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Lecture held at the South Asia Institute in Heidelberg on 2nd December, 2008. In the context of post-colonial rural India there are essentially two phases in rural politics institutionalized through "panchayati raj institutions" (PRIs). The first phase began in the late 1950s following the implementation of the Balvantrao Mehta Committee recommendations which led to the birth of the first generation PRIs. The second phase began in 1993 when the Constitution was amended to strengthen the basis for PRIs. This amendment can be called a watershed in rural politics because it sought to democratized the whole political process in rural India, and conceived of the PRIs not only as instruments of rural development but also as institutions of self-government. The lecture explores whether PRIs have fostered a new brand of politics and good governance in rural India as conceived by the amendment of the Constitution by conducting case studies in one or two states as well as comparing the experience of neighbouring states that are carrying out similar experiments. Professor Prabhat Kumar Datta is DAAD professorial fellow at the South Asia Institute. He holds the Centenary Professor of Public Administration, Department of Political Science, Calcutta University and is also Honorary Adjunct Professor, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata.

That women will play a critical role in politics, in fact is no longer a matter of discussion. Struggles and movements for women's rights over many decades have marked women's political empowerment as a high priority. These took place mainly because it became evident that unless women have the right and power to contribute in policy making and to legislate for themselves, they will have to wait and depend on others to do it for them. The authos analyses the role of women in the South Asian countries with a focus of representation in the national parliaments.

Lecture held at the South Asia Institute in Heidelberg on 1st July, 2008. In order to understand two major political trends in Bangladesh, the modern politics of democratization and presence of religion in the political discourse, an attempt is made in this presentation to understand people as human agents of transformation in the context of culture without being culturally prejudiced. This draws our attention to the history that the Bengalis have uprisings in almost every generation against oppressive ruler but being unable to handle the subsequent disorder they return to authoritarian rule again. Geertz's concept of "poetics of power" is useful in understanding the Bengali mode of thought which exemplifies a political system characterized by a combination of "outwardly authoritarian" and "inwardly democratic" principles but not vice versa. Instead of the aesthetics of traditional social relations for the sake of harmony and reciprocity, Bangladesh has established hegemony of power at the state level. The hegemony in Bangladesh has been established through capitalist penetration and recently through neo-economic liberalism and globalization. The new economic and political forces bring different concepts into a confrontational relation in the present context of Bangladesh. The country is experiencing a constant invocation of religion in the arena of politics. Religious fundamentalism was previously considered as a polemical term representing an essentialized anti-modernism. Islamization discourse has developed through an interaction with modernity. One significant aspect of Islamization is the quest for origin, but it does not call to go back to Bengali origin or localized religious practices but to scriptural norms. Another focus in this paper is on the gender perspective of globalization and islamization.

This SADF Focus outlines the onset of the 17th General Elections in India between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Grand Coalition of parties, which includes the Congress. Political campaigns currently swing between divergent areas – we witness a great variety of promises, including 'India/Hindu First' propaganda and strong promises related to poverty removal, promise of employment, and others. Come this 23rd May, the counting of votes would define a choice between majoritarian politics and populism.

This paper tests two predictions implied by models of the common-pool game in federations where subnational governments are more likely to have higher deficits because they do not internalize the macroeconomic effects of fiscal profligacy. The first is that subnational governments that belong to the same political party as the central government have lower spending and deficits because they are more likely to be influenced to internalize the macroeconomic effects of additional local spending; and the second is that subnational governments that are more dependent on intergovernmental transfers have higher spending and deficits. We find that in 15 major states of India over the period 1972-1995, states in fact have substantially higher spending and deficits (higher by about 10 percent of the sample average) when their government belongs to the same party as that governing at the center; and that intergovernmental grants tend to have a counter-intuitive negative effect on spending and deficits. The additional deficit of affiliated states is financed almost entirely by additional loans from the central government (as opposed to the market) leading to our interpretation that similar political considerations influence the distribution of deficits across states as they do other intergovernmental grants. We argue that the evidence from India, contrasted with broader international evidence, indicates that the effect of fiscal institutions in a federation is sensitive to underlying political incentives. This underscores the overall importance of political institutions in determining the consolidated government deficit, relative to specific rules of intergovernmental transfers.

For the whole eleven years during which I have been actively engaged in South Asia, nothing touched me more than the Bangladeshi people's struggle for memory, justice, and accountability regarding the Genocide perpetrated against Bangladesh by the Pakistani military authorities. This genocide, organised in tandem with Islamic fanatic organisations from both West and East Pakistan, was meant to destroy the Bengali identity by murdering elites, destroying religious diversity, and raping women. […]

Für Myanmars Regierung stellt der Bergbausektor eine wichtige Triebkraft für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung dar. Mittels Revision des rechtlichen Regelwerks und bürokratischer Erleichterungen wirbt sie gezielt um mehr Investitionen aus dem Ausland. Doch der Sektor ist nach wie vor durch einen lückenhaften rechtlichen Rahmen und enorme menschenrechtliche, soziale und ökologische Risiken charakterisiert. Das größte Bergbauprojekt Myanmars, die Kupferminen von Monywa, ist beispielhaft für den Sektor landesweit: mächtige Konzerne haben großen Einfluss auf die Politik, staatliche Stellen sind teils überfordert, teils ignorant und internationale menschenrechtliche sowie ökologische Standards werden immer wieder mit Füßen getreten. Doch Aktivist*innen und Anwohner*innen leisten seit Jahren Widerstand zum Trotz massiver Risiken und Repression.

Together with international guests, East Timorese celebrated in 2019 the 20th anniversary of the referendum for independence and the multinational mission of the International Force East Timor (INTERFET). They praised Timor-Leste's path to peace, stability and democracy. Monika Schlicher and Maria Tschanz gathered some reflective voices in Timor-Leste.

Die Bemühungen um Strafverfolgung der Menschenrechtsverbrechen während der Besatzungszeit durch Indonesien 1975–1999 gelten gemeinhin als gescheitert. Diese Beurteilung vermittelt ein Bild der Stagnation und Resignation in Timor-Leste, das den Blick auf das verdeckt, was sich auf gesellschaftspolitischer Ebene zum Umgang mit der belasteten Vergangenheit vollzieht. Die lokale Organisation ACbit – Asosiasaun Chega! Ba Ita setzt sich ein für die Umsetzung der Empfehlungen des Berichtes Chega! (portugiesisch: Genug!) der Wahrheitskommission (CAVR) und unterstützt die Betroffenen. Maria Tschanz und Monika Schlicher sprachen im Dezember 2016 in Timor-Leste mit der Dirketorin Manuela Leong Pereira.

Die Gewalt und die Menschenrechtsverletzungen, denen Frauen und Mädchen in Osttimor während der Besatzungszeit durch Indonesien 1975 bis 1999 ausgesetzt waren, führte 1997 zur Gründung der Frauenrechtsorganisation Fokupers. Ihnen einen Schutzraum zu schaffen und Begleitung anzubieten, um traumatische Erfahrungen zu überwinden, ihnen zugleich eine Stimme zu geben und ihr Recht einzuklagen, sind seither Aufgabe und Mission dieser Einrichtung. Nach der Unabhängigkeit 1999 waren Frauen nicht mehr der kriegsbedingten Gewalt ausgesetzt, aber offensichtlich wurde nun die geschlechterspezifische Gewalt, die in den Fokus rückte. Wie dringlich diese Thematik heute ist, zeigt die Nabilian Studie (2016) der Asia Foundation: Drei von fünf Frauen im Alter von 15 bis 49 Jahre haben in Beziehungen physische und/ oder sexuelle Gewalt erlebt.

Alljährlich wird am 12. November in Osttimor der Opfer des Massakers vom Santa Cruz Friedhof 1991 gedacht. Das Militär Indonesiens schoss damals ohne Vorwarnung in eine Kundgebung für die Unabhängigkeit, der eine Totengedenkfeier vorausgegangen war. Über 271 Menschen verloren ihr Leben. Das Morden ging im Militärhospital, wohin die Verwundeten gebracht wurden, weiter. Das Militär vertuschte seine grausamen Taten und verscharrten die Leichen oder warf sie ins Meer. Bis heute fehlt von 250 Menschen jede Spur. Die Demonstration war eine Aktion des zivilen Widerstandes, der vor allem von jungen Menschen getragen wurde. In Anerkennung ihres mutigen Einsatzes wurde der 12. November zum Tag der Jugend ausgerufen und ist heute im unabhängigen Timor-Leste ein offizieller Gedenk- und Feiertag.

A couple of weeks after Pakistan's new Chief of Army Staff (COAS)General Oamar Bajwa took over the reins from General Raheel Sharif,Lieutenant General Naveed Mukhtar was appointed Director General (DG) of the country's powerful spy agency Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) on December 12th. According to some analysts, these two new appointments could be part of a major reshuffle in the military's top brass, which might initiate political changes, especially in its foreign policy or in the country's unhealthy civil-military relations.

The essay places Bhutan-China relations in an historical perspective that shows the importance of the Tibetan factor. Linkage politics and perceptions of security in the context of India-China relations are also described. Though a sign of further détente in the region, the perspectives of normalization of Bhutan-China relations open a new step in Himalayan politics.

There is an understanding that political views in the world are increasingly polarised - one dominant idea will be considered far right and those who are not on that side of the fence will get attracted towards the far left. The first evident indication of this phenomenon in India came soon after the country announced the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The nation was divided into two factions and opposing forces joined various protests. Some took it to social and print media, and some took it to streets with the support of certain organisations whose preamble is against India's Constitution. One such organisation which is under investigation is the Popular Front of India (PFI). Since the beginning of the year 2020, the PFI has been vocal as concerns its contestation against the various decisions taken by India's judiciary. The PFI has been found to be involved in Anti- Citizenship Amendment Act protests. The PFI is registered at Delhi under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860. The organisation has been using passive methods to attain larger goals and objectives which run against India's social fabric. It was found to be involved in several transnational terror activities and many social and political conflicts in India. A Popular Front of India member was exposed as 'ISIS sympathiser' on Facebook and linked with Harkat Ul Jihad al- Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and Al Qaeda. This article aims to elaborate about the structure, aim and activities of the organisation and the ways in which it has managed to become a pan-India movement. The article concludes with a discussion on some recommendations intended to face the challenge regarding how to proscribe groups like the PFI.

The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic in Pakistan is not only leading to severe economic and social impacts but is also accompanied by negative political ramifications, particularly for the country's civil-military relations. Pakistan is also presently hit by one of the worst locust plagues in decades. The federal government's incapability to adequately handle the affairs of the state is perceived as the cause for the slump in most formal sectors and the collapse of the informal economy. The latter is leading to a severe disruption in the livelihoods of large sections of Pakistan's society, especially the poor – those most vulnerable to political and religious radicalisation. Experiencing an advancing Islamisation, embedded in Prime Minister Imran Khan's growing authoritarian style of governance and in a notable seizing of power by the military at the expense of civilian institutions, Pakistan is once again at the edge of a critical juncture. Observers start to put in question the stability of the current civilian set-up in the light of one of the most severe crises in the history of this South Asian country.