Suchergebnisse

Pravo na samoodređenje naroda jedno je od najspornijih pojmova u međunarodnome javnom pravu. Jednako tako, taj je pojam ne samo pravni već i filozofski, politološki, sociološki i povlači za sobom razna pitanja i reperkusije. Zbog toga se njegovoj analizi treba pristupiti detaljno, postupno i interdisciplinarno kako bi se sagledali razni važni aspekti toga pojma koji dovode do odgovora na pitanje je li samoodređenje naroda princip ili pravo i koga se tiče, je li to pravo jus cogens de facto i de iure ili je uvjetovano i ograničeno drugim pravilima suvremenoga međunarodnopravog poretka. Tu se prije svega misli na kogentnu zabranu narušavanja teritorijalnoga integriteta postojećih država te ugrožavanja međunarodnoga mira i stabilnosti proklamiranih još u Povelji Ujedinjenih naroda. To povlači za sobom razmatranje načela uti possidetis i njegovih korijena i obveznosti primjene, jednako kao i secesije kao najčešće posljedice afirmativnoga ostvarivanja prava na samoodređenje naroda. Također se na to nadovezuje i pitanje disolucije država, najčešće federalnih, za koju se treba proanalizirati ima li ona materijalne razlike s obzirom na secesiju koja također nije izrijekom ni dopuštena ni zabranjena. Autor sve te povezane pojave i pojmove interpretira kroz nama najbliže poznat slučaj, i dalje nedavnoga, raspada bivše Jugoslavije koja je bila moderni presedan za federalne države, a ima odjeka i u aktualnim zbivanjima poput onih u Ukrajini i Španjolskoj. Da bi se imao još potpuniji dojam o povezanosti prava, politike i raznih interesa, progovara se i o konstitutivnosti naroda, manjinama i njihovim pravima na osnovi raznih dokumenata i mišljenja teoretičara te i o državotvornosti i državnom priznanju za koje jednako tako nema konsenzusa o tome je li ono konstitutivni ili deklaratorni akt trećih država i međunarodne zajednice. Da bi se izbjegao najgori mogući scenarij, a to je onaj prihvaćanja pravnoga "statusa quo", treba kroz otvoreno raspravljanje i davanje prijedloga de lege ferenda precizirati pravnu problematiku kako se ne bi političkim i javnim diverzijama ili distrakcijama prikrivali interesi koji su ili suprotni duhu Ujedinjenih naroda ili su, s druge strane, legitimno suprotstavljeni jedni drugima. ; The right to self-determination of peoples is one of the most controversial concepts in public international law. Also, this concept is not only legal, but also philosophical, and also pertains to political science, sociology and entails various issues and repercussions. Therefore, its analysis should be approached in detail, gradually and with an interdisciplinary approach in order to comprehend the various important aspects of the concept that leads toward the answer to the following question - Is the self- determination of peoples a principle or a right and what else in involved here? Is this right jus cogens de facto and de jure or is it conditioned by the organic other rules of contemporary international order? This primarily refers to the cogent ban of breaching the territorial integrity of existing states and jeopardizing international peace and stability as proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. This entails a consideration of the principle of uti possidetis and its roots, as well as secession, the most common consequence of the affirmative exercising of the right to self-determination of peoples. Also on the continuation and dissolution of states, mostly federal, which is necessary for an analysis whether or not there are any material differences in relation to secession, which is also neither permitted nor prohibited. The author here will interpret our closest known case (one still recent) the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, which was a modern precedent for a federal state and has reverberation in current events like those in the Ukraine. In order to have a more complete impression of law, policy and various interests will also make mention of the constitutionality of peoples, minorities and their rights through a variety of documents and the opinions of scholars and also concepts concerning the nation and state recognition. There is no consensus whether it is a constitutive or declaratory act by third countries and the international community. In order to avoid a worst case scenario, the acceptance of the legal "status quo", it should be openly debated in order to avoid political and public diversions or distractions that hide interests which are either contrary to the spirit of the United Nations or, on the other hand, legitimately opposed to each other. ; Il diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli è uno dei termini più discussi del diritto internazionale pubblico. Inoltre, questo termine non è soltanto giuridico, ma anche filosofico, politico, sociologico e lega a sé varie polemiche e ripercussioni. È per questo che l'approccio all'analisi del termine dev'essere dettagliato, graduale ed interdisciplinare affinché si possano osservare i vari aspetti del termine che portano alla risposta del quesito se l'autodeterminazione nazionale è un principio o un diritto e relativo a chi, se è un diritto jus cogens de facto e de iure o se è condizionato e limitato da altre norme del diritto internazionale contemporaneo. Qui si parla in primis del divieto cogente di lesione dell'integrità territoriale e della pace internazionale e della stabilità proclamati persino nella Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite. Il tutto suppone l'osservazione del principio uti possidetis, delle sue radici e dell'obbligo d'implementazione, come anche della secessione, conseguenza più frequente della realizzazione affermativa del diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli. Inoltre, ciò è relativo al fenomeno della dissoluzione degli stati, soprattutto federali, per i quali è doveroso analizzare la presenza di distinzioni materiali riguardanti la secessione, la quale di per sé non è esplicitamente né opzionale né vietata. L'autore interpreta i relativi fenomeni e termini per mezzo del caso a noi più vicino e più familiare, la dissoluzione dell'ex Jugoslavia, la quale è stata un precedente moderno per gli stati federali, e che ha ripercussioni anche nei casi attuali dell'Ucraina e della Catalonia in Spagna. Con lo scopo di cristalizzare il legame fra il diritto, la politica e i vari interessi, si parla anche della costitutività dei popoli, delle minoranze e dei loro diritti in base ai molti documenti e alle opinioni degli analitici, ed infine della creazione e del riconoscimento di uno stato, per i quali nemmeno prevale un consenso se si tratta di un atto costituente o declaratorio da parte di terzi e della comunità internazionale. Al fine di evitare degli esiti catastrofici, ossia l'interiorizzazione dello "status quo" a livello giuridico, è opportuno discutere in maniera aperta per precisare la problematica legislativa ed evidenziare gli interessi contrari allo spirito delle Nazione Unite o semplicemente giustificatamente opposti.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANegativna medijska kampanja usmjerena protiv šumara, a posebice na predstavnike trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o., traje neprestano već nekoliko godina, a intenzivnije unatrag dvije godine. Sve je eskaliralo nedavno aferom s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene. Mediji su se brže-bolje natjecali tko će više oblatiti pojedinačne i kolektivne vinovnike događaja. Temeljem paušalnih analiza zamjeralo se Hrvatskim šumama svašta, od privremenog neplaćanja šumskog doprinosa gradovima i općinama (u vrijeme kompletnog zastoja države uvjetovanog epidemijom koronavirusa ta namjenska sredstva ionako nitko nije mogao trošiti na izgradnju i održavanje šumskih cesta) do pripreme podizanja kredita za likvidnost tvrtke, koja je u sklopu pomoći pristala na produljenje roka plaćanja drvne industrije za isporučenu sirovinu sa 60 na 100 dana od dana izdavanja računa za sve isporuke od početka 2020. godine. Primjedbe na korištenje valjda najpoznatijega parafiskalnog nameta u Hrvata za usluge općekorisnih funkcija šuma ne treba ni spominjati, jer nema bitnijeg poduzetnika ili bilo kojeg političara koji u cilju pomoći gospodarstvu ne spomene smanjenje ili ukidanje toga. Laicima nije ni poznato da su Hrvatske šume svojim kriznim planom u potpunosti izbacile ovaj način financiranja gospodarenja šumama za 2020. godinu. U vrijeme korona krize to su vjerojatno bili najispravniji poslovni potezi u cilju sačuvanja vlastite zaposlenosti, zaposlenosti kupaca i dobavljača, kao i likvidnosti tvrtke. Koga to zanima kad čitatelje zanimaju negativne vijesti i afere. Većini njih također nije poznato da se šumarstvo uvijek u kriznim vremenima pobrinulo samo za sebe, ali i za druge koje je nosilo na svojim plećima. U svim krizama šumarstvo je pomagalo drvnoj industriji, pa i otpisivalo dugove u raznim državama i uređenjima koji su vladali na našem prostoru, ali i snosilo posljedice objektivnih i subjektivnih poslovnih rizika aktera u drvnom sektoru.Moć objavljenih tekstova na mrežnim stranicama i društ­ve­nim mrežama je velika. U kratkom vremenu dopire do velikog broja čitatelja. Većina tekstova objavljuju se kao bom­bastični naslovi i podnaslovi. Čitanjem sadržaja tek upućenijem čitatelju je jasno što ne odgovara istini. Obično se prema kraju članka sadržaj ublažava, ali to pročitaju najuporniji čitatelji, dok im u percepciji ostaju negativne informacije iz naslova i s početka teksta. Na društvenim mrežama javljaju se mnogi od pojedinaca do udruga, a dosta njih i anonimno te pisanjem svojih komentara stvaraju negativno ozračje o šumarskoj struci. Čitajući brojne napise stječe se dojam da su šumari jedan od većih problema Lijepe naše.Bolji poznavatelji prilika priznat će da je šumarstvo uz poljoprivredu nositelj opstanka preostalih ruralnih krajeva. Šumarstvo koje je najzastupljenije u ruralnim i manje razvijenim područjima osigurava egzistenciju zaposlenicima Hrvatskih šuma, zaposlenicima brojnih izvoditelja radova u šumarstvu te tvrtki i obrta u drvnom sektoru, posredno svima koji prodaju svoje proizvode drvnim tvrtkama, a čuvar je najvećeg dijela ekološke mreže Republike Hrvatske. Kroz zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta od požara na krškom području važna je karika sačuvanja bioraznolikosti države, ali i kulise koja pomaže hrvatskoj grani gospodarstva od posebnog interesa – turizmu. U vrijeme Domovinskog rata šumarstvo je umjesto države gradilo i ceste kako bi povezalo dijelove Republike Hrvatske, gdje su nekada stanovnici putovali preko susjednih do matične države.U dragoj nam Hrvatskoj domovini danas postoji osam nacionalnih parkova i 11 parkova prirode u kojima je većina temeljnih fenomena šuma. Zaštita prirode u biti je sačuvana područja preuzela na upravljanje od šumara. Da se na tim područjima nije gospodarilo uz šumarske postulate i s ekološkim obzirom, ne bi se danas dičili s parkovima kao što su Plitvička jezera, Risnjak, Sjeverni Velebit ili Mljet. U krškom dijelu Hrvatske, gdje se nalazi većina zaštićenih parkova, nikad nije nestalo šume upravo zbog dva i pol stoljetnog gospodarenja s njom. Današnje generacije se ne sjećaju izgleda šuma u prijašnjim razdobljima. Većina najvrjednijih šuma hrasta lužnjaka posječena je kompletno između 1820-ih i 1920-ih godina. Danas stasaju nove generacije tih uzgojenih šuma koje su u biti proizvod hrvatskih šumara. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sjeklo se količinski skoro kao i danas, jer nije bilo drugih resursa pa se država obnavljala i dolazila do potrebnih financijskih sredstava. Uz sve to zahvaljujući mudrosti i radu više generacija šumara, današnja je pokrivenost države pod šumama 44 posto, a sa šumskim zemljištima i 49 posto. Nažalost, većina javnosti ne može shvatiti pojam vječnih šuma koje nisu stalno u istoj dobi, jer jednako kao i druga bića imaju svoje razvojne stadije. Njihova vječnost se proteže kroz slijed generacija šume. Sječa starih zrelih šumskih sastojina preduvjet je nove generacija šume kojoj se svi iskreni šumari najviše vesele, jer je uspješno napravljena smjena generacija i sačuvana opstojnost šume na istoj površini. Taj prijelaz je u nizinskim šumama vidljiviji, no postoje i gorske šume na kojima se tako očiti prijelaz ne vidi, pa to i promatračima manje upada u oko.Neupućeni ili zlonamjerni ne znaju ili zaboravljaju na desetljetne pritiske ponajprije na državno šumarstvo radi pogodovanja pojedincima i tvrtkama u cilju podizanja nekad više maslinika i vinograda, a danas više gradnji vjetroelektrana i pašarenja na obraslim i neobraslim šumskim zemljištima. Hrvatski šumari baštine pojam potrajnog gospodarenja, pojma danas poznatijeg kao održivo gospodarenja, kojim su se borili da se površine pod šumom ne smanjuju. Tako, ako se u funkciji razvoja kojemu se nitko pametan neće protiviti ako je održiv i racionalan, negdje i krče šume radi prenamjene odobrene prostornim planom, smanjena površina pod šumama se nadoknađuje podizanjem nove šume na drugom mjestu. Koliko god se državno šumarstvo najčešće smatralo kočničarem razvoja, ono je zapravo bilo branitelj zakonskog djelovanja, dok su često pa i danas neki investitori, ali i državne institucije, vršili pritisak ubrzavajući proceduru u svoju korist bez pravne podloge. Hrvatske šume d.o.o. sa svim svojim prednostima i manama samo su dio slike koju danas imamo u Republici Hrvatskoj. Način kadroviranja i upravljanja jednak je kao i u ostalim javnim poduzećima i trgovačkim društvima u većinskom državnom vlasništvu. Kao u svakoj struci postoje previdi i pogreške, ali postulati hrvatskoga šumarstva su isprobani i dokazani kroz više od 250 godina. Današnje manje kvalitetne izvedbe u pojedinim šumama posljedica su raznih faktora i ne razlikuju se od pogrešaka koje se u svim djelatnostima događaju (zar se djelomično pogrešno ne obavi operacija, sagradi zgrada ili sastavi stroj?). Čak i u recentnom slučaju s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pozitivno su odradile svoju zadaću naplatom duga investitoru za služnost ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'HR','u iznosu prema pravilniku važećem u vremenu pokretanja investicije. Hrvatske šume većinom su u svom djelovanju između čekića i nakovnja, s jedne strane pritisak korisnika drvne sirovine za što većom sječom i proizvedenom i plasiranom količinom ili korisnika prostora preko služnosti ili zakupa, a s druge strane sve veći pritisak za zaštitom staništa i jedinki što usložnjava i poskupljuje proizvodnju.Resorno ministarstvo, koje osim što je krajem 2011. godine prvi put nakon 1919. godine ispustilo u svom imenu naziv šumarstva, uz taj simbolički čin postalo je maćeha vlastitom čedu, budući resorni ministar/ministrica kao jednočlana skupština trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. svojim nalozima prema upravi toga Društva djeluju u korist svih aspiranata na sve vrste proizvoda i usluga iz šume i šumskoga zemljišta. Tako se najvrjedniji trupci prodaju po dogovornim cijenama, koje već dugi niz godina nisu usklađene s tržišnim, čak ni s manje razvijenim susjednim zemljama, ogrjevno drvo i drvni ostaci se prodaju po dugogodišnjim ugovorima, bez obzira na promjene tržišnih uvjeta, a neobraslo šumsko zemljište, čak i tartufi, moraju se prepustiti svakome tko zaželi, čak i ako se ne pridržava zakonske regulative.Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo učestalo ističe politizaciju cijeloga sustava kao jedan od najvećih problema našega društva. Politike mijenjaju kompletne Uprave društva, garnirane s većom ili manjom kvotom uhljeba, svake četiri godine, a ponekad i u kraćim terminima. Tako postavljena vodstva dužna su provoditi naloge te iste politike, pa bile one i protuzakonite. Na taj se način tvrtke, kao u našem slučaju Hrvatske šume d.o.o., povlače po medijima kao kriminalne organizacije, ili se čak protiv njih organiziraju javni prosvjedi. Kako se pritom osjećaju zaposlenici, naše kolege koji s ljubavlju i odgovorno obavljaju svoj posao, možemo naslutiti?Prateći sva zbivanja postoji bojazan da se ne priprema teren kako bi se državne šume dale u koncesiju nakon što se trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume proglase nesposobnim za upravljanje. Na brojnim primjerima poznato je kako koncesije uglavnom donose samo eksploataciju bez ulaganja u šume. Većina europskih država bogatih šumama imaju jake svoje državne tvrtke za gospodarenje državnim šumama i čuvari su tih šuma, ali i prostora kao i života na njima.Svrha ovoga teksta nije obrana bilo koga unaprijed, jer o nečijoj nevinosti i krivnji odlučivat će institucije kojima je to posao. U državi gdje se vode mnoge besplodne rasprave, koje se većinom tiču prošlosti, treba početi racionalnije sagledavati sadašnjost i ne povoditi se za huškačkom histerijom. Potrebno je popuštati okove politike i prepuštati struci da radi ono što najbolje zna, a to je u šumarstvu gospodarenje šumama i šumskim zemljištima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe negative media campaign directed against foresters, and particularly against the representatives of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, has been going on for several years and has gained in intensity in the past two years. It all escalated recently with the scandal concerning the wind power plant Krš-Pađene. The media rushed to smear individual and collective entities involved in the event. Based on impromptu analyses the company Croatian Forests was criticised for all kinds of things, including temporary non-payment of forest contributions to cities and municipalities (at the time when the state was at a complete standstill due to the coronavirus epidemics these earmarked funds could not be spent on the construction and maintenance of forest roads anyway), as well as raising a loan to boost the company's liquidity. Namely, the company agreed to extend the payment period of the wood industry for the delivered raw material from 60 to 100 days from the date of issuing the invoice for all deliveries from the beginning of the year 2020. Let us not even mention all those remarks on the use of probably the most well-known parafiscal levy in Croatia related to non-market forest functions. There is not one entrepreneur or politician who has not requested the reduction or abolition of this levy as a way of helping the economy. Lay people are not even aware of the fact that the crisis plan of Croatian Forests envisages complete elimination of this form of financing forest management for 2020. At the time of the coronavirus crisis these are probably the best business moves aimed at preserving employment in the company, employment of the customers and suppliers, as well as the company's liquidity. But who wants to read about this when negative news and scandals are much more interesting? Most people do not know either that at times of crises forestry has always taken care not only of itself but also of others dependent on it. In all crises forestry has helped the wood industry, written off debts of various states and political systems reigning in these areas, but also borne the consequences of objective and subjective business risks of those working in the wood sector.The power of the texts published on websites and social networks is enormous. They reach large numbers of readers in a very short time. The majority of the published texts feature bombastic headlines and sub headlines. Only when the whole text is read does it transpire what is the truth and what is not. Usually the content of an article is softened towards the end, but the whole article is read only by the most persevering reader, while the majority retain only the negative information from the headlines and the beginning of the text. Social networks are full of individuals and associations whose comments, often anonymous, create a negative image of the forestry profession. All these comments give an impression that foresters are one of the biggest problems of Our Beautiful Homeland.Those better acquainted with the situation realize that forestry and agriculture are the pillars of survival in the remaining rural areas. Forestry, which is most represented in rural and less developed areas, provides a livelihood for employees of Croatian Forests, employees of numerous contractors in forestry and companies and crafts in the wood sector, and indirectly of all those who sell their products to wood companies. Forestry also guards and cares about the largest part of the ecological network in the Republic of Croatia. By protecting forests and forestland from fires in karst areas it forms an important link in the conservation of biodiversity in the state, but also creates a setting which helps the Croatian economic branch of particular interest - tourism. During the Homeland War it was forestry professionals who constructed roads needed to connect parts of the Republic of Croatia at the time when residents had to travel through neighbouring countries in order to reach their home country.In our beloved homeland there are eight national parks and eleven nature parks in which forests constitute the basic phenomena. Basically, nature conservation has taken over the preserved areas for management from foresters. If these areas had not been managed according to forestry postulates and ecological considerations, we would not be able to boast of parks such as Plitvice Lakes, Risnjak, North Velebit and Mljet. In the karst part of Croatia, where the majority of protected parks are located, forests have never disappeared thanks to two and a half century long forest management. Present day generations do not know what forests looked like in earlier periods. The majority of the most valuable forests of pedunculate oak were completely cut down between the 1820s and 1920s. Today we witness the growth of new generations of managed forests, which are essentially the product of Croatian foresters. After World War Two the quantities of forests that were cut down almost equalled present day quantities because there were no other resources and the state needed the necessary financial means for rebuilding and renovation. Moreover, thanks to the wisdom and hard work of several generations of foresters, the present forest cover in Croatia amounts to 44 percent and forestland to 49 percent. Regrettably, most people do not comprehend the concept of eternal forests, which are not always of the same age, because just like other beings they have their development stages. Their eternity extends through generations of forests. Cutting down old, mature forest stands opens the door to a new generation of a forest, and all foresters rejoice in it because it testifies to a successful change of generations and the survival of the forest in the same area. This transition is visible in lowland forests, but there are also mountain forests in which such an obvious transition is not striking, so it is less noticeable to observers.Those less well informed or malicious do not know about or close their eyes to decades of pressures on the state forestry. These pressures are aimed at enabling individuals and companies to receive different benefits: in the past it was olive groves and vineyards, today it is the construction of wind power stations and grazing in vegetation-covered or bare forest areas. Croatian foresters staunchly adhere to the concept of sustainable management, under which they fight against reducing forested areas. Thus, if forests are sometimes cut down for conversion purposes as regulated by spatial plans, reduced forested areas are immediately replaced with new forests in another place. Although state forestry has often been thought as a hindrance to development, it has in fact defended lawful activities in circumstances in which some investors, as well as state institutions, have exerted pressure by speeding up the procedure in their favour without any legal basis. ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'EN','The company Croatian Forests Ltd, with all its strengths and weaknesses, is only a part of the overall picture in the Republic of Croatia. Personnel recruitment and management is the same as in other public companies and state-owned companies. Just like in any other profession, there are omissions and mistakes, but one things is always the same: the postulates of Croatian forestry have been tested and verified for over 250 years. Present-day activities of lesser quality in some forests are the consequence of various factors and they do not differ from mistakes taking place in all other professional spheres (is not it true that sometimes a surgical operation may go wrong, or a building can be poorly constructed or a piece of machinery badly assembled?). Even in the most recent case of the Krš-Pađene wind power station, Croatian Forests Ltd have done their homework well by collecting the debt to the investor for easement in the amount according to the regulations valid at the time of starting the investment. In most of its activities Croatian Forests Ltd are between the hammer and the anvil: on the one hand, there is constant pressure by users of wood resources for more felling and more produced and sold quantities, and on the other, there is growing pressure to protect habitats and species, which all makes production more complex and more expensive. The relevant ministry, in addition to dropping the word forestry from its name at the end of 2011 for the first time after 1919, has also become an evil stepmother to its own child, since the line minister, as a one-member assembly of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, by his/her orders to the Company management acts to benefit all aspirants to receive all kinds of products and services from forests and forestland. Thus, the most valuable logs are sold at negotiated prices which have for years been out of touch with market conditions, fuel wood and wood residues are sold under long-term contracts regardless of changed market conditions, and bare forest land, and even truffles, must be given over to anyone who wants them, even if legal regulations are not complied with. The Croatian Forestry Association frequently points out that politicization of the entire system is one of the biggest problems of our society. Entire company managements are changed by politics every four or fewer years and nepotism is an inherent part of the system. Managements installed by politics in this way are forced to carry out the orders of the same policies, even if they are illegal. This is how companies, in our case Croatian Forests Ltd, are dragged through the media as criminal organisations; even public protests are organized against them. Can we even guess how the employees, our colleagues who do their jobs responsibly and lovingly, feel?All these events raise fears of the terrain being prepared for giving state forests for concession after the company Croatian Forests is declared incapable of forest management. There are many examples of concessions generating exploitation of forests without any investments in them. The majority of European countries with abundant forest areas have strong state companies which manage and guard state forests, their areas and the life in them.This text does not aim to defend anybody in advance: someone's innocence or guilt will be decided on by relevant institutions. In the state in which fruitless debates about the past are held, it is time to turn to the present in a more rational manner and not succumb to harangues and hysteria. Politics should loosen its grip and leave it to the profession to do what it knows best: in the case of forestry, it is the management of forests and forestland.Editorial Board

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

Riječ uredništvaČlanstvo Republike Hrvatske u Europskoj uniji, sve veća globalizacija, kao i globalne klimatske promjene, utječu i na hrvatske šume i šumarstvo. Iako u EU, koja ima 43% površine pod šumom, ne postoji zajednička politika EU-a za šume u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine, postojala je Nova strategija za šume: za šume i sektor koji se temelji na šumama. Europska komisija usvojila je i objavila u srpnju ove godine Novu EU strategiju za šume do 2030. Nova strategija se nadovezuje na Strategiju biološke raznolikosti EU do 2030. Smatra se ključnom za ostvarivanje ciljeva Europskoga zelenog plana, što podrazumijeva smanjenje emisija stakleničkih plinova za najmanje 55 % do 2030. i klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. Pomaže i ispunjavanje ciljeva EU-a za povećanje uklanjanja CO2 prirodnim ponorima prema Zakonu o klimi. Strategijom se šumi, šumarima i sektoru koji se temelji na šumi daje središnja uloga u ostvarivanju tih ciljeva. Uz njihovu pomoć očekuje se europski prelazak na moderno, klimatski neutralno, resursno učinkovito i konkurentno gospodarstvo. Strategijom se želi dobiti zdravije, otpornije i bioraznolikije šume koje mogu ispuniti svoje socioekonomske i ekološke funkcije, osigurati opstanak stanovništva u ruralnim područjima, dakako i zapošljavanje te rekreacijske funkcije koje pridonose fizičkom i mentalnom zdravlju građana i na taj način postići najodrživije gospodarenje. Također se želi pomiriti potražnja i sječa šuma u granicama održivosti, postići optimalno korištenje šume s kaskadnim načelom, kao i kružno gospodarstvo. Kaskadno načelo već je ugrađeno u Strategiju EU za šume 2014. – 2020. U skladu s tim načelom drvo se koristi prema sljedećem redoslijedu prioriteta: 1. drvni proizvodi, 2. produljenje njihova vijeka trajanja, 3. ponovna uporaba, 4. recikliranje, 5. bioenergija i 6. odlaganje.Želi se strogo zaštititi sve primarne i stare šume. Europska komisija razvija smjernice o šumarstvu u skladu s prirodom te uključivanje u dobrovoljni program certificiranja "u skladu s prirodom". Potrebno je učiniti sve kako bi se sprječile štete povezane s klimom i povećala otpornost šuma.Strategija predviđa financijske poticaje za vlasnike i upravitelje šuma radi povećanja količine i kvalitete šuma u EU. Komisija je pozvala države članice da uspostave nove sheme plaćanja u okviru Zajedničke poljoprivredne politike. Kao jedan primjer javnih i privatnih programa plaćanja za usluge ekosustava navodi se i hrvatska naknada za korištenje općekorisnih funkcija šuma, koja je u domaćoj javnosti već godinama napadana kao jedan od većih parafiskalnih nameta i nažalost značajno smanjena te šumi više ne doprinosi kao nekada.Europska komisija očekuje što širu raspravu o budućnosti europskih šuma te uključivanje građana i zajednica u sadnju najmanje 3 milijarde dodatnih stabala do 2030. na temelju općeg načela sadnje i rasta pravog stabla na pravom mjestu i u pravu svrhu. Ipak se prirodna sukcesija napuštenih ruralnih područja smatra glavnom silom za povećanje šumskih područja u EU. Donesen je i Plan djelovanja Komisije za provedbu obveze sadnje 3 milijarde dodatnih ­stabala do 2030., a isti se treba početi odvijati od prvog ­tromjesečja 2022. godine. Sve aktivnosti bit će stalno promovirane i praćene, što je ključno za praćenje napretka u postizanju cilja.Na strategiju je bilo osvrta i sa strane korisnika drvne sirovine koji strahuju od smanjenja količina za korištenje, ali i sa strane pobornika veće zaštite okoliša koji smatraju da strategija nije dovoljno jasna i s razrađenim kriterijima praćenja ostvarenja. Već sljedeće godine vidjet će se koliko će usvojene smjernice Europske komisije olakšati provedbu strategije i koliko će utjecati na različite dionike vezane uz šume.Uredništvo ; EditorialThe membership of the Republic of Croatia in the European Union, increasing globalisation and global climate change have a lasting effect on Croatian forests and forestry. Although 43 % of the EU's land area is covered by forests, there was no common EU forest policy for the 2014 – 2020 period. Instead, there was a New Forest Strategy: for forests and the forest-based sector. The European Commission adopted and published a New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 in July of this year. The new strategy continues on the EU Biological Diversity Strategy for 2030. A core part of the European Green Deal, it anticipates a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 % by 2030 and a climate-neutral continent by 2050. It also helps meet EU targets to increase CO2 removal through natural sinks under the Climate Act. The strategy gives forests, foresters and the forest-based sector a central role in meeting these targets. With their help, a European transition to a modern, climate-neutral, resource-efficient and competitive economy is expected. The Strategy aims to obtain healthier, more resilient and biodiverse forests that can fulfil their socio-economic and environmental functions, enable the survival of the population in rural areas, ensure employment, as well as provide recreational functions that contribute to physical and mental health of citizens, thus achieving highly sustainable management. It also aims to reconcile the demand for wood and felling of forests within the limits of sustainability, to achieve optimal use of forests on the cascading principle, as well as a circular economy. The cascading principle has already been incorporated in the EU Forest Strategy for 2014 – 2020. In accordance with this principle, wood is used in the following order of priority: 1. wood products, 2. extension of their shelf life, 3. reuse, 4. recycling, 5. bioenergy, and 6. disposal. The focus is on strict protection of all primary and old forests. The European Commission is developing guidelines on forestry in harmony with nature and inclusion in a voluntary certification programme "in harmony with nature". Every effort should be made to prevent climate-related damage and increase forest resilience.The Strategy sets financial incentives for forest owners and administrators to improve the quantity and quality of EU forests. The Commission has called on member states to adopt new financial schemes within the Common Agricultural Policy. An example of public and private payment programmes for ecosystem services is the Croatian tax levied for non-market forest functions, which has been attacked by the domestic public for years as one of the major parafiscal levies. It has consequently been considerably reduced and does not contribute beneficially to forests as it used to.The European Commission expects a broad discussion on the future of European forests and invites citizens and communities to embrace the pledge to plant at least 3 billion additional trees by 2030 on the basis of the guiding principle: plant and grow the right tree, in the right place, for the right purpose The natural succession of abandoned rural areas is seen as the driving force in the effort to increase forest areas in the EU. The Commission's Action Plan for the implementation of the pledge to plant 3 billion additional trees by 2030 has also been adopted, and the activities should start in the first quarter of 2022. All the activities will be constantly promoted and monitored, which is crucial for monitoring the progress as the planting project unfolds.The strategy has been reviewed by users of wood raw material, who fear the reduction of quantities for use, but also by supporters of stricter environmental protection, who criticize the strategy for not being sufficiently clear and for lacking detailed guidelines for monitoring the achievement. As early as next year we will see to what extent the adopted guidelines of the European Commission will facilitate the implementation of the strategy and how much it will affect the various stakeholders related to forests. Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAOvih dana konačno smo dočekali dugo očekivanu promjenu na kormilu trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. O radu i kritici rada dosadašnje Uprave, Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo više se puta decidirano izjašnjavalo, posebice u ovoj rubrici, tražeći odgovore na različita stručna pitanja, no odgovora, a niti stručne polemike nije bilo, već samo bahato ignoriranje i odmazda, sve do otkazivanja pretplate na ovaj časopis.Za svaki novi početak osnovno je utvrditi činjenično stanje kao temelj novoga programa/plana rada. Stoga dobronamjerno savjetujemo novoj Upravi da si kroz odgovore na naša postavljena pitanja, stručne kritike i sugestije, posebice kroz dva teksta iz rubrike Izazovi i suprotstavljanja u br. 11-12/2016. i tekst UO HŠD-a "Kako Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo promišlja šumarstvo Hrvatske" u br. 11-12/2015., olakša uvid u činjenično stanje. Naše dobronamjerne kritike i sugestije išle su u smjeru upozoravanja na ono što je u šumi nestručno rađeno i ono što nažalost nije rađeno, a trebalo je raditi, no to bi onda išlo na uštrb dobiti koja je Upravi bila jedini cilj, bez obzira na posljedice po šumu. Naravno, osvrtali smo se i na potrebe racionalnog korištenja svih benefita šume i šumarstva, što je također izostalo. Zalagali smo se i zalažemo se za decentralistički oblik upravljanja šumskim bogatstvom, očekujući puno veće ovlasti rukovoditelja UŠ Podružnica i nastavno šumarija, pa i revira, kao najboljih poznavatelja odnosnih šumskih resursa i potrajnog gospodarenja istima. Takav način gospodarenja osigurat će sveobuhvatnu korist vlasniku/državi, ali i lokalnoj zajednici, na što se očigledno zaboravilo. Naše stajalište glede stanja u šumarstvu nikada nije bilo deklarativno, nego je počivalo na činjenicama. Tako i ovdje, zagovarajući decentralizaciju upravljanja koristimo podatke iz brošure "Hrvatsko nacionalno blago" u izdanju Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (HAZU) – iz članka "Šume i šumarstvo", naših akademika Matića i Anića. Kompleksnost gospodarenja šumama u pojedinim dijelovima Hrvatske, koja je jedna od najšumovitijih zemalja u Europi (pola ha po stanovniku), i izbora kvalitetnih šumarskih stručnjaka, ogleda se ponajprije u šumskoj vegetaciji koju tvore 102 šumske zajednice, sa čak oko 260 drvenastih vrsta i 94 vrste drveća. Zagovarajući pak nužne radove koji osiguravaju potrajno gospodarenje šumama i poboljšanje kvalitete naših šuma, a time i njihovih vrijednosti, iz istog članka navodimo kako je njih 5 % vrlo dobre kakvoće, 22 % dobre, 43 % srednje i 29 % loše kakvoće, s time da je 45 % najkvalitetnijih nizinskih šuma ocijenjeno vrlo dobrim. Ulaganje u poboljšanje navedene strukture vidljivo bi se očitovalo u ne samo većoj sirovinskoj osnovici koju je isključivo zagovarala dosadašnja Uprava, nego i ostalim benefitima šume, posebice njenoj općekorisnoj funkciji.Kada smo postavljali pitanja glede kašnjenja ili pak izostavljanja uzgojnih radova i pogubni učinak toga na budućnost sastojine, primjerice u odnosu na našu najvrjedniju vrstu drveća hrast lužnjak, pa i kitnjak (prema odnosnoj brošuri HAZU hrast lužnjak je zastupljen s 14,83 %, a kitnjak s 8,35 %), podsjećamo na ono što smo na Fakultetu učili o toj vrsti drveća, a zaboravljamo ta znanja primijeniti. Koristeći tekstove iz monografije "Hrast lužnjak u Hrvatskoj" navodimo ponajprije uzgojne faze: ponik, pomladak (mlađi i stariji), mladik (mlađi i stariji), mlada, srednjedobna i starija sastojina. Tako je primjerice u starijem mladiku (15-20 god.) kulminacija visinskog prirasta i maksimalni prirast krošnje u širinu, tu se prepoznaju stabla budućnosti, što u mladoj sastojini rezultira diferencijacijom stabala i izdvajanjem u etaže. S gospodarskog stajališta imamo: koljik, letvik, stadij stupovlja i naposljetku stadij pilanske oblovine, gdje od letvika kreću prorjede i dolazi do diferencijacije u visinske, debljinske i vrijednosne razrede. U srednjedobnoj sastojini postepeno opada biološki potencijal glede reagiranja na njegu sastojine (50-70 god.) kada je već formirana struktura sastojine, pa je pitanje kakvi smo stručnjaci i kako smo optimalno iskoristili određeni potencijal šumskog staništa. Na to smo neprestano upozoravali, jer svaki razvojni stadij, a ne samo navedeni, zahtijeva pravovremenu intervenciju, koja doduše predstavlja određeni trošak, ali i korist, posebice u budućnosti.U ovome dvobroju toliko, a u sljedećemu ćemo pozornost sa sličnim podupirućim podacima obratiti na ostalo: o šumi kao infrastrukturnoj kategoriji, općekorisnim funkcijama šume, o odnosima s preradom drva, o odnosu društva i politike prema šumi i šumarstvu i slično. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThese days we have finally witnessed a long-expected change at the helm of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. The Croatian Forestry Association has on several occasions decidedly expressed its opinion and criticism of the work of the past Management, especially in this column, and has sought answers to various expert issues; however, there has never been any answer, let alone a professional debate. All we received was arrogant disregard and retaliation that went as far as to take the form of the cancellation of the subscription to this journal.For every new beginning it is necessary to establish the factual state of affairs as a basis for a new working programme/plan. For this reason we would advise the new Management to facilitate its insight into the facts by consulting the answers to our questions, criticisms and suggestions (given particularly in the two texts in the column Challenges and Confrontations in No. 11-12/2016 and in the text by the MB of the Croatian Forestry Association entitled "How does the Croatian Forestry Association perceive Croatian forestry" in No. 11-12/2015). Our well-meaning criticism and suggestions were intended to warn the public against inexpert operations in the forest and even more against what has regrettably not been done but should have been done, mostly because this would have conflicted with profit, the only goal of the Management regardless of the adverse consequences for the forest. We have also highlighted the need for a more rational use of all the benefits of forests and forestry, which was also sadly missing. We have advocated and will continue to advocate a decentralised form of management of forest wealth. We also expect managers of forest administrations, forest offices and even forest districts, who are experts in forest resources and their sustainable management, to be given much more power. A decentralized form of management will ensure general benefits for the owner/state, but also for the local community, which is something that has obviously been forgotten. Our attitudes towards the situation in forestry have never been of a declarative nature, but have always been based on facts. By advocating decentralized management, we rely on the data from the article "Forests and Forestry" by Academy members Slavko Matić and Igor Anić, contained in the brochure "Croatian National Treasure" published by the Croatian Academy of Science and Art. The complex nature of forest management in certain parts of Croatia, one of the most forested countries of Europe (half a hectare per person) and the employment of high quality forestry experts is reflected primarily in the forest vegetation composed of 102 forest communities with no less than about 260 woody species and 94 tree species. By endorsing treatments that are necessary to ensure sustainable forest management and an improved quality and value of Croatian forests, we again present data from the mentioned article, in which 5 % of the forests are of very good quality, 22 % are of good quality, 43 % are of medium quality and 29 % are of poor quality. Forty-five percent of the best quality lowland forests were estimated as very good. Investing in the improvement of the mentioned structure would result not only in a greater raw material base, something that was exclusively supported by the former Management, but also in other benefits of the forest and in particular in its non-market functions. When we raise questions related to delayed silvicultural treatments or even their omission and to the adverse effects of this on the future of stands, e.g. with regard to pedunculate oak, the most valuable Croatian tree species, and sessile oak (according to the above brochure, pedunculate oak accounts for14.83 % and sessile oak for 8.35 % of the area), we like to remind ourselves of what we learned about these tree species at the Faculty, but forget to apply this knowledge. Based on the texts from the monograph "Pedunculate oak in Croatia", we list the following silvicultural stages: seedling stage, sapling stage (young and old), young forest (younger and older), young, middle-aged and mature stand. Thus, for example, the older sapling stage (15 - 20 years of age) experiences the culmination of height increment and maximal crown increment in the width. This is where future trees are singled out, which results in tree differentiation and selection into stories in the young stand. From a commercial standpoint there are: prop stage, pole stage, pile stage and finally sawmill roundwood stage, where thinning operations are applied in the pole stage and differentiation into height, diameter and value classes takes place. In a middle-aged stand, when the stand structure is already formed, the biological potential related to a response to stand tending (50 - 70 years of age) gradually decreases. The concluding question is: what kind of experts are we and how have we optimally made use of certain potentials of a forest habitat? This is what we have repeatedly stressed, because every developmental stage, not only the ones mentioned above, requires timely interventions. True, they come at a certain cost, but on the other hand they provide immeasurable benefits, especially for the future. This concludes the current double issue. In the next issue we will focus on other topics of interest and we will accompany them with data. These topics include the forest as an infrastructural category, non-market forest functions, relations with wood processing, attitudes of the society and politics towards the forest and forestry, and similar. Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAUZ 20-tu OBLJETNICU DANA HRVATSKOGA ŠUMARSTVANa 101. Godišnjoj skupštini Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva, održanoj 9. svibnja 1997. god. (188 sudionika) u Zaključcima pod red. br. 15 Skupština "proglašava 20. lipnja za Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva, koji će se od 1998. godine u organizaciji HŠD-a obilježavati svake godine". Naime, toga je datuma na 96. Redovitoj skupštini 20. lipnja 1991.g. jednoglasnom odlukom promijenjen naziv udruge iz Saveza društava inženjera i tehničara šumarstva i drvne industrije Hrvatske u Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo. Tako je od 1998.g. Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva redovito obilježavan. Uz redovita izvješća o radu i financijskom poslovanju udruge, u nastavku je uvijek slijedila aktualna stručna tema. Stručna tema ove Skupštine bila je "Hrvatsko šumarstvo danas i sutra". Uvod u raspravu dali su tadašnji predsjednik HŠD-a prof. dr. sc. Slavko Matić i direktor "Hrvatskih šuma" p.o. Zagreb Anđelko Serdarušić, dipl. ing. šum. Kao temu za razmišljanje, navest ćemo samo dio iz tih uvoda i rasprave objedinjenih u 15 zaključaka.Prof. Matić ponajprije naglašava kako je HŠD najmjerodavnija stručna organizacija koja mora raspravljati o stanju u hrvatskome šumarstvu, posebno onda kada su svakim danom problemi sve brojniji i uočljiviji. No, nitko ne očekuje njihovo rješenje preko noći. Najvažniji problemi su: zapošljavanje diplomiranih inženjera i općenito smanjenje broja zaposlenih u šumarstvu; nepotrebno izdvajanje velikih površina šuma u nacionalne parkove i parkove prirode i davanje na upravljanje raznoraznim upravnim odborima gdje gotovo i nema šumara; podređeni odnos prema struci gdje Hrvatske ceste, vodoprivreda i elektroprivreda, protivno Zakonu o šumama, ulaze u šume bez naknade; drvni sortimenti se raspoređuju po komisijama, uz niske cijene a svi se zaklinjemo u slobodno tržište; u šumu nam ulaze needucirani i slabo opremljeni poduzetnici s nekvalificiranom radnom snagom; poseban trud treba ulagati u afirmaciju struke utemeljene ponajprije na profesionalnoj etici; trebamo se riješiti onih "zalutalih" u šumarsku struku, kojima je cilj samo laka zarada.Direktor Serdarušić nakon uvoda daje desetak prijedloga za zaključke; uputiti zahtjev Hrvatskoj radioteleviziji za termin redovitog priloga o hrvatskom šumarstvu; da predstavnici HŠD-a, Šumarskog fakulteta, Šumarskog instituta i Hrvatskih šuma p.o. izrade suvremeni Zakon o šumama i Dugoročni program šumarstva i upute ga Ministarstvu uz zahtjev za ukidanje tzv. "liste finalista", reprogramiranja dugova, dodjela dionica, odgoda plaćanja itd.; usklađivanje odnosa šumarstva i drugih djelatnosti; da se osigura više financijskih sredstava za gospodarenje privatnim šumama i sanaciju ratnih šteta, te da na prostornom uređenju i djelatnostima zaštite prirode, neizostavno sudjeluju i šumarski stručnjaci.Tomislav Starčević naglašava kako je vrijeme da se analizira da li smo i koliko, dosljedno provodili temeljne koncepcijske pretpostavke za razvoj hrvatskoga šumarstva, gdje u provedbi tih opredjeljenja još nema jasne šumarske politike; Šumariji kao temeljnoj organizacijskoj jedinici ne daje se dovoljno važnosti i ovlaštenja, iz čega proizlazi gubitak motiva; kod uzgojnih radova vidljivo opada kvaliteta; doradom planova gospodarenja povećava se sortimentna struktura planova sječa, pa nemamo definirane planske veličine; naposljetku ovu Skupštinu smatra poticajnom za temeljiti razvoj šumarstva.Prof. Joso Vukelić smatra da Vlada RH nema koncepciju razvoja šumarstva i javnog poduzeća, ne uvažava stručna mišljenja, postavlja nekompetentan Upravni odbor; resorno Ministarstvo je neadekvatno organizirano i šumarstvo i lovstvo bi trebalo izdvojiti u posebnu Državnu upravu, kao što su to vode. Posebno ističe nezadovoljstvo društveno-moralnim položajem šumarske struke.Prvi resorni ministar Ivan Tarnaj ističe kako nijedna organizacija nije konačna, pa tako ni šumarska; ova dosadašnja, obrazlažući je detaljno, smatra da je bila dobra, jer trebalo je u teškim uvjetima preživjeti, no nakon 7 godina možda je vrijeme za novu.Prof. Branimir Prpić iskazuje nezadovoljstvo podređenošću šumarstva u Strategiji prostornog uređenja RH i smanjenjem opsega šumarskih djelatnosti, posebice u prostornom planiranju i zaštiti prirode i okoliša, gdje šumarske poslove preuzimaju nestručni kadrovi.Prošlo je 20 godina pa imajući pred sobom ovaj skraćeni prikaz navedene stručne teme (detaljno u Šumarskom listu br. 5-6/1997., str. 323-332), pokušajmo odgovoriti barem na dva pitanja: što se to do danas promijenilo i da li je "svatko od nas korigiranjem svoga rada dao najbolji doprinos poboljšanju stanja u šumarstvu", što je tada sugerirao prof. Matić u uvodnom izlaganju? Uredništvo ; EDITORIALOn the 20th Anniversary of the Day of Croatian ForestryAt the 101st Annual Assembly of the Croatian Forestry Association held on 9th May 1997, (188 participants), June 20th was proclaimed the Day of Croatian Forestry, which will be celebrated annually by the Croatian Forestry Association starting from 1998 (Conclusions, item 15). At the 96th regular meeting held on 20th June 1991, the name of the association was unanimously changed from the Association of Engineers and Technicians of Forestry and Wood Industry of Croatia into the Croatian Forestry Association. The Day of Croatian Forestry has been marked interminably since 1998. Regular reports on the activities and financial affairs of the Association have always been accompanied by discussions on current specialist topics. The specialist topic of the said Assembly was "the Croatian forestry today and tomorrow". An introduction to the discussion was given by Professor Slavko Matić, PhD, the then president of the Croatian Forestry Association, and Anđelko Serdarušić, BSc in forestry, director of the company "Croatian Forests". To provide food for thought, we shall mention only some parts of these introductions and discussions summarized in 15 conclusions.First and foremost, Professor Matić stresses that the CFA is the most competent professional organisation to discuss the condition of Croatian forestry, particularly in view of a growing number of acute problems. However, nobody expects overnight solutions. The most important problems include the employment of graduate engineers and the declining number of those employed in forestry in general; unnecessary conversions of large forest areas into national parks and nature parks and their management by managing boards consisting of anybody but foresters; a subordinate attitude towards the profession, reflected in the fact that the Croatian Roads, Water Management and Electrical Utility Company, contrary to the Forest Law, enter forests without any monetary compensation; wood assortments are distributed per commissions at low prices despite the fact that we all staunchly support the free market economy; forests are treated by uneducated and poorly equipped entrepreneurs with unqualified labour force; particular effort should be invested in the promotion of the profession that is based primarily on professional ethics; those who have "wandered" into the forestry profession by accident with the only goal of making easy money should be removed from forestry.Director Serdarušić followed his introduction with some ten proposals for the conclusions. These include the following: a request should be submitted to the Croatian Radio Television to allocate a fixed term for programmes on Croatian forestry; representatives of the CFA, the Faculty of Forestry, the Forest Research Institute and Croatian Forests Ltd should draw up a modern Forest Law and a Long-Term Forestry Programme and submit it to the Ministry. The Programme should be accompanied by a demand to abolish so-called "finalist lists", re-programme debts, allocate shares, postpone payments, etc; the relationship between forestry and other fields should be coordinated; more financial means should be ensured for the management of private forests and the recovery of war damage; and forestry experts should invariably be included into spatial management and nature conservation activities.Tomislav Starčević stresses the need to analyse whether the basic conceptual prerequisites for the development of Croatian forestry have been implemented and to what extent, considering that the application of these prerequisites is not guided by a clear forestry policy; the forest office, as the basic organisational unit, is not given sufficient importance and competences, hence the loss of motives; the quality of silvicultural treatments is visibly declining; by adding to management plans the assortment structure of cutting plans is increased, resulting in changes in the planned amounts; and finally, he considers this Assembly an incentive for the overall development of forestry.Professor Joso Vukelić points out that the Croatian Government does not have a clear concept of the development of forestry and public enterprises, does not accept professional opinions, and appoints incompetent management boards; the Ministry is inadequately organized; while forestry and hunting management should be placed under a separate State administration, similar to water management. He particularly expresses dissatisfaction with the socio-moral position of the forestry profession.The first forestry minister Ivan Tarnaj states that no organisation is final, and consequently the forestry organisation is not final either; he maintains that the current organisation is good in view of the fact that it was difficult to survive in hard conditions, but after seven years it is perhaps time to launch a new organisation.Professor Branimir Prpić expressed dissatisfaction with the subordinate position of forestry in the Croatian Strategy of Spatial Planning and with a reduced volume of forest activities, particularly in spatial planning and nature conservation and environment protection, where forestry activities are performed by inexpert personnel.Twenty years have passed: looking at this brief review of the topic (find a more detailed analysis in Forestry Journal No. 5-6/1997, pp 323-332), let us try and answer at least two questions: what has changed since and have we all "by improving our work, given the best contribution to the condition in forestry", as Professor Matić suggested in his introductory discussion. Editorial Board

Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?

Tijekom druge polovice dvadesetog stoljeća, a posebice tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća, naša iskustva i razumijevanje obitelji i rodnih uloga znatno su se izmijenili. Pojave nezamislive našim djedovima i bakama danas su znatno vidljivije i društveno prihvatljive: razvod, ponovno sklapanje braka nakon razvoda, izvanbračna zajednica, eksperimentalni odnosi, homoseksualni brakovi ili partnerstva sa ili bez djece, jednoroditeljske obitelji, demokratskiji odnosi između roditelja i djece, zaposlenost žena, očev dopust itd. Osim povećane varijacije u obiteljskim oblicima i promijenjenih odnosa unutar obitelji, znanstvenike u području društvenih znanosti zanimaju i druga pitanja koja utječu na svako društvo na makro-razini, kao što su na primjer broj djece u obitelji ili pitanje stopa fertiliteta i starenja društva. Dok su prije dvadeset ili trideset godina važna pitanja povezana s obiteljskim životom uključivala zaposlenost žena i posljedice zaposlenosti žena za obitelj, danas je žarište premješteno na ravnotežu između posla i privatnog života i usklađivanje posla i obiteljskog života, zajedno s rodnim ulogama u obiteljima i kućanstvima. Još uvijek važno pitanje za obitelji i istraživanja unutar društvenih znanosti, pitanje plaćenog posla žena produbljeno je pitanjima o rodnim ulogama, raspodjeli moći unutar kućanstava u odnosu na plaćeni posao, o neplaćenom kućanskom radu, odgovornosti za skrb i dodatnoj rodnoj jednakosti u obje sfere rada. Složenija analiza ovih promjena, osim što koristi opće procese modernizacije kao okvirni kontekst, trebala bi isto tako uzeti u obzir mjere socijalne politike, politiku zapošljavanja i promjenjive uvjete na tržištu rada. Znanstvenici u području društvenih znanosti posebno su zainteresirani za međukulturalne varijacije kako bi razumjeli i objasnili međusobne poveznice i promjene. Iz tog razloga tema obitelji i izmijenjenih rodnih uloga istraživana je u četiri kruga unutar Međunarodnog programa društvenih istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme - ISSP). Prvi modul pokrenut je 1988. godine, drugi 1994. i treći 2002. godine. Odabrani podatci iz posljednjeg ISSP modula (provedenog u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine) temelj su za analize u radovima koji su uključeni u ovaj tematski broj Revije. International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) International Social Survey Programme - ISSP (Međunarodni program društvenih istraživanja) najstarije je kontinuirano godišnje međunarodno istraživanje u području društvenih znanosti. Članovi istraživačkog programa su istraživačke organizacije diljem svijeta, od kojih svaka predstavlja jednu zemlju. Od 2005. godine Institut za društvena istraživanja predstavlja Republiku Hrvatsku u ovom projektu. ISSP obuhvaća niz tema koje su važne za društvene znanosti (uloga vlade, društvene nejednakosti, nacionalni identiteti, vjera, zdravstvo, radne orijentacije, državljanstvo, okoliš, društvene mreže, slobodno vrijeme i sport) i nameće stroge standarde anketnog istraživanja kako bi se riješile poteškoće koje su svojstvene međunarodnom anketnom istraživanju. Od skromnih početaka 1984. godine, ISSP se razvio te danas uključuje 48 zemalja članica, koje su odgovorne za provođenje ISSP istraživanja na svom području svake godine. Godišnje teme ISSP istraživanja razvijaju se tijekom nekoliko godina, pod nadzorom izabranog pododbora, te se unaprijed testiraju u različitim zemljama članicama. Na godišnjem plenarnom sastanku raspravlja se o upitniku koji se koristi u svim zemljama te se finalizira isti. ISSP istraživanje posebno je usmjereno na razvojna pitanja koja su: 1) smislena i relevantna za sve zemlje i 2) koja se mogu izraziti na ekvivalentan način na svim relevantnim jezicima. ISSP baza podataka, smještena u bazi podataka za društvena istraživanja GESIS Leibniz Institut u Kölnu, priprema paket podataka koji je slobodno dostupan. Mnoge navedene teme ponavljaju se u redovitim razmacima (neke od njih tri ili četiri puta), što omogućuje istraživačima proučavanje međunacionalnih varijacija i promjena tijekom vremena. ISSP označava nekoliko novosti u području međunacionalnog istraživanja. Prvo, suradnja između organizacija je rutinska i kontinuirana. Drugo, trajna suradnja istih institucija čini međunacionalno istraživanje temeljnim dijelom agende nacionalnih istraživanja svake zemlje sudionice. Treće, ISSP načela zahtijevaju da se sve institucije članice uključe u razne faze planiranja i kreiranja modula istraživanja i svaki član ima pravo glasa u odlučivanju. Četvrto, kombinirajući metodologiju ponavljanja u vremenskim razmacima i međunacionalnu perspektivu, koriste se dva moćna istraživačka alata za proučavanje društvenih procesa. Teme modula iz 2012. godine Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge uključuje: rodnu ideologiju; stavove prema ženskoj zaposlenosti tijekom životnog ciklusa; stavove prema braku; organizaciju dohotka u partnerskoj zajednici; rodnu podjelu kućanskih poslova; podjelu kućanskih poslova – pravičnost i sukob; moć i odlučivanje u partnerskoj vezi; sukob posao-obitelj; rod, skrb i socijalna politika; stavove prema djeci; model obitelji u vezi s favoriziranom i stvarnom podjelom plaćenog i neplaćenog rada uključujući upravljanje vremenom u kućanstvu; alternativne oblike obitelji. Pregled članaka Odabrani podatci u tri rada u ovom broju (djelomično ili isključivo) bave se četvrtim krugom ISSP istraživanja Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge iz 2012. godine. Iako se ne temelji na ISSP podatcima, četvrti rad s jedne strane uklapa se u temu modula i temu ovoga broja, a s druge strane nudi i međugeneracijsku usporedbu i psihosocijalnu perspektivu. Dok tri rada obrađuju nacionalnu (hrvatsku) razinu analize, Ivana Dobrotić i Tanja Vučković Juroš nude međunacionalnu (europsku) perspektivu u radu naslovljenom Tko bi trebao financirati rani predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje? Višerazinska analiza 24 zemlje. Autorice istražuju učinak čimbenika na individualnoj i državnoj razini na stavove o financiranju ranog predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja, a posebno istražuju utječe li socijalizacija u određenom režimu socijalne države na stavove o odgovornosti države u pogledu predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Autorice isto tako istražuju objašnjava li bolje tipologija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema ranom predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama. Njihovo najvažnije otkriće je da alternativna Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. Stoga naglašavaju važnost programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama. U svojem radu Uvjerenja o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskih dopusta i značajke povezane s njima Ivana Jugović istražuje stavove o roditeljskom/porodiljnom dopustu i čimbenike koji objašnjavaju takve stavove u hrvatskom kontekstu. Kao prediktore tih stavova istražuje rodne razlike, uvjerenja o rodnim ulogama, socio-demografske podatke, pohađanje vjerskih obreda, vrstu radne organizacije i nejednakosti u dohocima partnera. Rezultati pokazuju da su stavovi o rodnim ulogama jedini statistički značajan prediktor. Što manje ispitanici vjeruju da bi rodna podjela poslova trebala biti podijeljena na tradicionalan način, to je veća vjerojatnost da će podržavati ravnomjernu podjelu dopusta između roditelja. Autorica smatra da je teorija rodne ideologije prikladnija za objašnjavanje stavova o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskog dopusta u usporedbi s teorijom vremenske alokacije. Zaključuje da do pomaka prema podržavanju korištenja dopusta na rodno ravnopravniji način vjerojatno neće doći sve dok stavovi o rodnim ulogama općenito ne postanu ravnopravniji. Napisan iz perspektive filozofije roda, treći rad U ime oca: rasprava o (novom) očinstvu, njegovim pretpostavkama i preprekama, autorice Ane Maskalan, spada u pionirske radove o očinstvu u hrvatskom kontekstu. Autorica započinje od temeljnih pojmova otac i očinstvo i njihovih doslovnih i simboličkih značenja, te daje kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran s odabranim teorijama o očinstvu. Autorica pronalazi prikladni kontekst za istraživanje modernog očinstva u povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna distanciranost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitivnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u okviru koncepta jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Analizirajući podatke o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi o djeci iz istraživanja ISSP 2012 o obitelji i promjenjivim rodnim ulogama, autorica zaključuje da iako je došlo do brojnih pozitivnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom još je dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako smatra da je važno uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva. U svome radu Realizacija participatornih prava djece i psihosocijalna prilagodba djeteta: stavovi djece i roditelja Nina Pećnik, Jelena Matić i Ana Tokić Milaković nude zanimljivu međugeneracijsku perspektivu koristeći reprezentativne uzorke učenika sedmih razreda (trinaestogodišnjaka) i njihovih roditelja. Analizirale su percipiranu realizaciju prava djeteta na skrb, zaštitu i participaciju unutar modernih hrvatskih obitelji, veze između realizacije participatornih prava i dječje percepcije demokratske klime u njihovim obiteljima, kao i neke pokazatelje psihosocijalne prilagodbe djece. Autorice su koristile podatke o mjerenju realizacije prava djeteta unutar obitelji, upravljačkom stilu u obitelji, samopoštovanju, samokontroli, problematičnom ponašanju i djelotvornosti otpora. Oko polovice djece izvješćuje o potpunom poštivanju njihovih prava da slobodno izraze svoja mišljenja i ideje, kao i pravo da utječu na donošenje odluka koje utječu na njih. Procjene »upravljačkog stila« u njihovima obiteljima pokazuju da više od četvrtine djece doživljavaju svoje obitelji kao diktature, anarhije ili post-revolucionarne države. Autorice su povezale veću realizaciju participatornih prava s doživljavanjem vlastite obitelji kao demokracije, s višim samopoštovanjem djeteta i manje problematičnih ponašanja, sa češćim odupiranjem vršnjačkom pritisku da konzumiraju sredstva ovisnosti (cigarete, alkohol), kao i s roditeljskim opažanjem o većoj samokontroli djeteta. Roditelji, u usporedbi sa svojom djecom, pokazuju tendenciju precjenjivanja razine ispunjenja dječjih prava na zaštitu fizičkog integriteta, dostojanstva, sudjelovanja u odlučivanju i primanju brižne skrbi. Naposljetku, željela bih zahvaliti svim autoricama koje su doprinijele ovom tematskom broju i tako proširile naše znanje o promjenama u obitelji i rodnim ulogama u Hrvatskoj, ali i općenito. Isto tako, ovom bih prilikom željela potaknuti istraživače u Hrvatskoj da češće koriste ne samo modul Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge, nego i druge ISSP module u svojim analizama. Baza podataka ISSP nudi komparativne datoteke koje uključuju 33 modula za nacionalnu i međunacionalnu analizu, kao i analizu u vremenskoj perspektivi, a poveznica se može pronaći pod nazivom Archive and Data na www.issp.org. Gošća urednica tematskoga broja: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov ; During the second half of the twentieth century and especially over the past few decades our experience and understanding of family and gender roles has changed remarkably. Phenomena unthinkable to our grandparents nowadays are much more evident and socially acceptable: divorce, remarriage after divorce, cohabitation, experimental relationships, homosexual marriages or partnerships with or without children, single parent families, more democratic relations between parents and children, women's employment, paternity leave etc. Besides the increased variation in family forms and changed relationships inside the families, social scientist are interested in other issues that affect every society at the macro-level such as for instance the number of children in families or the issue of fertility rates and greying societies. While twenty or thirty years ago the important question concerning family life included women's employment and its consequences for the family, today the focus is more on work-life balance and how to reconcile the work and family life, together with gender roles in families and households. Still relevant both for the families and social science research, the question of women's paid job is widened with the gender roles, power distribution within the households with respect to paid work, unpaid household work, care responsibilities and furthermore, gender equality in both spheres of work. More complex analysis of these changes, besides using a general modernization processes as the framing context, should take into account social policies, employment policies and changing labour-market conditions as well. Social scientists are particularly interested in cross-cultural variations in order to understand and explain these interconnectedness and changes. That is the reason why the theme on family and changing gender roles has been researched in four waves within the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The first module was run in 1988, the second in 1994 and the third in 2002. Selected data from the last 2012 ISSP module (fielded in Croatia in 2013) are basis for analysis in articles included in this thematic issue of the journal. About the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) The International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is the oldest continuing annual cross-national research within the social sciences. Its members are survey organizations from around the world, each representing one nation. Since 2005 the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb has been represented Republic of Croatia in the project. The ISSP covers a range of topics important within the social sciences (the role of government, social inequality, national identities, religion, health, work orientations, citizenship, environment, social networks, leisure time and sports) and implements rigorous standards of survey research in order to address the difficulties inherent in multinational survey research. Since its modest beginning in 1984 ISSP has grown to include 48 members, each of whom are responsible for the ISSP surveys being implemented in their country each year. The annual topics for ISSP surveys are developed over several years, led by an elected sub-committee (drafting group) and pre-tested in various member countries. The annual plenary meeting then discusses and finalize the questionnaire which is fielded in all countries. The ISSP research concentrates especially on developing questions that are: 1) meaningful and relevant to all countries, and 2) can be expressed in an equivalent manner in all relevant languages. The ISSP data archive situated in GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences at Leibnitz Institute in Köln prepares a combined dataset that is freely available. Many listed topics are repeated at regular intervals (some of them even three or four times), allowing researchers to examine cross-national variations and changes over time. ISSP marks several new departures in the area of cross-national research. First, the collaboration between organizations is routine and continual. Second, the on-going collaboration of the same institutions makes cross-national research a basic part of the national research agenda of each participating country. Third, ISSP principles require that all member institutions be involved in various phases of planning and designing survey modules, and each member has a say in decision making. Fourth, by combining a cross-time methodology with a cross-national perspective, two powerful research designs are being used to study societal processes. Topics of the 2012 module Family and changing gender roles include: gender ideology; attitudes and behavior on female employment over the life-cycle; attitudes towards marriage; organizing income in a partnership; gendered division of household work; sharing of household work - fairness and conflict; power and decision-making within partnership; work-family conflict; gender, care, and social policy; attitudes towards children; model of families concerning preferred and actual division of paid and unpaid work including time management in household; alternative family forms. Overview of the articles Selected data presented in three articles in this volume (partially or exclusively) deal with the 2012 fourth wave of the ISSP module Family and changing gender roles. Although not based on the ISSP data, the fourth article fits into the theme of the module and the thematic issue as well, offering on the other hand intergenerational comparison and psychosocial perspective. While three articles cover national (Croatian) level of analysis, Ivana Dobrotić and Tanja Vučković Juroš offer the cross-national (European) perspective in their article Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries. They examine the effect of the individual and country-level factors on the childcare financing attitudes, particularly whether socialization in a particular welfare regime influences attitudes about the state's responsibility related to childcare. The authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorisation of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Their most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Families" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. Therefore they emphasise the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. In her article Beliefs about the Gender Division of Parental Leave and Characteristics Associated with Them Ivana Jugović explores attitudes about paternal/maternity leave and factors explaining these attitudes in Croatian context. As predictors of these attitudes she examines gender difference, gender-role beliefs, socio-demographics, church attendance, type of working organization and partners' income disparity. Results show the gender-role attitude as the only statistically significant predictor. The less the respondents believe that the gender division of labour should be traditionally divided, the more likely they are to support equally shared leave between parents. Author finds the gender ideology theory more applicable in the explanation of attitudes about the gender division of parental leave compared to time-allocation theory. She concludes that shifts towards supporting gender egalitarian leave take-up will most likely not occur until attitudes towards gender roles in general become more egalitarian. Written through a philosophy of gender perspective the third article In the Name of the Father: A Discussion on (New)Fatherhood, its Assumptions and Obstacles by Ana Maskalan is among pioneer works on fatherhood in Croatian context. Author starts with the basic concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings, together with a short historical overview combined with selected theories of fatherhood. The appropriate context to examine the modern fatherhood author finds in historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment represent a major obstacle to a fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood, but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Analysing the data on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare from ISSP 2012 survey on family and changing gender roles, author concludes that, although many positive changes have been made, Croatian society has got a long way to go to reach both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, she finds important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. Ninoslava Pećnik, Jelena Matić and Ana Tokić Milaković in their article Fulfilment of the Child's Participation Rights in the Family and the Child's Psychosocial Adjustment: Children's and Parents' Views offer an interesting intergenerational perspective using the representative samples of seventh grade students (thirteen-year-olds) and their parents. They examined perceived fulfilment of the provision, protection and participation rights of the child within contemporary Croatian families, the links between participation rights fulfilment and children's perception of a democratic climate in their families, as well as some indicators of children's psychosocial adjustment. Authors used data on measures of the child's rights fulfilment in the family, family governing style, self-esteem, self-control, behaviour problem, and resistance efficacy. Approximately half of the children reported full respect of their right to freely express their opinions and ideas, and to influence decision making that affects them. Assessments of the 'governing style' in their families reveal that, over a quarter of children see their families as dictatorships, anarchies, or post-revolutionary states. Higher participation rights fulfilment Pećnik et al. find linked with perceiving own family as a democracy, child's report of higher self-esteem and fewer behaviour problems, more frequently resisting peer pressure to use substances (cigarettes, alcohol), as well as with parent's report of greater child's self-control. Parents, in comparison to their children, tend to overestimate the level of fulfilment of children's rights to protection of physical integrity, dignity, participation in decision-making and to receiving loving care. Finally, I wish to thank all authors who contributed to this thematic issue and widened our knowledge on changes in family and gender roles in Croatia but in general as well. Also, I encourage social scientist in Croatia to use in their analysis not only the module Family and changing gender roles but other ISSP modules as well more frequently. ISSP data base offers comparative files that include 33 modules for national, cross-national and cross-time analysis link to which can be found under Archive and Data at www.issp.org. Guest editor of the thematic issue: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov