Suchergebnisse

Chan Chi Yuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 ...

Zhang, Shiyu. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-87). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 06, December, 2016).

Članak razmatra uspon, oblike i posledice protesta u nedemokratskim režimima, oslanjajući se na noviju literaturu iz uporedne analize političkih režima i društvenih pokreta. Oblik režima značajno oblikuje izglede za izbijanje protesta, kao i njegove oblike i posledice. Protesti često proizvode bitne promene u personalnom sastavu i politici vlasti, koje značajno utiču na strukturu i delovanje nedemokratskih režima, i ponekad vode promeni režima. Primeri su navedeni iz kasnog komunističkog autoritarizma u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji, u kojima su dugotrajni protesti doprineli padu režima i države, i postkomunistički autoritarni režimi u Srbiji i Ukrajini koji su više puta uzdrmani a zatim i dokrajčeni "pritiskom odozdo". ; The paper explores the politics of protest in non-democratic regimes using insights from comparative regime analysis and social movement theory. A regime type strongly shapes factors that trigger popular mobilization, the repertories of collective action and their implications. Protest politics may produce a considerable political change, such as policy and personality change in the political establishment, as well as important shifts in the structure and operation of non-democratic regimes, even regime change. The paper provides evidence from the late communist authoritarian Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the collapse of regime and state, and the post-communist competitive authoritarian Serbia and Ukraine, which experience repeated protest waves and were brought down by protest politics.

Tse, Hiu Hin. ; Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-169). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

Са политичким преокретом 2000. године у Србији отпочео је истовемено и процес идеолошког преобликовања јавних простора. Међу најпроминентнијим видовима оваквог деловања је именовање или преименовање урбаног простора, првенствено улица и тргова, те бављење постојећим споменицима и меморијалима, као и градња и планирање нових. Овакви су случајеви посебно били уочљиви у Београду. Њима су се у неколико наврата супротставиле одређене политичке партије, те неполитичке групе које су организовале уличне акције 'против-именовања' београдских улица, те кампање против новопланираних јавних споменика. Односи моћи и идентитетске политике у овим случајевима биће коментарисани у овом раду. Пропратиће се праксе неколико уметничких и политичких скупина које су спровеле акције и перформансе незваничног преименовања улица, или су пак дискутовале и противиле се подизању новопредложених споменика. (Пре)именовањем одређених градских простора, хегемонске политичке коалиције покушавају да конституишу сигнификантна симболичка места, док, са друге стране, опозиционе противакције покушавају да преузму та иста места и да их реинтерпретирају. У овом ће се раду покушати да прикажу и анализирају поједине идеолошке политике и званични дискурси сећања, те поједине уметничке и политичке контраполитике и опозиционе праксе алтернативне комеморације ; With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most promi- nent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia's capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade's thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.

"In 1898, Qing Dynasty emperor Guangxu ordered a series of reforms to correct the poltiical, economic, cultural, and educational weaknesses exposed by China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. The "Hundred Days" reform has received a great deal of attention from historians who have focused on the well-known male reformers, but until now the Qing women reformers have received amost no consideration. In this book, literary historian Nanxiu Qian examines the late Qing reforms from the perspective of Xue Shaohui (1866-1911)--a leading woman writer who openly argued against male reformers' approach that subordinated women's issues to larger national concerns. Xue and her circle went beyond the inherited Confucian pattern, demanding equal political and educational rights with men in their quest for an ideal womanhood and an ideal social order"--Back cover

本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...

Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.

Li, Ho Fai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-117). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; English and Chinese Abstracts --- p.ii ; List of Contents --- p.iv ; "Index of tables, figures, and diagrams" --- p.vi ; Lists of abbreviations and acronyms --- p.vii ; Notes --- p.ix ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Methodology --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Theoretical Frameworks, Central Arguments and Organization of the Thesis" --- p.6 ; Chapter 2. --- Theoretical Frameworks and Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Historical Institutionalism --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Study of Heritage Conservation --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of Civil Society --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Political Economy of Built Heritage Conservation --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.5 --- State-Civil Society Relations in Post-Independence Malaysia --- p.16 ; Chapter 3. --- "Case Study of George Town in Penang, Malaysia (1957-2008)" --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Genesis of George Town as a British Colonial Town --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Development of George Town in 1950s-1970s --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Development of George Town in 1980s-2008 --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Updates of Development of George Town since 2008 --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- "Analysis of the case of George Town in Penang, Malaysia" --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.1 --- A Path of Institutional Change towards Heritage Conservation --- p.67 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structural Basis for Civil Society-state Synergy --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Conceptualizing the Constructability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.4 --- "Identification of ""Critical Juncture"" in the Developmental Path" --- p.82 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Sustainability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.83 ; Chapter 5. --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.88 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Brief Review of the ...

The author explores how the internet and the new media are changing the way that we communicate, act and think, individually and collectively, through the example of the Occupy Wall Street Movement. The author claims that The Occupy Movement, as a post-narrative project conceived in a digital environment, is less of a political activity, and more a new way of behavior for its members and for the society at large. Its focus on consensus building and its modus operandi are reflecting the principles of the Internet, web-organization and cooperation. Therefore, its success is not about achieving any particular political aim, or winning an election, but about the general acceptance of these values and their becoming part of a wider political agenda. ; Autor istražuje kako internet i novi mediji menjaju način na koji komuniciramo, delujemo i mislimo, pojedinačno ali i kolektivno, na primeru pokreta "Okupirajmo Volstrit". Autor tvrdi da "Okupacija Volstrita", kao postnarativni pokret nastao u digitalnom okruženju, manje predstavlja političku aktivnost a više novi normativni način ponašanja za svoje članove, ali i čitavo društvo. Njegova usmerenost ka izgradnji konsenzusa, kao i sam modus funkcionisanja, odražavaju principe interneta, mrežne organizacije i kolaboracije. Zato je njegov uspeh manje povezan sa ostvarivanjem nekog pojedinačnog cilja ili osvajanja vlasti na izborima, a više sa razmerom u kojoj će ove rednosti biti opšteusvojene i postati deo ukupne političke agende.

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...