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Michael Keren traces the political lives and messages of some of the twentieth century's greatest literary characters in this insightful and jargon-free book of literary criticism. Hans Castorp (Thomas Mann's The Magic Mountain), Joseph K. (Franz Kafka's The Trial), John the Savage (Aldous Huxley's Brave New World), Winston Smith (George Orwell's 1984), Ralph (William Golding's Lord of the Flies), Merusault (Albert Camus's The Stranger), Ida Ramundo (Elsa Morante's History), and Chauncey Gardiner (Jerzy Kosinski's Being There) participate in ideological, technological, and organizational projects of the twentieth century. Keren observes these infamous characters' behaviours and attitudes while they struggle through world wars, the rise and fall of totalitarianism, the Holocaust, the development of the atomic bomb, de-colonization, the Cold War, and globalization. Here is a refreshing contribution to civil society theory that makes a pioneering effort to cross the boundaries between politics, literature, and culture. A study of the human condition via literature, The Citizen's Voice expounds the key features of a "good citizen" while offering a perfect discussion piece for courses in political theory, politics and literature, and history. ; Yes

Michael Keren traces the political lives and messages of some of the twentieth century's greatest literary characters in this insightful and jargon-free book of literary criticism. He observes the infamous characters ranging from Joseph K from Franz Kafka's The Trial to Ralph from William Golding's Lord of the Flies to Chauncey Gardiner from Jerzy Kosinski's Being There and beyond while they struggle through their lives and world events. The Citizen's Voice is a refreshing contribution to civil society theory that makes a pioneering effort to cross the boundaries between politics, literature, and culture. A study of the human condition via literature this book expounds the key features of a good citizen while offering a perfect discussion piece for courses in political theory, politics and literature, and history.

This study is, to a large extent, influenced by the Marxist doctrine on the relationship between literature and society. It has been assumed by the marxist literary theorists that literature as the upper level of society is determined by the lower level namely the economic. Meanwhile, it is also suggested that literature is a part of social-realism suggesting that literary writer must describe the reality within society and then make socialistic propaganda. This study, by concentrating on this contadictory statementnconcerning literature, sees that arcadia theory may be applicable in order to explain the relationship beetween literature and society. The theory assumes that a writer of a certain class, aristocracy for instance, must adapt his way of struggling against a certain condition to his own social background. In this way, it has been found that Amir Hamzah who was of the aristocratic family must fight against his own society by the use of 'hidden' propaganda rather than a straight forward or bottom-up approach.

Title from caption. ; Vols. 6- numbered consequetively. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Merged with: Examiner (London, England : 1808), to form: Examiner and London review.

Japanese writer and Nobel laureate Kenzaburô Ôe delivered the first in a series of lectures established at the Center for Japanese Studies to honor political theorist Masao Maruyama. In his Maruyama Lecture, "The Language of Masao Maruyama," he focuses on the problem of political responsibility in the modern world, taking Maruyama's major work as his point of departure. In a second (unrelated) lecture, "From the Beginning to the Present, and Facing the End: The Case of One Japanese Writer," Kenzaburô Ôe offers an account of his own development as a writer of both fiction and non-fiction.

Through his numerous works on the philosophy of aesthetics, literature and writing Jacques Rancière has crafted a body of work based on the premise of equality as recognized through aesthetics. In the introduction to the English translation of Rancière's The Politics of Aesthetics, author Gabriel Rockhill writes Rancière supports abolishing "any presupposed inequalities of intelligence". Rancière argues against any "privileged position usurped by philosophy in its various attempts to speak for others, be it the proletariat, the poor, or anyone else who is not 'destined to think'" Rancière's political positioning of aesthetics finds "those who have no name, who remain invisible and inaudible, can only penetrate the police order [politics] via a mode of subjectivization that transforms the aesthetic coordinators of the community by implementing the universal presupposition of politics: we are all equal". I suggest Rancière's theories on the politics of aesthetics, literature and writing are present in letters written by 19th century Romantic poet John Keats.

Publication was suspended from July 30, 1864, to Sept. 2, 1865, inclusive. Sept. 9 to Dec. 30, 1865, are called "New ser., no. 1-17." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; In July 1869 the Round table was merged into the Citizen, which continued as the New York citizen and round table.

This article examines dub poetry as an artistic form located along several borderlines, both spatial and cultural. Formulated by poets of African descent, the creative language of dub poets was often conceptualized through the framework of identity politics and an anti-colonial approach. Yet from the 1980s, dub poetry became institutionalized simultaneously within the pop culture industry and in "respectable" venues such as academic research, a process that calls its initial political orientation into question. In light of its differentiated formations, audiences, mediating devices, and forms of reception, however, we might view and evaluate dub poetry not exclusively through the prism of political speech, but also as a cultural form. Based on texts, recordings and performance analysis this article is a call to acknowledge dub poetry, and artistic expression in general, as the result of aesthetic decisions rather than exclusively moral ones. Ieškant kūrybinės išraiškos: rasės, politikos ir literatūros dialektika Karibų dub žanro poezijoje Santrauka.Straipsnyje tyrinėjama dub žanro poezija kaip meninė forma, vyraujanti ties kai kuriais paribiais – tiek erdviniais, tiek kultūriniais. Formuluota Afrikos nuosmukio laikotarpio poetų, kūrybinė dub žanro poetų kalba politikos ir antikolonijiniu požiūriais dažnai buvo konceptualizuojama ieškant tapatumo. Nuo XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio dub poezija tapo institucionalizuota tiek popkultūros industrijoje, tiek "gerbiamose" srityse, tokiose kaip akademiniai tyrimai – tai procesas, kvestionuojantis savąją vidinę politinę orientaciją. Šio proceso diferencijuotų formacijų, auditorijų, medijuojančių priemonių ir priėmimo formų fone vis dėlto galima į dub poeziją žvelgti ir ją vertinti ne išimtinai per politinės kalbos prizmę, bet ir kaip kultūrinę formą. Pagrįstas tekstų, įrašų ir performansų analize, šis straipsnis – tai kvietimas pripažinti dub poeziją ir meninę išraišką apskritai ne tiek kaip išskirtinai moralinių, kiek estetinių sprendimų rezultatą. Reikšminiai žodžiai: ...

This paper attempts to analyze characterization patterns of male characters in female writing. The aim of this study is to explore the construction of female gender subjectivity while representing male characters in their novels. It has generally been considered that gender politics plays a very significant role in depicting male and female characterization in literature. Female authors engage themselves in over exaltation of female characters and display liking towards them by foregrounding the strengths of their female characters over their weaknesses; and reveal degeneration of male counterparts. Similarly male authors are inherently inclined towards male characters and reflect patriarchy in their works. It has also been analyzed that genuine representation of men by women writers and women by men writers, is not possible; there is always writer's gender subjectivity involved in the representation of characters. Gender identity and gendered representation are the focal concerns in this analysis and I have selected Anne Bronte's novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall for my gender analysis.This research concludes that gender – apart from biological sex – plays a vital role in determining male and female characterization in literature. Female gender characteristics permeate in the portrayal of male character, language and psychology. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n11p734

Los estudiosos de la obra de Mario Vargas Llosa se han ocupado, normalmente, de analizar su obra de creación, ya sea sus novelas, cuentos y obras de teatro, atendiendo, obviamente, a su novelística. Sin embargo, no suelen abordar su producción de no ficción, es decir, sus ensayos, discursos, memorias, artículos y reportajes. La lectura de estos textos es de mucha utilidad para conocer su pensamiento, sus ideas sobre la literatura, la política, el arte, la cultura y su posición como intelectual frente a la sociedad contemporánea, entre otros temas.

This article explores the political thought of C. F. G. Masterman (1873–1927), a leading figure in the movement of New Liberalism in Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. The article emphasizes the distinctive color his Christian beliefs and Anglican loyalties lent to his progressive Liberal ideals; this adds a new dimension to the existing historiography of the New Liberalism, which, until recently, has neglected the religious influences on its development. The article further underlines Masterman's concern to harness the cause of religious freedom and the disestablishment of the Church of England to social reform; he did so through reviving the older Gladstonian alliance between Liberalism and Nonconformity. It argues that his religiosity—focused on the Church of England—was central to his thought, and was frequently expressed in the language of prophecy he imbibed from Thomas Carlyle and other nineteenth-century seers.

No more published. ; Editor's name in ms. on t.-p. ; Editor: George Julian Harney. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Born in the Black Forest to Andalusian parents, the poet José F. A. Oliver has developed in recent decades a complex oeuvre in which multiple languages (German, Spanish, Alemannic and Andalusian) and plural kinships play a chief role. The present paper analyses the prose works of José F. A. Oliver as a fragmentary "language memoir" (Kaplan/Kramsch) while at the same time trying to reconstruct his nomadic identity between and across regions and languages. Special attention will be paid to José F. A. Oliver's use of the metaphors of multiple mothers and the two-storey house when referring to his own multilingual upbringing and literary habitus. In stark contrast to conceptual models of monolingualism which posit the mother tongue as the unique and irreplaceable buttress of national loyalties and literary creativity, José F. A. Oliver's work pleads for an alternative affective relationship to a multiplicity of mother tongues (in plural). In so doing, the present paper underscores the political dimension of José F. A. Oliver's metaphors for multilingualism. His alternative vision allowing the peaceful coexistence of multiple affective loci expressed in very different mother tongues questions the rigid exclusivity of German citizenship politics while simultaneously bringing to light the emancipatory and democratic potential of transregional and multilingual (e.g. Black Forest – Andalusia / Alemannic – Andalusian) identities beyond a national monolingual rationale.

Don Juan Manuel composed his main works (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) in the period of time when he was at war with his King Alfonso XI, and therefore his political and military activity was more intense. Many critics have pointed out this inconsistency between urgent political matters and the time he could dedicate to literature, aside with the presumably inconsistency traditional criticism finds between the high moral values enshrined in his writings, and the unescrupulous character of his public behavior. Analyzing a personal letter addressed to King Alfonso VI of Aragon, as well as certain passages of his Libro de las tres razones, and some enxemplos from El conde Lucanor,we can conclude that there must be an intimate relationship between political practices and discursive strategies, relationship that allows us to understand the assumed inconsistencies of this autor both as a writer and as a top political figure in the 14th century Castile. ; Don Juan Manuel compuso sus obras más importantes (Libro del cavallero et del escudero, Libro de los estados, El conde Lucanor) en el período en que estuvo en guerra con su rey Alfonso XI y, por tanto, su actividad política y militar fue más intensa. Muchos críticos han señalado esta incongruencia entre las urgencias de la política y el tiempo dedicado a la literatura, a lo que se une –al menos en la crítica tradicional- el señalamiento de la inconsecuencia que habría entre los altos valores morales que exalta en sus obras y lo inescrupuloso de su conducta pública. Mediante el análisis de una carta personal dirigida al rey Alfonso IV de Aragón, de varios pasajes de su Libro de las tres razones y de algunos enxemplos de El conde Lucanor, se concluye que habría una íntima relación entre las prácticas políticas y las estrategias discursivas que permiten entender las supuestas incongruencias del autor en tanto que escritor y en tanto que figura política de primer rango en la Castilla del siglo XIV.

This article addresses reactions to the death of Emperor Hirohito and studies as well as judgements about his life and politics. In Japan, as well as in other countries, opinions are divided. At the center of these debates is the issue of the Emperor's role in Japan's entry into the Second World War. For politicians as well as scholars, Hirohito was either a war criminal or a helpless tool of the militarists. The majority of the Japanese people, however, held and still hold him in high esteem. The next generation of the Imperial family seems to be less distant to ordinary people and seems to be developing into a monarchy similar to those of European countries. The political changes in Japan during 1993 give the impression that the character of state and society have changed compared with late Shōwa Japan.