode of subjectivization that transforms the aesthetic coordinators of the community by implementing the universal presupposition of politics: we are all equal". I suggest Rancière's theories on the politics of aesthetics, literature and writing are present in letters written by 19th century Romantic poet John Keats.

This article examines dub poetry as an artistic form located along several borderlines, both spatial and cultural. Formulated by poets of African descent, the creative language of dub poets was often conceptualized through the framework of identity politics and an anti-colonial approach. Yet from the 1980s, dub poetry became institutionalized simultaneously within the pop culture industry and in "respectable" venues such as academic research, a process that calls its initial political orientation into question. In light of its differentiated formations, audiences, mediating devices, and forms of reception, however, we might view and evaluate dub poetry not exclusively through the prism of political speech, but also as a cultural form. Based on texts, recordings and performance analysis this article is a call to acknowledge dub poetry, and artistic expression in general, as the result of aesthetic decisions rather than exclusively moral ones. Ieškant kūrybinės išraiškos: rasės, politikos ir literatūros dialektika Karibų dub žanro poezijoje Santrauka.Straipsnyje tyrinėjama dub žanro poezija kaip meninė forma, vyraujanti ties kai kuriais paribiais – tiek erdviniais, tiek kultūriniais. Formuluota Afrikos nuosmukio laikotarpio poetų, kūrybinė dub žanro poetų kalba politikos ir antikolonijiniu požiūriais dažnai buvo konceptualizuojama ieškant tapatumo. Nuo XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio dub poezija tapo institucionalizuota tiek popkultūros industrijoje, tiek "gerbiamose" srityse, tokiose kaip akademiniai tyrimai – tai procesas, kvestionuojantis savąją vidinę politinę orientaciją. Šio proceso diferencijuotų formacijų, auditorijų, medijuojančių priemonių ir priėmimo formų fone vis dėlto galima į dub poeziją žvelgti ir ją vertinti ne išimtinai per politinės kalbos prizmę, bet ir kaip kultūrinę formą. Pagrįstas tekstų, įrašų ir performansų analize, šis straipsnis – tai kvietimas pripažinti dub poeziją ir meninę išraišką apskritai ne tiek kaip išskirtinai moralinių, kiek estetinių sprendimų rezultatą. Reikšminiai žodžiai: ...

This paper attempts to analyze characterization patterns of male characters in female writing. The aim of this study is to explore the construction of female gender subjectivity while representing male characters in their novels. It has generally been considered that gender politics plays a very significant role in depicting male and female characterization in literature. Female authors engage themselves in over exaltation of female characters and display liking towards them by foregrounding the strengths of their female characters over their weaknesses; and reveal degeneration of male counterparts. Similarly male authors are inherently inclined towards male characters and reflect patriarchy in their works. It has also been analyzed that genuine representation of men by women writers and women by men writers, is not possible; there is always writer's gender subjectivity involved in the representation of characters. Gender identity and gendered representation are the focal concerns in this analysis and I have selected Anne Bronte's novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall for my gender analysis.This research concludes that gender – apart from biological sex – plays a vital role in determining male and female characterization in literature. Female gender characteristics permeate in the portrayal of male character, language and psychology. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n11p734

Los estudiosos de la obra de Mario Vargas Llosa se han ocupado, normalmente, de analizar su obra de creación, ya sea sus novelas, cuentos y obras de teatro, atendiendo, obviamente, a su novelística. Sin embargo, no suelen abordar su producción de no ficción, es decir, sus ensayos, discursos, memorias, artículos y reportajes. La lectura de estos textos es de mucha utilidad para conocer su pensamiento, sus ideas sobre la literatura, la política, el arte, la cultura y su posición como intelectual frente a la sociedad contemporánea, entre otros temas.

This article explores the political thought of C. F. G. Masterman (1873–1927), a leading figure in the movement of New Liberalism in Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. The article emphasizes the distinctive color his Christian beliefs and Anglican loyalties lent to his progressive Liberal ideals; this adds a new dimension to the existing historiography of the New Liberalism, which, until recently, has neglected the religious influences on its development. The article further underlines Masterman's concern to harness the cause of religious freedom and the disestablishment of the Church of England to social reform; he did so through reviving the older Gladstonian alliance between Liberalism and Nonconformity. It argues that his religiosity—focused on the Church of England—was central to his thought, and was frequently expressed in the language of prophecy he imbibed from Thomas Carlyle and other nineteenth-century seers.

Born in the Black Forest to Andalusian parents, the poet José F. A. Oliver has developed in recent decades a complex oeuvre in which multiple languages (German, Spanish, Alemannic and Andalusian) and plural kinships play a chief role. The present paper analyses the prose works of José F. A. Oliver as a fragmentary "language memoir" (Kaplan/Kramsch) while at the same time trying to reconstruct his nomadic identity between and across regions and languages. Special attention will be paid to José F. A. Oliver's use of the metaphors of multiple mothers and the two-storey house when referring to his own multilingual upbringing and literary habitus. In stark contrast to conceptual models of monolingualism which posit the mother tongue as the unique and irreplaceable buttress of national loyalties and literary creativity, José F. A. Oliver's work pleads for an alternative affective relationship to a multiplicity of mother tongues (in plural). In so doing, the present paper underscores the political dimension of José F. A. Oliver's metaphors for multilingualism. His alternative vision allowing the peaceful coexistence of multiple affective loci expressed in very different mother tongues questions the rigid exclusivity of German citizenship politics while simultaneously bringing to light the emancipatory and democratic potential of transregional and multilingual (e.g. Black Forest – Andalusia / Alemannic – Andalusian) identities beyond a national monolingual rationale.

Don Juan Manuel composed his main works (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) in the period of time when he was at war with his King Alfonso XI, and therefore his political and military activity was more intense. Many critics have pointed out this inconsistency between urgent political matters and the time he could dedicate to literature, aside with the presumably inconsistency traditional criticism finds between the high moral values enshrined in his writings, and the unescrupulous character of his public behavior. Analyzing a personal letter addressed to King Alfonso VI of Aragon, as well as certain passages of his Libro de las tres razones, and some enxemplos from El conde Lucanor,we can conclude that there must be an intimate relationship between political practices and discursive strategies, relationship that allows us to understand the assumed inconsistencies of this autor both as a writer and as a top political figure in the 14th century Castile. ; Don Juan Manuel compuso sus obras más importantes (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) en el período en que estuvo en guerra con su rey Alfonso XI y, por tanto, su actividad política y militar fue más intensa. Muchos críticos han señalado esta incongruencia entre las urgencias de la política y el tiempo dedicado a la literatura, a lo que se une –al menos en la crítica tradicional- el señalamiento de la inconsecuencia que habría entre los altos valores morales que exalta en sus obras y lo inescrupuloso de su conducta pública. Mediante el análisis de una carta personal dirigida al rey Alfonso IV de Aragón, de varios pasajes de su Libro de las tres razones y de algunos enxemplos de El conde Lucanor, se concluye que habría una íntima relación entre las prácticas políticas y las estrategias discursivas que permiten entender las supuestas incongruencias del autor en tanto que escritor y en tanto que figura política de primer rango en la Castilla del siglo XIV.

Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of "tyranny" is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an "absolute dictator."However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov's work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the "distribution of the sensible" (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new "politics of literature" (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls "a magic democracy" and considers to be a "critical art" whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including "in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become" (J. Rancière). ; Écrite d'abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l'œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d'origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l'achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. ...

Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), American writer of Russian origin, was the author of fiction written first in Russian and then in American English. His work has been a constant source of fascination for his readers, but their interpretation has been limited by its reception. Upon the publication of Lolita (1955), Nabokov is seen as a precursor of American postmodernism. His writings are interpreted as the climax of the modernist quest for artistic autonomy and a triumph of autotelic creation, and a poetic of "tyranny" is identified in his work, with the author reigning supreme as an "absolute dictator."However, Nabokov had never ceased to be preoccupied with two political issues in 20th century History, which he continuously denounced in his writings: the issue of the submission of art to any kind of ideology and that of tyranny illustrated by the Nazi and Soviet political regimes. From the very beginning of his career, in his Russian texts and later in his American texts, Nabokov's work examines the consequences of the Bolshevik Revolution, seen as the historical event that changes the "distribution of the sensible" (J. Rancière) in the 20th century. The autotelic nature of his work, whose features should be defined in opposition to aesthetic forms that celebrate the commitment of art, actually indicates that Nabokov defines a new "politics of literature" (J. Rancière) based on emancipation, which Nabokov calls "a magic democracy" and considers to be a "critical art" whose aesthetic effect is predicated on its distance, thus including "in the form of the work the confrontation between what the world is and what the world may become" (J. Rancière). ; Écrite d'abord en russe puis en anglo-américain, l'œuvre romanesque de Vladimir Nabokov (1899-1977), écrivain américain d'origine russe, fascine ses lecteurs, mais leur participation à l'achèvement de cette œuvre artistique a été singulièrement restreinte par sa réception. La publication de Lolita (1955) le transforme en précurseur du postmodernisme américain. Aboutissement de la quête moderne de l'autonomie de l'art et triomphe de l'autotélisme artistique, sa création se trouve alors interprétée en poétique « tyrannique » sur laquelle règne l'auteur en « dictateur absolu ». Vladimir Nabokov, pourtant, n'a cessé d'identifier dans l'Histoire et de combattre dans son œuvre deux questions politiques du vingtième siècle : celle de la soumission de l'art à l'idéologie (quelle qu'en soit le nom) et celle de la tyrannie (actualisée par les régimes politiques nazi et soviétique). Dès l'origine, sa création de langue russe, puis anglo-américaine, est synchronisée avec les conséquences, tant en Russie qu'en Occident, de la Révolution bolchevique, l'événement historique qui change le « partage du sensible » (Jacques Rancière) vingtiémiste. La nature autotélique de sa création, dont les caractéristiques sont à redéfinir en opposition aux formes artistiques prônant l'engagement de l'art, indique en réalité que Nabokov propose une nouvelle « politique de la littérature » (Jacques Rancière) de l'émancipation qu'il a lui-même appelée du nom de « démocratie magique » et fait d'elle un « art critique » dont l'effet politique passe par sa distance esthétique, incluant « dans la forme de l'œuvre la confrontation de ce que le monde est avec ce que le monde pourrait être » (Jacques Rancière).

Sostiene Pereira, la gran novela de Antonio Tabucchi, desarrolla uno de los personajes más memorables de la literatura contemporánea. Pereira, el periodista, paradójicamente se mueve entre la candidez y el total extrañamiento con su tiempo, y si bien es apenas casi un espectador de su mundo, sí es protagonista de un proceso que lo lleva en un viaje paulatino, en una especie de despertar hacia un nuevo "yo hegemónico", que lo libera de la pura literatura para condenarlo al compromiso con su mundo, con el futuro, con la política. Este artículo pretende hacer un enlace entre estas y otras cuestiones presentes en esta extraordinaria novela.

À partir d'une revue de littérature extensive des travaux portant sur la professionnalisation politique en France, cet article précise les différentes manières dont ce terme a été mobilisé au cours des dernières décennies. Il montre que, outre la définition classique empruntée à Max Weber, trois autres sens sont souvent présents dans les textes qui l'évoquent, au moins implicitement. Le « professionnel de la politique » peut être défini en fonction de la longévité passée dans le champ politique, en fonction du parcours professionnel effectué, ou en fonction de savoirs (faire et être) dont il dispose. Le texte évoque ensuite les principaux enjeux théoriques et conceptuels auxquels les chercheurs intéressés au phénomène sont aujourd'hui confrontés, qu'il s'agisse des questions de définition et de mesure du phénomène, ou de la réinscription de cette problématique dans un cadre plus général de sciences sociales. En filigrane, l'article donne à voir certaines des principales transformations qui ont affecté le champ politique en France au cours des dernières décennies.

The main hypothesis of this study is that the works of Maurice Blanchot (collections of critical essays, novels as short stories) are part of a metapolitical projet pervaded by the question of sovereignty. And it is that precisely this inquiry that supplies the juncture point beteween Blanchot's public interventions and his literary texts. The crucial part played in this work by the Revolution and the Law, as well as the allegorical anchoring of his texts in the historical conditions that preside to their production, are elements that exceed the neo-modernist ideology. On the other hand, Blanchot's is a pivotal work that announces a turning point that equally affects the juridical mediation of power, focalized on the person of the Sovereign, and the idea of the aesthetic state that postulates an essential connection between the artistic creation and the constitution of the community. Blanchot's case is a token of a renewal in the conditions of representation, and this may be the reason why his work is a milestone for the contemporary thought that brings forth a post-sovereign paradigm. With regard to the body of work analyzed, we made the choice to study the texts less read by the critiques. Consequently, rather than focusing on the well known critical books, we investigated what seems to be the veiled section of Blanchot's undertaking : the texts of the 1930's, for a large part never reprinted since their apparition ; the literary columns published in Journal de débars between 1940 and 1944 ; the political and cultural articles subsequent of the political turn that takes place in 1958 ; and finally, the first dystopical stories, « Le dernier mot' and « L'Idylle », as well as the novel Le Très-Haut. ; L'hypothèse principale qui sous-tend cette recherche est que les œuvres de Maurice Blanchot (recueils critiques, romans et récits) s'inscrivent dans un projet métapolitique dont le fil rouge est la problématique de la souveraineté. C'est celle-ci qui fournit le point d'articulation entre les interventions publiques et les textes littéraires de Blanchot. Le rôle central dévolu par cet auteur à la Révolution et à la Loi, ainsi que l'encrage allégorique de ses textes dans les conditions historiques qui président à leur émergence sont des éléments qui permettent de les soustraire à l'idéologie néo-moderniste. D'autre part, on a voulu montrer qu'il s'agit d'une œuvre charnière, à partir de laquelle peut être investigué un double tournant. Celui-ci affecte à la fois la médiation juridique du pouvoir, axée sur la figure du souverain, et la doctrine de l'Etat esthétique fondée sur la relation entre la production de l'art et la constitution du peuple. L'exemple de Blanchot permet d'envisager un renouvellement des conditions représentationnelles, et c'est sans doute pour cette raison que cet auteur est devenu une référence inaugurale pour les pensées contemporaines qui se proposent de dépasser l'horizon juridico-politique de la souveraineté. En ce qui concerne le corpus analysé, le parti-pris de cette thèse est de privilégier des textes moins discutés par l'exégèse blanchotienne. Ainsi, plutôt que de relire les grands recueils critiques, il s'est agi d'analyser de manière détaillée le volet en quelque sorte caché du dispositif mis en place par Blanchot: les articles des années 1930, qui n'ont pas été, pour la plupart, réédités ; les chroniques publiées dans le Journal des débats, entre 1941 et 1944 ; les interventions politiques et culturelles postérieures à 1958 ; sur le plan de la fiction, les premiers récits dystopiques, « Le dernier mot » et « L'Idylle », ainsi que le roman Le Très-Haut.

The main hypothesis of this study is that the works of Maurice Blanchot (collections of critical essays, novels as short stories) are part of a metapolitical projet pervaded by the question of sovereignty. And it is that precisely this inquiry that supplies the juncture point beteween Blanchot's public interventions and his literary texts. The crucial part played in this work by the Revolution and the Law, as well as the allegorical anchoring of his texts in the historical conditions that preside to their production, are elements that exceed the neo-modernist ideology. On the other hand, Blanchot's is a pivotal work that announces a turning point that equally affects the juridical mediation of power, focalized on the person of the Sovereign, and the idea of the aesthetic state that postulates an essential connection between the artistic creation and the constitution of the community. Blanchot's case is a token of a renewal in the conditions of representation, and this may be the reason why his work is a milestone for the contemporary thought that brings forth a post-sovereign paradigm. With regard to the body of work analyzed, we made the choice to study the texts less read by the critiques. Consequently, rather than focusing on the well known critical books, we investigated what seems to be the veiled section of Blanchot's undertaking : the texts of the 1930's, for a large part never reprinted since their apparition ; the literary columns published in Journal de débars between 1940 and 1944 ; the political and cultural articles subsequent of the political turn that takes place in 1958 ; and finally, the first dystopical stories, « Le dernier mot' and « L'Idylle », as well as the novel Le Très-Haut. ; L'hypothèse principale qui sous-tend cette recherche est que les œuvres de Maurice Blanchot (recueils critiques, romans et récits) s'inscrivent dans un projet métapolitique dont le fil rouge est la problématique de la souveraineté. C'est celle-ci qui fournit le point d'articulation entre les interventions publiques ...

This article discusses Raúl González Tuñón's 1920s and 1930s literary production. Firstly, it explores the politics of literature that would allow us, less schematically than with the category of "political literature" ussually attributed to his texts of the 1930s, think about the challenges and the limitations of a literature that proposed itself as transformative, from the very beginning in the previous decade. Secondly, this article highlights the first circulation of texts in newspapers and magazines, periodical publications that were the contexts that shaped the literature that emerged on their pages. To unbound Raúl González Tuñón means to take in account his writings material conditions and it means to explore beyond the traditional figure of an author of books. It implies to investigate writing policies and practices that articulated fields, and that experienced not only with new aesthetic forms but also with various ways of public circulation of literature. ; El artículo revisa algunos supuestos sobre la producción literaria de Raúl González Tuñón en las décadas de 1920 y 1930 a partir de dos desplazamientos. En primer lugar, explora las políticas de la literatura que permitirían pensar, de manera menos esquemática que con la habitual categoría de "literatura política" con que se suelen abordar sus textos de la década del treinta, las apuestas y limitaciones de una escritura que desde su inicio se propuso como transformadora. En segundo lugar, el artículo pone el foco en la primera circulación de los textos, muchas veces en diarios y revistas, contextos formativos de una literatura que en gran medida surgió en sus páginas. Desencuadernar a Tuñón implica atender a la materialidad de sus escritos y explorar más allá de la tradicional figura del autor de libros, para indagar políticas de la escritura que articularon campos y prácticas, y experimentaron no sólo con nuevas formas estéticas sino también con diversos modos de circulación pública de las letras.

El artículo revisa algunos supuestos sobre la producción literaria de Raúl González Tuñón en las décadas de 1920 y 1930 a partir de dos desplazamientos. En primer lugar, explora las políticas de la literatura que permitirían pensar, de manera menos esquemática que con la habitual categoría de "literatura política" con que se suelen abordar sus textos de la década del treinta, las apuestas y limitaciones de una escritura que desde su inicio se propuso como transformadora. En segundo lugar, el artículo pone el foco en la primera circulación de los textos, muchas veces en diarios y revistas, contextos formativos de una literatura que en gran medida surgió en sus páginas. Desencuadernar a Tuñón implica atender a la materialidad de sus escritos y explorar más allá de la tradicional figura del autor de libros, para indagar políticas de la escritura que articularon campos y prácticas, y experimentaron no sólo con nuevas formas estéticas sino también con diversos modos de circulación pública de las letras. ; This article discusses Raúl González Tuñón's 1920s and 1930s literary production. Firstly, it explores the politics of literature that would allow us, less schematically than with the category of "political literature" ussually attributed to his texts of the 1930s, think about the challenges and the limitations of a literature that proposed itself as transformative, from the very beginning in the previous decade. Secondly, this article highlights the first circulation of texts in newspapers and magazines, periodical publications that were the contexts that shaped the literature that emerged on their pages. To unbound Raúl González Tuñón means to take in account his writings material conditions and it means to explore beyond the traditional figure of an author of books. It implies to investigate writing policies and practices that articulated fields, and that experienced not only with new aesthetic forms but also with various ways of public circulation of literature. ; Fil: Rogers, Geraldine. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.